Saudi Arabia

Yemeni President Abd-Rabbo Mansour Hadi meets Saudi Arabian Defense Minister Muhammad Bin Salman in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia on 26 March 2015. Photo Corbis

It has long been said that the political landscape of Saudi Arabia moved as fast as the grains of sand on a windless desert—that is, not very fast. Kings took their thrones, appointed their ministers, and occupied their positions until they died or were deemed too ill to continue.

The sands continued to yield their prize, a rich bounty of never ending black liquid gold, the petroleum that fuelled the economies of much of the Western world and produced a huge inflow of petrodollars.

Following the death of the late King Abdullah in January 2015, however, his half-brother and successor, Salman, made a series of rapid moves that took most of the Kingdom’s inhabitants by surprise. Within 24 hours of the late king’s burial, Salman ushered in changes with a new cabinet, the swiftness of which had not been seen in the Kingdom before. He appointed his nephew Muhammad Bin Naif (MBN), the current minister of interior, as second deputy to the throne, signalling an end to the era of the founding king Abdul Aziz’s sons playing any part in rule.

One of his most striking appointments was the introduction of his 29-year old son (by his third wife) into a position of authority as minister of defence, his personal adviser, and the head of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs (CEDA), a new government autho-rity that ramrods the socio-economic development of the country, from health care to education to a myriad of other socio-economic affairs.

The long-serving foreign minister, Saud al-Faisal, was replaced by a non-royal, a first for such a key position. People had barely a chance to take in all these changes, when another announcement followed, that the sitting crown prince Muqrin, who had been appointed by the previous king, had been replaced by MBN, while Muhammad bin Salman became the deputy crown prince.

On 25 March 2015 the country embarked on a war against the Shiite Houthis and allied forces of the former president of Yemen, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had taken over much of the country in the previous months. The young prince spearheaded the loose coalition of some Gulf states and other mainly Arab states. The aim was officially to bring back to Yemen president Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, who had fled the country in February, and to force the Houthis to withdraw their forces to their home region in northern Yemen. In private circles, it was said that one reason for the ouster of the previous foreign minister, with over five decades in the post, was his objection to the use of military force. He is thought to have favoured negotiations.

This was a first for Saudis, seeing their forces taking a leading role in a confrontation with other forces. While the Saudis had indeed sent some forces into the neighbouring island of Bahrain in 2011, it was to help quell protests by the Shiite pro-democracy movement against the Sunni ruling family. This was different. The Saudis carried out daily bombing missions on Houthi and allied targets in Yemen but were hesitant to expose their largely inexperienced forces to ground combat against a seasoned opponent in difficult terrain. Several months on, it gradually became apparent to most analysts that the coalition was not achieving its goals. However, to admit that would immediately stain the new career of the new Saudi defence minister. And so, instead, the bombing continued.

Other allies the Saudis approached for support in the fight were hesitant to commit their troops to ground combat against the Yemenis. The Pakistanis, whom the Saudis had first approached and from whom they were sure of getting help, turned them down and instead offered their unflinching support in defending the Kingdom, were it to be invaded.

The Saudi media continued to portray the coalition’s role in Yemen as a necessary deterrent to expanding Iranian influence on the Arabian Peninsula. A Gulf-based diplomat commenting on the Saudi-inspired airstrikes said, “You have to remember the situation in April. Without strikes, the Houthis would be everywhere. The Iranians would be more present than ever before. Right or wrong, this was their feeling.” He added that little had been achieved, that most senior Saudi figures now accepted that the military campaign could accomplish little more, and that serious negotiations with all Yemeni parties, including the Houthis, should start. Indeed, peace talks were launched in Geneva on 15 June, but, for the time being, with little hope of progress.

Others were not so kind. Human rights groups are upset by the alleged use of cluster bombs against civilians in Yemen. While most nations have remained quiet concerning the coalition’s strikes, many are privately concerned.

At the same time, bombings of Shiite mosques in the Eastern Province in May claimed by the Sunni extremist Islamic State exposed the extreme rhetoric being broadcast by many Saudi Sunni clerics. The government warned of severe action against clerics fostering dissent between people of different faiths. The public was suddenly aware of a rising menace within their midst, and many joined hands with their Shiite brethren against these criminals.

The public by and large remained satisfied with a new leadership that has sacked government officials for non-performance or abuse of their positions. The public was further buoyed when the king publicly censured one of his own family and barred him from attending any soccer games, following an incident. They were elated when the king recently stated that no one was above the law, including himself. He said that citizens of the Kingdom could file a lawsuit against the king, the crown prince, or any member of the royal family if they felt wronged, unlike in many other countries, where the heads of state have immunity.

Such statements are music to the ears of most Saudis, some three-quarters of whom are said to be under the age of 25 and who are concerned with their daily bread. While it is too early to assess the value of the changes and forthcoming statements, the young population remains content that the Kingdom is in good hands domestically.