Anett Osztás

This paper, presents formally modelled date estimates for the sequence of Lengyel funerary pottery in western Hungary, eastern Austria and south-west Slovakia. It is an extension of the dating and modelling already carried out by the project, The Times of Their Lives (ToTL), on the major Lengyel aggregation, including burials, at Alsónyék-Bátaszék in south-east Transdanubia.
The present study concentrates on furnished Lengyel graves, using the analysis of Lengyel funerary pottery from western Hungary, eastern Austria and south-west Slovakia. A full catalogue of the 121 pot types identified by István Zalai-Gaál is presented, and correspondence analysis of the occurrence of 113 of these types in 247 graves suggests a seriation for these grave-assemblages. The new radiocarbon dating programme for the sequence of Lengyel funerary pottery was designed within the framework of Bayesian chronological modelling. We aimed to provide formal date estimates for the use of different pot types and for their combinations in different phases of the seriation. We also aimed to estimate the period during which furnished Lengyel burial occurred, the pace of its introduction and demise, the date and duration of use of individual cemeteries, and the intensity of Lengyel funerary practice through time.

A variety of interdisciplinary research on mobility and migration patterns in Neolithic Hungary has recently contributed to the explanatory models of the Neolithisation across Europe. Most of these models were based on a combination of the spatial distribution of material culture or bioarchaeological and genetic analyses to determine large-scale migration and social or population-dynamic development. This paper aims at contributing to the current discussion by introducing a comprehensive and interdisciplinary multivariate environmental and multiproxy strontium and oxygen isotope analyses in combination with detailed archaeological interpretation of unique Neolithic site-complexes in southern Transdanubia. The integration of historical and modern environmental attributes, bioarchaeological data, and material typology allows for the determination of small-and large-scale mobility patterns and subsistence strategies in southern Hungary.

The Sárköz, a floodplain along the southern course of the
Hungarian Danube, and in more general terms the southern
and western parts of Transdanubia, form one of the key
regions that witnessed the transformation to sedentary and
farming life at the onset of the sixth millennium cal BC.
This landscape reflects a great many local and, apparently,
irreversible changes with an impact on a vast area of central
Europe. In this paper we report on some unusual burials from
two of the Sárköz Neolithic settlements and one from the
adjacent hills, dating from the sixth to fifth millennium cal
BC. Having given a brief general overview of these sites, we
will now focus on a few observations which seem pertinent
for each of the three sites, in particular, the presence of
‘unusual’ burials within the settlement areas.

From the Alps to central Europe (Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary


In Moravia, the presence of several jadeitite axeheads has been known since the 1880s. However, it was not until the 1970s that any sustained attention was paid to them, and this was when new examples were identified in Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary, in the south-west corner of ‘the Europe of copper’. As part of JADE2, a specific research project was undertaken in the south-eastern part of central Europe, as a result of which the total number of Alpine imports has now risen to 66. Their detailed description can be found in Annexe 17. 

Within the study region, the spatial distribution of these objects is far from random. One can distinguish between the following: Alpine Austria and the foothills of the Alps to the south of the Danube, where discoveries are few and widely dispersed; a ‘Czech’ group, with a marked concentration in lower Austria and in the east of the Czech Republic; and finally a ‘Hungarian group’, which essentially covers the west of that country and the south of Slovakia.   

The findspot contexts all appear to belong to the early phase of the Lengyel culture (and the Painted Pottery culture in Moravia), and to date to the period 4900/4800–4600/4500 BC, to judge from the relative chronology of ceramic styles and the radiocarbon dates for Friebritz-Süd (Austria) and Alsónyék-Bátaszék (Hungary).

The hoard of seven large axeheads of Bégude type from Villach/Kanzianiberg (Austria) is a special case because, as its location at the south of the chain of the Alps suggests, it may be related directly to a tradition of the Square-Mouthed Pottery culture, phases I–II. This hoard has no equivalent in the south-east part of central Europe.

Spectroradiometric analyses show that the raw materials of these imported items are essentially jadeitites and jadeititic omphacitites, of high aesthetic and mechanical quality, while the use of eclogites had been more sporadic. Independent analyses (through measurement of specific gravity, examination of petrological thin sections, XRD, EPMA and SEM-EDX) have produced similar results.

Using the JADE reference collection of raw material samples of Alpine jades, spectroradiometric analysis and the study of specific macroscopic characteristics have allowed us to identify the Mont Viso massif as the principal source of the jades; items made from rocks from Mont Beigua form only a low proportion of the total. The hypothesis that the route travelled was through Slovakia and Croatia, rather than via the Alpine cols between Italy and Austria, seems to be the most plausible interpretation, given the very sparse distribution of jade polished blades in the Alpine region of Austria.

A typological and mineralogical comparison between the series of Alpine axe- and adze-heads found in north-east Italy (with the reference site being Pozzuolo del Friuli/Sammardenchia) and the two ‘Czech’ and ‘Hungarian’ geographical groups demonstrates that there had been a very strong selection process operating, with preference being accorded to jadeitites and to jadeititic omphacitites in the latter regions while most of the Italian examples are of eclogite. There had also been a selection on the basis of size, with small and medium-sized blades travelling further, and in larger numbers, than the longest ones – with the exception of the large axehead found at Bystročice in the Czech Republic.

Moreover, the adze-heads made of Alpine jades that were imported to the study region seem to have undergone specific treatment. Some were re-shaped into trapezoidal form in order to conform to regional norms of hafting, while others were repolished in order to resharpen and flatten the blades to make them thinner. There was also re-use of the butt-ends of the thickest broken adze-heads. All the adze-heads were carefully polished, although never to the level of a glassy sheen. These various modifications are unusual within the broader world of Alpine jade use and, along with examples from Bulgaria, would appear to constitute a practice that is characteristic of ‘the Europe of copper’.

Even though the finest Alpine jades had almost invariably been selected, it remains the case that the axe- and adze-heads of these materials were used for felling trees and working wood, as is clear from use-wear traces. Above all we are dealing with workaday tools that were used within a domestic context, in settlements. There may also have been a ceremonial use in multiple-ditched enclosures, although this remains to be demonstrated. However, their very small number when compared to all the polished stone tools made from regionally-available rock means that they could not have been available to every man.

The Alpine jade axe- and adze-heads that have been found in funerary contexts at Friebritz (Austria) and at Zengővárkony and Alsónyék-Bátaszék (Hungary) help to shed light on the social function of these tools in the south-eastern part of central Europe. In each case they were associated with remarkably rich graves, even though not every rich grave contained such an object. The Alpine jade tools would thus appear to be one of several status markers for men in positions of dominance within markedly inegalitarian societies. 

In conclusion, the importation of polished blades made from Alpine jades to the study region, as in Bulgaria, would seem to have begun with the general expansion of Alpine products around 4900/4800 BC – at a time before the emergence of a social and religious ‘Europe of copper’. At the same time, this expansion in all directions is attested as much in France as it is in southern Italy. However, in the Lengyel culture, the social function of jade tools, as one of several markers of individual status, was already completely different from that of their counterparts in western Europe, where jade axe- and adze-heads rapidly became part of ritual paraphernalia, and were used in the expression of religious beliefs, as seen most strikingly in the Gulf of Morbihan.

Finally, imports to the south-east of Europe quickly dried up, probably a little before the middle of the fifth millennium, when large numbers of object-signs made of copper, together with specific religious concepts, were adopted within this geographic and cultural area.
Trnka

Les concepts d’échange, de circulation et de réseaux sont aujourd’hui
des  points  particulièrement  forts  des  problématiques  sur  le  Néolithique  européen. Un précédent projet ANR « JADE » (2006-2009) a été consacré aux haches polies en jades alpins (jadéitites, omphacitites, éclogites fines), qui  ont  circulé  en  Europe  occidentale  pendant  les  Ve et  IVe millénaires  av. J.-C. Des transferts spectaculaires ont été identifiés sur des distances de  1  700  km  à  vol  d’oiseau,  depuis  l’Italie  du  Nord  jusqu’à  l’Atlantique  vers l’ouest et la mer Noire vers l’est.
L’image qui se dégage des cartes de répartition et des contextes de
dépôt en Europe occidentale est celle de sociétés très inégalitaires où les échanges étaient contrôlés par les puissants, avec la manipulation d’objets consacrés ou sacrifiés qui touchaient le domaine de la compétition et de l’affichage social bien sûr, mais aussi les rituels religieux, la mythologie et la reproduction idéelle des sociétés.
Le  nouveau  projet,  JADE  2  (2013-2017),  également  soutenu  par 
l’ANR, a été élargi à l’ensemble de l’Europe – de l’Irlande à la Turquie et
du  Danemark  jusqu’à  Malte  –  où  les  transferts  de  jades  ont  été  alimentés  par  deux  centres  de  production  :  l’île  égéenne  de  Syros  d’une  part, où les plus anciennes exploitations remontent au moins à la fin du VIIe millénaire, et les massifs alpins du Mont Beigua et du Mont Viso d’autre part,  dont  les  productions  débutent  probablement  vers  le  milieu  du  VIe millénaire.
Avec  un  inventaire  systématique  des  jades  et  de  leur  contexte  de
dépôt, en particulier en Europe centrale et dans les Balkans, ce nouveau
projet vise à éclairer les valeurs sociales qui sous-tendaient la circulation à  longue  distance  des  grandes  haches  (et  des  anneaux-disques  alpins  à  un moindre degré) dans un réseau complexe qui couvrait 3 200 km d’est en  ouest.  La  démarche  est  fondée  sur  la  comparaison  entre  les  interprétations  idéelles  des  producteurs  d’outils  et  d’objets-signes  en  jade  (Piémont)  et  l’imaginaire  social  des  receveurs  lointains  dans  les  marges  de  l’Europe. L’étude des fonctions techniques et sociales des lames polies en jades alpins, réinterprétées au cours des transferts entre Atlantique et mer Noire, permet alors de souligner avec plus d’éclat encore la bipartition de l’Europe néolithique pendant le Ve millénaire, avec deux systèmes opposés  de  valeurs  sociales  et  de  conceptions  religieuses,  l’un  fondé  sur  les  jades alpins et l’autre sur le cuivre et sur l’or.
L’ouvrage comprend de plus l’inventaire général illustré des grandes
haches en jades alpins (mise à jour en 2016) et de très nombreuses cartes de répartition des types les plus significatifs.

Drawing on the papers in this volume that precede it, our discussion brings all the chapters of the long story of Alsónyék into a single narrative, discussing in more interpretive terms notions of persistent place, community, aggregation and coalescence, with an eye on different scales of analysis and the broader tempo of change. We look especially at the remarkably long persistence of Alsónyék, the intensity of its occupation and the trajectory of population increase and decline at the site.
We begin by comparing general conditions of early village emergence with the specific evidence for the development of settlement and population in Transdanubia and beyond in central Europe, before summarising date estimates for the successive periods of occupation at Alsónyék itself, from Starčevo through LBK and Sopot to the Lengyel. We emphasise the long continuity of occupation except for the gap between Starčevo and LBK, the probable overlap between LBK and Sopot, and the acceleration of growth in the Lengyel period. The exceptional persistence of place seen at Alsónyék is examined in further detail, with comparison to elsewhere leading on to discussion of the sense of place and community that may have been experienced through the Alsónyék sequence. Characterisation of the Lengyel occupation as not only a major aggregation but also a coalescent community is explored; the causes of such developments elsewhere, as seen in the historical and ethnographic record, are noted, including periods of social instability and inter-community violence. The extraordinary intensity of activity at Alsónyék is further modelled in various ways to provide estimates of population and numbers of buildings in use through the Lengyel sequence. The peak of intense activity was probably only maintained for a generation or two around 4700 cal BC, and the decline of the Lengyel site was perhaps only slightly slower than its rise (covering two or three generations in the latter part of the 47th century cal BC). Activity did not reduce to its pre-Lengyel levels, however, but persisted for several more centuries at perhaps two or three times the intensity of any pre-Lengyel occupation.
A search for the causes of the Alsónyék aggregation — and of its decline — remains challenging, though answers may eventually be found in the further study of the regional settlement complex or the detailed history of disease. No extensive signs of violence have so far been recorded. We further discuss possible constituents of the coalescence represented at Alsónyék, noting the frequent houses and possible households and neighbourhoods, and looking beyond these to the idea of wards, clans and moieties. Possible clues to internal differences within the site are noted for future research, and it is only with further work that the full Alsónyék story can be told.

The Neolithic settlement of Alsónyék reached its greatest extent during the Late Neolithic Lengyel period. Nearly 9000 features, including postholes associated with 122 houses, pits and pit complexes, and c. 2300 burials, could be assigned to it. The traces of Lengyel settlement and burials were found over the entire excavated area, with an estimated
extent of some 80 ha.
The burials uncovered mostly form part of groups of graves, actually being small cemeteries within the various parts of the settlement. Apart from the grave groups, several solitary or scattered graves were also found. Other large Lengyel burial grounds or large Lengyel settlements with numerous burials are known in Transdanubia, but the enormous number of graves at Alsónyék is unprecedented within the Lengyel cultural complex as a whole, and provides exciting opportunities for varied archaeological and bioarchaeological investigations.
The discovery of 122 surface-level, timber-framed houses at a single site is also unique for the area and the Lengyel period as a whole. These buildings help to build a better understanding of the architecture and lifestyle of the Lengyel population, which is a fairly new strand in the settlement archaeology of the Lengyel culture in Hungary and beyond. This and the sheer size of the site make Alsónyék exceptionally significant.
Altogether 217 radiocarbon results are presented for the Lengyel phase. For the purpose of analysis subsites 5603, 11 and 10B have been modelled separately. The modelled estimates are precise enough that it is possible to estimate robustly the timing of activity across the site. The modelling suggests that burial activity in subsite 5603 probably began in 4790–4740 cal BC (68% probability) and that it began at a similar time, 4795–4745 cal BC (68% probability), in subsite 11. An intensive period of burial began slightly later, in 4715–4690 cal BC (68% probability), on subsite 10B. At this time settlement was established across a wide area, in subsite 11 from 4745–4690 cal BC (68% probability), on subsite 5603 from 4745–4665 cal BC (68% probability), and on subsite 10B from 4720–4700 cal BC (68% probability).
After a brief episode of intense occupation, lasting at most a few decades, settlement and then burial ended on the northernmost subsite 10B, in the 4700s or 4690s cal BC (68% probability) and 4695–4670 cal BC (68% probability) respectively. Settlement also ended before burial on subsite 11, but endured for much longer. The settlement here ended in
4670–4620 cal BC (37% probability) or 4610–4565 cal BC (31% probability) and burial in 4585–4515 cal BC (68% probability). Both settlement and burial endured longest on subsite 5603, although here the end of burial preceded the end of settlement by well over a century. Burial ended here in 4515–4465 cal BC (68% probability), and settlement ended in 4345–4245 cal BC (68% probability).

To the east of the main excavated area at Alsónyék, a small investigation took place which revealed a Sopot culture occupation, represented by pits, four ditches and 18 graves with the remains of 20 individuals. Some time-depth to the occupation is seen in the ditches cutting the pits, and some of the graves cutting the third ditch. The enclosed area was about five hectares, based on geomagnetic survey, but it is not possible to estimate the entire size of the occupation.
The Sopot culture is normally regarded as a horizon with a questionable chronological position on the boundary between the Middle and Late Neolithic in western Hungary. Its role in the formation of the large-scale Lengyel complex remains controversial. Scholars can agree that it was brought to the region from the south, but there have been different views concerning the timing of its spread in the western Carpathian basin. Some have seen it as an entirely pre-Lengyel development, and others as at least partly contemporaneous with the early Lengyel culture.
Dating within the ERC-funded project, The Times of Their Lives, aimed to provide formally modelled estimates of the timing and duration of the Sopot occupation at Alsónyék, and in so doing also to contribute to better understanding of the context and development of the Sopot culture in Hungary. The paper presents 17 dates on human and animal bone (including five existing dates from burials), which are modelled in a Bayesian statistical framework. The model concentrates on the samples available from the burials, and its main element regards the burials as representing a continuous period of activity in this area of the Alsónyék complex. The model estimates that the Sopot burials probably began in
5095–5020 cal BC (68% probability), probably lasted for 220–340 years (68% probability), and probably ended in 4825–4750 cal BC (68% probability). The model also estimates a terminus ante quem for the digging of Ditch 211 of probably 4930–4870 cal BC (68%
probability).
These estimates help to inform debate about the relative sequence of cultural developments
in the region, and the relationship of Sopot communities to those of the LBK and
the Lengyel cultures. As Alsónyék is the largest currently known Sopot burial ground in
Hungary in eastern Transdanubia, this chronology is particularly valuable for modelling
cultural interactions along the Danube between the northern Balkans and the Carpathian
basin. The Sopot component also contributes significantly to the construction of a robust
chronology for the long sequence of occupations at Alsónyék.

In the central part of the main area of the Alsónyék complex investigated an LBK settlement was discovered. The features belonging to the LBK occupation were uncovered in subsites 10B, 11 and 5603. The location of houses could be determined by the long pits flanking presumed timber framed constructions; postholes are very poorly preserved. Fifty house plans could be identified, most of them based on the long pits.
Most Neolithic archaeologists agree that the western part of the Carpathian basin served as the cradle of the LBK. The Balaton area and the region south of the lake had an important role in the development of the culture and in the spread of the Neolithic to central Europe. Southern Transdanubia, however, has previously been a veritable terra incognita
for settlement research of the culture, despite the evidence for LBK sites from the region.
Dating of the LBK occupation was funded by the OTKA project, Alsónyék from the beginning of food production to the end of the Neolithic and has been undertaken in a cooperation with the ERC-funded project, The Times of Their Lives. The aim has been to provide formally modelled date estimates of the timing and duration of the LBK occupation at Alsónyék, to gain insight into intra-site development and dynamics, and further the absolute chronology of the LBK on a regional scale.
This paper presents 23 radiocarbon dates from 21 samples, interpreted within a formal chronological framework, for the LBK settlement at Alsónyék. The Bayesian model presented estimates that LBK activity probably began in 5335–5280 cal BC (68% probability), probably lasted for 290–410 years (68% probability), and probably ended in 5010–4915 cal BC (68% probability).

The excavations at Alsónyék revealed numerous Starčevo features, over 50 in the southern part of subsite 10B and some 500 in subsite 5603. The overwhelming majority of the features uncovered were individual pits and pit complexes. Traces of houses or above-ground structures were recorded, but no certain house plans could be identified; numerous hearths and ovens were found. 25 Starčevo burials have been identified, with some in disused pits and ovens. The occupation excavated in subsite 5603 was substantial, the largest yet discovered in Transdanubia.

The north-west distribution of the Early Neolithic cultural complex of the northern Balkans – the Starčevo, Körös and Criş cultures – represents the first food-producing communities in many parts of the Carpathian basin. Starčevo sites are now known in the southern part of western Hungary up to Lake Balaton, but there are many unresolved questions about the precise chronology of the Early Neolithic in Transdanubia and beyond, in the Starčevo-Körös-Criş complex as a whole, and about the character and identity of the first farmers of the region.

This paper presents 34 radiocarbon dates from 33 samples, interpreted within a Bayesian framework, for the dating of the Starčevo occupation at Alsónyék. 18 samples of human and animal bone were selected as part of the OTKA-funded project Alsónyék: from the beginnings of food production to the end of the Neolithic in collaboration with the ERC- funded The Times of Their Lives project, in conjunction with 15 existing dates from human burials. The programme aimed to date Starčevo occupation and burials at Alsónyék, and in so doing to contribute to further understanding of the character and pace of the spread of the Neolithic way of life in the region. The Bayesian model presented estimates that Starčevo activity probably began in 5775–5740 cal BC (68% probability), probably lasted for 190–245 years (68% probability), and probably ended in 5560–5525 cal BC (68% probability). The transition from pottery Style group 1 to 2 probably occurred in 5760–5730 cal BC (68% probability), with the transition from pottery Style group 2 to 3 probably in 5595–5570 cal BC (68% probability).

The implications of these estimates for the character of the Starčevo occupation at Alsónyék are discussed, as well as for the wider development of the Starčevo culture and of the Early Neolithic in the region as a whole. The current picture suggests the densest Starčevo presence in south-east Transdanubia within the Hungarian distribution of the culture, with a gradual spread to the north later on. The results also demonstrate that Early Neolithic settlements in western Hungary lasted for a substantial period of time, across several human generations.

Imprecise chronology has entailed a fuzzy kind of prehistory. Prehistorians should no longer be content with timeframes that employ successive units of 200 years or more duration, or with slow change over the long term as their dominant chronological and interpretative perspective. The means to get away from very generalised accounts of the past is formal chronological modelling in a Bayesian framework. The Bayesian approach in general is outlined, with emphasis on its interpretive and iterative nature. The approach combines calibrated radiocarbon dates with knowledge of the archaeological contexts from which they are derived to produce a series of formal, probabilistic date estimates. Stringent demands are made of both the radiocarbon dates and our archaeological understanding of stratigraphy, associations, sample taphonomy and context in general. The Bayesian process at Alsónyék involved assessment of existing dates, careful definition of aims and objectives, the construction of a rigorous sampling strategy, with an explicit hierarchy of suitable samples, precise understanding of the contexts from which samples are derived, and simulation to achieve cost-effective use of resources. The principal material dated at Alsónyék was human and animal bone. Potential age offsets from non-vegetarian diets are carefully considered; ‘perfect pairs’ of human and animal bone samples from the same contexts indicate that human bone samples are not subject to wide-scale freshwater reservoir effects. Dietary inputs are estimated formally using a series of Bayesian mixing models.The sequence of iterative sampling submissions between 2012 and 2015 is described, and the procedures of the five laboratories involved are detailed. Procedures for model construction, validation and comparison are discussed. Finally, we consider how we can use precise timings to reveal the web of connections and successions that made up past lives, adding plot and context to a more precise chronicle to create narratives for peopling the past.

The excavations and ongoing investigations of the site of Alsónyék-Bátaszék in south-west Hungary, remarkable for both its longevity and size, are introduced. Its occupation encompasses the succession of the Starčevo, Linearbandkeramik culture (LBK), Sopot and Lengyel periods, from the earlier sixth to the mid-fifth millennium cal BC. The papers devoted to its chronology that follow in this volume are sketched, covering the Bayesian approach adopted and other aspects of methodology, period by period modelling of an extensive series of radiocarbon dates, and finally discussion of the implications of
results. The setting of the site in the Tolna Sárköz region of south-east Transdanubia is detailed, and the excavation process described, along with the principal features of the site, period by period. The paper ends by emphasising the extensive nature of ongoing investigations
of all aspects of Alsónyék.

In the course of excavations in Alsónyék-Bátaszék (South-Transdanubia) it was revealed on largest late Neolithic settlement and cemetery (or site) from the Europe known today – a part of this site belongs to the Late Neolithic ans Early Copper Age settlement and his cemetery. On the settlement the residues of 80 houses and 2359 graves were excavated. Many of them were unknowns for the research till now. A special pot type constitutes the basis of the present work from two burials, which parallels hadn’t been known yet, in the South-Transdanubian substance of the Lengyel culture. The authors negotiate about this pot type the chronological questions of the Late Lengyel culture and his contacts the Southeastern and Western areas.

Alsónyék-Báataszéek in Southern Hungary is one of the largest late Neolithic settlements and cemeteries
excavated in Central Europe. In total, 2359 burials from the Late Neolithic e Early Copper Age Lengyel
culture were found between 2006 and 2009. Anthropological investigations previously carried out on
individuals from this site revealed an interesting paleopathological case of tuberculosis in the form of
Pott's disease dated to the early 5th millennium BC. In this study, selected specimens from this osteoarcheological
series were subjected to paleomicrobiological analysis to establish the presence of MTBC
bacteria. As all individuals showing clear osteological signs of TB infection belonged to a single grave
group, 38 individuals from this grave group were analysed. The sample included the case of Pott's disease
as well as individuals both with and without osseous TB manifestations. The detection of TB DNA in the
individual with Pott's disease provided further evidence for the occurrence of TB in Neolithic populations
of Europe. Moreover, our molecular analysis indicated that several other individuals of the same grave
group were also infected with TB, opening the possibility for further analyses of this unique Neolithic
skeletal series.

In 2011, 2013 and 2014 our team engaged in geomagnetic prospections on Hungarian multi-period settlements. Our study began with fieldwork at the Tolna-Mözs and Alsónyék–Bátaszék sites in 2011. In 2013, we continued the survey on both sites, enlarging the program on the tell settlement of Fajsz-Kovácshalom and on other sites in eastern Hungary. Our main goal is to discuss the combination of excavation and geomagnetics which provides a great opportunity to estimate the size of the settlements as well as to study their internal structures. The results will be published in two parts. This first report focuses on the Alsónyék–Bátaszék site where numerous settlement remains and a large number of Late Neolithic burials were unearthed. Excellent prerequisites for prospection campaigns include rich comparative excavation data which are useful for understanding and interpreting geomagnetic anomalies from the unexcavated areas.

Alsónyék-Bátaszék neolitikus (Kr. e. kb. 5800–4500 cal BC) településről és temetkezéseiből összesen 668 db csiszolt kőeszközt tártak föl. A teljes leletegyüttes adatbázisba integrálása, tételes és részletes feldolgozása kezdődött meg 2021-ben. Alkalmazott munkamódszerünkben geológusok és régészek együtt vizsgálják a leletanyagot, szem előtt tartva azt az alapelvet, hogy mind a régészeti (tipokronológiai meghatározás, technológiai jegyek azonosítása), mind a geológiai (kőzettani meghatározás, a kőeszközök nyersanyagcsoportjainak azonosítása, származási helyének lehatárolása) vizsgálatok azonos fontosságúak.
Eddigi vizsgálataink eredménye alapján a csiszolt kőeszközök nyersanyagának jelentős része a lelőhelyhez közeli Mecsek hegységből származik (elsősorban az alsó-kréta alkáli bázisos magmatitok változatai, emellett kisebb mennyiségben foltos márga, bitumenes mészkő, szpikulit). A helyi, vagyis a Mecsek és közvetlen környezetében előforduló kőzettípusok mellett fontos távolsági nyersanyagokból készült kőeszközök is előfordulnak: elsősorban szerpentinit, kontakt-metabázit (elsősorban az ún. Železný Brod típus), hornfels, „fehérkő” mellett a ritkábban előforduló Na-piroxenit, eklogit és nefrit, amelyek cseh-masszívumbeli, erdélyi, bánsági, illetve alpi régiókat jeleznek nyersanyag forrásterületként. Elsődleges eszköztípusként nyéllyukas balta, kőfejsze, lapos balta (laposvéső), kaptafa alakú balta és buzogány fordulnak elő. Megfigyeléseink során az egyes fő kőzettípusok és a balták elsődleges alakja között számos esetben észleltünk összefüggést. Például az alsó-kréta alkáli magmatitokból jellegzetes, hosszirányban mindkét oldalán lekeskenyedő alakú nyéllyukas balták készültek elsősorban, fehérkőből zömök, lapos vésőbalták, kisebb részben kaptafa alakú balták, valamint buzogányok készültek. A kiemelkedően jó minőségű nyersanyagokból (pl. kontakt metabázit, hornfels, illetve „fehérkő”) készült távolsági import kőeszközök esetében úgy tűnik, hogy azok mérete általában jelentősen kisebb, mint a nyersanyag-lelőhelyükhöz közeli területeken végzett ásatásokból előkerült, ugyanezen nyersanyagból készült kőeszközöké, valamint a helyi nyersanyagokból készült kőeszközöké, vagyis azokat a végletekig használták. A sírokból előkerült balták között nagy különbség mutatkozik a megmunkálást illetően. Számos, a temetkezésekből előkerült balta finoman kidolgozott és tökéletesen csiszolt, amelyeken szabad szemmel nem látható használati kopásnyom. Ugyanakkor a telepről származó kőeszközökön kopás, újraélezés, használatból származó csorbulások és törések figyelhetők meg.
Munkánk további célja a nyersanyagcsoportok és beszerzési zónák megállapítása és pontosítása, amit kőzettani és geokémiai, az esetek zömében roncsolásmentes nagyműszeres vizsgálatok alkalmazásával kívánunk elvégezni. Régészeti oldalról a baltakészítés technológiai műveletsorának rekonstrukciója mellett az Alsónyéken élt újkőkori közösségek környezethasználatáról, helyismereti és kőzettani tudásáról, kőeszközkészítő tevékenységéről, valamint a temetkezési szokásról kaphatunk újabb ismeretanyagot a csiszolt kőeszközök perspektívájából.
Munkánkat az NFKI (OTKA) K 131814 számú pályázata támogatja.