Anatolia

Having gained control of almost the entire circuit of the Black Sea, Mithridates
Eupator spent the last thirty years of his life engaged in a bitter struggle
with Rome. In the meantime, the Parthians under Mithridates II turned their
attention to the situation in Anatolia. Roman expansion was a danger for
the Arsakid domination in Transcaucasia, Mesopotamia and northern Syria.
If Parthia viewed herself as the genuine successor of the Seleukid Empire,
she had a rightful claim to the countries in Asia south of the Tauros range,
i.e. to Kommagene, Kilikia Pedias, and Syria. It seems that the Parthian king
treated Mithridates Eupator as a natural ally in a position to counter the
Roman expansion in Anatolia. In 95 BC a new political constellation, initiated
by Arsakid Iran, and embracing Pontos, Armenia and Parthia, emerged
in Asia, and the anti-Roman actions of the Pontic and Armenian kings were
intensified.
All the activities of Tigranes in the 90’s and early 80’s BC show that he
was at that time a Parthian nominee and a Parthian political agent. Through
Tigranes’ support for Pontos, the Parthians tried indirectly to counter the
Roman advances in Anatolia and the planned Armenian operations in Kappadokia
were against Rome’s interests. Only from about 80 BC, when Parthia
faced internal struggles, did Tigranes become independent. He took part in
the internal Parthian conflicts strengthening his position at the expense of the
Arsakids.
It was decisive support from the Parthians that prompted Mithridates
Eupator to wage an open war on Rome in 89 BC. Politically and militarily
the prospects for Pontos were good. Later, events took a turn for the worse,
both in Pontos, and in Parthia. The civil war in Parthia, in which Tigranes
was involved, annihilated the previous political constellation of the 90’s and
early 80’s, in which Pontos, Armenia, and Parthia constituted a strong and
very dangerous alliance for Rome.
The power of Pontos collapsed for several reasons, but an essential factor
was that Mithridates Eupator was deprived of Parthian assistance in the
70’s and 60’s BC, and had to rely on his own and to some extent on Tigranes’
resources. Mithridates Eupator, aware of Arsakid power, tried to renew the
old alliance with Parthia but the new Parthian rulers, Sinatrukes and Phraates
III, were far more passive in their western policy than Mithridates II. Until
the wars between Rome and Parthia under Orodes (57-38 BC), the Parthian
strategic perspective did not reach beyond the Euphrates.
When in the winter of 69/68 BC Mithridates Eupator and Tigranes approached
the Parthians with a view to an alliance, it was too late to stay the
course of events and bring Roman military advances in Anatolia to a standstill.
The Romans were able to secure their position in Anatolia and in Syria
without Parthian countermeasures. Later they tried to crush and subjugate
Parthia, but this proved impossible for Rome.

Antik yerleşimlerin Roma Dönemi tabakalarında, kırmızı renkte kilden ve kırmızı renkte parlak astarlı, kalıpta ya da çarkta yapılmış, kabartmalı bezemeli ya da bezemesiz seramikler sıklıkla bulunmaktadır. İlk yapılan çalışmalarda Arezzo ya da Arretine Seramiği olarak anılmış, fakat sonraları diğer antik yerleşimlerde de sıklıkla bulunduğu saptanarak, ilerleyen çalışmalarda Terra Sigillata olarak isimlendirilmiştir. Günümüzde, Geç Roma Dönemi’nde üretilen kırmızı renkli seramikler için Kırmızı Astarlı terimi yaygınlaşmıştır. Son yıllarda ilerleyen çalışmalarla, Roma Dönemi’nin bu karakteristik seramikleri Anadolu’daki çok sayıda yerleşimde bulunmuş ve yayınlanmıştır. Antik Batı Anadolu’nun önemli Ion kentlerinden biri olan Phokaia, bu karakteristik seramik grubunun üretim merkezlerinden biridir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Phokaia Sahil Yolu kazısında bulunan Kırmızı Astarlı seramiklerini tipolojik ve kronolojik olarak incelemek ve kil analizlerini sunmaktır.
In the Roman Period layers of the ancient settlements, there are often ceramics with or without relief decoration, made of red clay and bright red slip, made in molds or on wheels. In the first studies, it was referred to as Arezzo or Arretine Ceramics, but it was later determined that it was frequently found in other ancient settlements and was named Terra Sigillata in later studies. Today, the term Red Slip has become widespread for red colored ceramics produced in the Late Roman Period. With the progress of studies in recent years, these characteristic ceramics of the Roman Period have been found and published in many settlements in Anatolia. Phokaia, one of the important Ionian cities of ancient Western Anatolia, is one of the production centers of this characteristic ceramic group. The aim of this study is to examine the Red Slip Ware found in the the Coastal Road excavation of Phokaia, typologically and chronologically, and to present their clay analysis.

Theos Hypsistos known as The Supreme God has attracted attention as a cult since the time of the first researches until now. In conclusion to the curiosity for the Ancient Civilizations, inscriptions, starting at 19th Century, about that cult are found and according to those inscriptions it has been said that there were a unique religious system which had a tendency to monotheism. Those monotheist elements held in the system, not being able to answer the questions about the society and its origin and
most importantly being worshipped in lots of different region caused that the cult to be chosen as a research topic. According to that, places which have the examples of the cult in an intense way like the cities in Anatolia and the West and North Black Sea region seen as a Roman state and protectorate in the Roman Sovereignty are taken as a center to the research.

The Eastern Aegean Islands are demilitarized under Article 13 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. Pursuant to said Article, Greece cannot have naval base and establish fortifications in the islands.
No international document has provided Greece the right to militarize the islands in question. Besides that except for the circumstances stated in the United Nations Charter, the principle of self-defense cannot be arbitrarily evoked. As for the Aegean Army of Turkey, it should be underlined that contrary to the status of the Eastern Aegean Islands, the Turkish territories of the Aegean region are not under any demilitarized status.
The demilitarization provisions are essential to the accomplishment of the purpose of the 1923 Lausanne Peace Treaty. It is worthwhile to remember how İsmet Pasha as head of the Turkish Delegation explained the Turkish views on 25 November 1922 in the Territorial and Military Commission of the Lausanne Conference regarding the sovereignty and demilitarization of the said islands. He said in this respect that “The Aegean islands, which depended geographically on Asia Minor, were of great importance for the peace and security of Anatolia.”
It should be kept in mind that there is a direct linkage between the possession of sovereignty over those islands and their demilitarized status. Demilitarization is the essential precondition of Greek sovereignty over these islands. It can be emphasized that demilitarization clauses are sine quo non for the Aegean status quo. Trying to replace this status quo with faits accomplis is equivalent to opening Pandora’s Box which is to be carefully avoided.

Dear Colleague,
We would like to thank you very sincerely for your presentation at the international symposium, entitled “Unguentarium. A terracotta vessel form and other related vessels in the Hellenistic, Roman and early Byzantine Mediterranean in Izmir, Turkey”. Between May 17 and 18, 2018 we have hosted c. 50 participants from 15 countries and 34 papers dealing with terracotta unguentaria were presented in these two days of symposium. We ask you to send us your paper, if it deals with terracotta unguentaria. The Editorial Board asks you kindly to provide an original, previously unpublished and scientific paper, dealing with unpublished materials from excavated or surveyed sites or from the museums with previously unpublished photos without copyright problems.

SUMMARY: Lecture-3 continues examining the Neolithic period in Anatolia, including trends, with a major focus on Chatal Huyuk, including trade, shrines, burials, clothing, and other aspects of this site (in PART-2), plus a brief summary of the Neolithic in Syria-Palestine, a summary of the parts 1-2 lectures, and selected sources.  This lecture is designed mainly as an educational resource for college students (i.e., normally posted only on my institution's course website), the public (e.g., people auditing my course), and interested colleagues from other disciplines (to whom I provide copies privately).  I am posting it here, both as a broader access, educational tool, and especially to promote the study of this region and its past societies.  For further knowledge about this region and period, I refer interested parties to the textbooks and other sources from which the materials were extracted (see syllabus), and/or the bibliographies in these works and my online resource guides (see other files in my academia folders).  The lecture summarizes the pertinent materials in the course textbook(s), adding in other data, and furnishing numerous images to clarify information encountered within the textbook(s).  Some generic imagery (usually indicated as such) is posted to aid in transmitting various concepts visually, and/or when a specific image remains not located (temporarily).  I update and revise such lectures each time, with such elective courses normally being taught once every two years.  I try to cover the most current, mainstream views, and usually place summary notes at the end of each lecture alongside some of the key sources used for compiling the ppt.  Over time, each lecture is improved, errors rectified, and additional data placed within the lecture.  These ppt. lectures take many hours to compile, but they have proved useful to many of my more serious students and I hope they can be of benefit to others as well.  My apologies for any errors I may have made, and my liberal usage of educational imagery from professional sources and vetted internet sources (new slides, sources, and formatting, Sept., 2020).

Cataonia which was satrap in Anatolia during the Persian sovereignty, kingdom in Hellenistic Period, an administration region of Cappadocia province in Roman and Late Roman Empire period was an important region for a long time due to the fact that It was located on trade and military routes and on a point where various administrative units are crossed. Anti-Taurus Mountains and valleys and plains in these mountains have been decisive factor for shaping the region. Primary event that increased importance of Cataonia was the fact that Ariarathes III., which is considered as founder of Kingdom of Cappadocia, annexed the region and gained title of king. Although we can find piecewise information about the region that consists of Tufanbeyli, Göksun, Afşin and Elbistan, in narrow terms ranging west to east respectively, antique authors did not mention detailed informations. However, there are lots of milestones in the region that give us information about roads in the Roman Period. Considered as the capital of Cataonia, Comana where settlements are not usually big and common had been an important religious center.

I have tried to apply three criteria so far: 1) Genesis' proto-history contains allusions to historical peoples, shrouded by some well-known mythology in a period identifiable with the second half of the sixth century B.C. and Homeric Lycians comply to this description, because their myth goes back to Iron Age at least. 2) The second criterion is to give a paradigmatic value for Genesis to the Lycian myths in which the fight with a serpentine mythological enemy is involved. Certainly, if the "gestation period" for Genesis was late sixth century, then at that time Homeric epic cycles are a proof that certain themes were already circulating. Leto's mythical fight against Python fulfils this criterion, because she is a mother-goddess that might have provided a mirror for the "the mother of all living" Eve (Gn 3:20). With the due proportions, this parallelism between Eve and Leto comes to rescue the so-called "prophecy" of Gn 3:15 from nonsense. Eve and her seed are bound to fight the snake's seed in a narrative which has allowed the future enemies to talk to each other friendly. Among the Lycian myths which may be consistent with this original pattern of a "talkative monster", we should have a look at what is said about the Lycian warrior Amisodarus (or Isaras, LLES 243, 246; HE 41, 118, 164, 553), who fed the Chimera according to Homer (Il. 16.28). Besides, the Lycian adopted hero, Bellerophon, who slays the Chimera, a serpentiform monster, offspring of Echidna (Hesiod, Theogony 295-308), is available to represent the "seed of the woman" engaged in the mysterious fight described in Gn 3:15. From Bellerephon's myth we might draw inspiration to discover who is the people bound to challenge the celestial sphere in which Cain seems to inhabit. The Gygean Lake, not far from Sardis, the capital of Lydia, was home to Echidna and the birthplace of the Lydian royal lineage (Robert 1982 [1]: 334-352). 3) The third criterion is to check whether the application of a certain mythological framework is motivated by a historical background where to find the underlying ideological reasons. Lydia is the last great Anatolian empire before the arrival of the Persians and also the protagonist of an epoch-making betrayal, according to Herodotus, because Lydians revolt after the conquest, triggering the Persian plan to make a nation of merchants out of a race of warriors. At this point, another work hypothesis can be advanced: the clash between the two brothers Cain and Abel would represent the conflict between two eponymous heroes.

Plaster and mortar samples from Arslantepe (Turkey) hold potential to provide unique information about the lime production and adhibition during the Late Chalcolithic period (4th millennium BCE). A multi-analytical approach including polarized light microscopy (PLM), X-ray powder diffraction (XRPD), and scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS) has been applied to characterize mortar samples from temple C and elite residences dated back to the late Chalcolithic 3–4 (3800–3400 BCE). A marly limestone has been identified as starting raw material for the lime production, probably coming from two different sources (local and brought from a different part of the Malatya plain). Moreover, different aggregate selection and the use of different production techniques were also detected in the samples, which are probably related to the function of the buildings. Evidence of a re-plastering process was also detected in the two elite houses, which probab...

Although the notion of community participation in tourism originates from the general concept of community participation in development studies, the subject of the former seems to have evolved and popularized in isolation from the meaning and scope of its origin. This article reveals that such isolation has ushered in a rigid and simple paradigm of community participation in tourism. This is assumed to be of one form and has universal validity without considering the existence of the different circumstances at various tourist destinations. It is suggested that the concept of community participation should be re-considered in terms of an adaptive categorical paradigm, which incorporates a range of various forms of community participation. These forms of participation are outlined for a variety of abstract situations with the aim of illustrating the legitimacy of different forms of community participation in tourism.

Acemhöyük, situated at the southern half of Anatolia, where four main roads intersect, easily communicated with the surrounding regions and beyond, through its easily accessible position.  Especially, the Acemhöyük settlers, who had established a strong trading network during the Old Assyrian Age, effectively made use of this suitable position. As a result, the increased wealth was reflected in its pottery along with many other items. In the excavations of Acemhöyük, being conducted for more than 40 years, many pottery finds have been unearthed attesting this situation, which is being discussed in this thesis titled as “Acemhöyük Pottery in the Old Assyrian Trade Age”.
In the VIth and partially in the Vth levels of the settlement, the Transition Phase from the Early Bronze into the Old Assyrian Age is observed; and in the IVth level the Early phase of the Old Assyrian Age is observed. These levels have only been investigated in a limited area and for a short period. The most remarkable period of Acemhöyük is the Late Phase of the Old Assyrian Age at the IIIrd level of the settlement. In this level, which can also be named as “The Monumental Buildings Phase”, two palace buildings and one Service Building has been unearthed so far, and in the rooms of these buildings rare and precious finds of the era have been found. In the IInd and Ist levels, the characteristic of the pottery has not changed, eventhough the same can not be told for the monumental architecture. The Lower City/Karum Area of the settlement consists of four levels and has a parallel progress with the top part of the settlement.
In the Transition Phase and the Early Phase of the Old Assyrian Age of Acemhöyük, the pottery with painted decoration inherited from the Early Bronze Age, declines significantly and leaves its space to monochrome ceramic. In this phase, the production of the wheelmade painted pottery begins and for the first time, this pottery is observed besides the hand made painted pottery. In the Late Phase of the Old Assyrian Age the bands on painted pottery get narrower. In this phase, the painted vessels reduce in number, however, the variety of the painted decorations increase. Also the area where the painted decoration is applied gets constricted, especially the upper half of the vessels are preferred for applying the decorations. In the Ist level of the settlement, the pottery with painted decoration looses its charm. The predominant pottery group of Acemhöyük in the Old Assyrian Age is monochrome pottery. Among the slipped and slip-polished  vessels red (wine red) is the most, and brown is the second most preferred color. The other major group, the buff coloured pottery reflects the color of its dough and is wet-smoothed. The Acemhöyük vessels are metallic bright, due to being well polished. Likewise, the vessel types known to be having rounded body shapes from earlier periods, take a carinated body shape in the Late Old Assyrian Age, and this confirms that these pottery vessels are an imitation of metal examples. Also, many stone vessels found in Acemhöyük are imitated. Ivory vessels are imitated as well. These vessel types, utilized with great admiration, were also depicted in seal impressions. The known vessel types of Acemhöyük and their rich derivatives appear in the IIIrd level. The Acemhöyük vessels have a flat appearance and this the most characteristic feature of the Acemhöyük Late Old Assyrian Age vessels. These vessel types, appearing in the Late Old Assyrian Age levels will be inherited to the Hittite Age.       
The most important partner of Acemhöyük has been Kültepe-Kaniş. Most of the vessel types recorded in Acemhöyük is found in Kültepe as well. It is obvious that the Kültepe finds are more diverse. The vessel types of the different levels of Kültepe exhibit distinct differences, in Acemhöyük this difference is not as obvious. Acemhöyük also had close relations with the settlements within the Halys arc, its vessel types exhibit similarities especially with the vessel types of Alişar, Boğazköy and Alaca Höyük. The northwestern limit of the Acemhöyük Old Assyrian Age pottery is Polatlı-Karahöyük. There has been a long lasting relation between Acemhöyük and Beycesultan, a settlement in the interior Agean Region. Konya-Karahöyük, situated between these two settlements exhibit a parallel layering, however differ with its vessels having a dim appearance. The eastern frame of Acemhöyük consists of the Middle Euphrates settlements. The Acemhöyük pottery is native, however it is not restricted to Anatolia. Some vessel types in Acemhöyük indicate contacts with Syria through the Amuq Plain.  Many vessel types are common with Yumuktepe and Gözlükule, situated in Cilicia. Also many vessel types found in Cyprus, Crete, Agean Islands and Greece are known in Acemhöyük, mostly they are not used earlier than in Acemhöyük.

Hatti, Hittites, Luwians, Hurrians and Assyrians: the Foundations of Civilization of Anatolia and the Origin of today's Turkey
First published on 1st August 2021 here:
https://profmegalommatistextsingreek.wordpress.com/2021/08/01/χάττι-χιττίτες-λουβίτες-χουρίτες-και/

Δεν υπάρχουν Χετταίοι. Είναι λάθος παλαιών βιβλιογραφιών, όταν δεν είχαν ακόμη αποκρυπτογραφηθεί τα χιττιτικά και οι άλλες ανατολιακές γλώσσες. Το λάθος οφείλεται σε αρχαιοελληνικές πηγές αναφερόμενες στους Ετεοκρήτες – κάτι που αποτελούσε λάθος ιστορικών παραδόσεων σε ένα κόσμο χωρίς σημαντική φιλολογική και ανακτορική παράδοση με πολλούς γραφείς να συγγράφουν Χρονικά και να διατηρούν συστηματικά και επιστημονικά την γνώση πρότερων εποχών και γεγονότων.

Σημειωτέον ότι τα ανευρεθέντα δείγματα γραφής, τα οποία αποκαλούνται ‘ετεοκρητικά’ ούτε βεβαίως ‘ελληνικά’ είναι, ούτε και σχετίζονται με τους Χιττίτες ή τους Χάττι. Συνεπώς, ο λαθεμένος και ανυπόστατος όρος ‘Χετταίοι’ πρέπει να καταργηθείς στα ελληνικά, όπως άλλωστε έχει καταργηθεί σε όλα τις γλώσσες χωρών με πανεπιστημιακές σπουδές και ειδίκευση σε χιττιτολογία και ασσυριολογία.

Χάττι, Λουβίτες, Παλά και Λούκα: Αυτόχθονες Ανατολίτες

Υπάρχουν στην Ανατολία του τέλους της 3ης προχριστιανικής Ανατολίας: Χάττι (αυτόχθονες γύρω από Γιοζγκάτ), Λουβίτες (αυτόχθονες γύρω από Ικόνιο), Παλαΐτες (αυτόχθονες γύρω από Κασταμονή) και δυτικο-Ανατολίτες Λούκα (από Τροία μέχρι Καρία). Από την λέξη Παλά προέρχεται ακριβώς η ελληνική λέξη Παφλαγονία (για την συγκεκριμένη περιοχή) και, αντίστοιχα, από την λέξη Λούκα η λέξη Λυκαονία.

This extensive book (2 volumes, 134 pages of sources and modern bibliography, 716 pages of main text, prosopographical lists and index, 4046 references) -based on the research of my PhD thesis- examines in depth the administrative and military organization of the Anatolian / Asiatic regions of the Byzantine Empire (i.e. Eastern border and Central Asia Minor) during the 11th century AD.

Moreover, it describes in detail the political and military developments by region.

Finally, it attempts to trace and evaluate the most important causes that led to the collapse of Byzantine sovereignty in the above geographical areas after the mid. 11th century: internal political instability; overexposure of the new established Byzantine border to vast and inhomogeneous regions (Armenia, northern Mesopotamia, Cilicia, northern Syria); hostility of some of the local populations and their leadership to the local Byzantine authorities and (in general) to the imperial sovereignty and rule; Turkish military pressure across the whole imperial eastern border and the interior; difficulty in dealing with the new enemy for a variety of reasons (agility, multidimension etc.); new administrative and military organization (δουκάτα / doukates, κατεπανάτα / katepanates etc.) that had not yet fully established and properly consolidated, when if faced the deadly external threat; insufficient local leadership and fragmentation of command; personal interests and actions that led to confusion, segregation and dissolution; lack of sufficient military and economic resources; inadequate or bad diplomatic choices from the central and regional administration; decline of the old thematic system and the military organization in the interior of Asia Minor; consequent lack of defense in depth, poor regular and tactical organization, discouragement of imperial local armies and troops.

Extensive prosopographical catalogues of the political and military imperial officers, who served in the above areas during the 11th century AD, are also listed (based on the information provided primary by the known sigillographic evidence and other epigraphic material and -of course- the written sources).

[Centre for Byzantine Research. Byzantine Texts and Studies 43A-B, Thessaloniki 2007, ISBN: 978-960-7856-22-7, text in Greek language]

The Balkanic ancestors of the Phrygians, named Bryges by Herodotus, moved to Asia Minor during a period of crisis that occurred at the end of the Bronze Age. The archaeological findings indicate that the proto-Phrygians had maintained contacts with the Mycenaean Greeks in the area of the Thermaic Gulf and that they played an important role in the Mediterranean crisis. Small groups of this people settled in central and southern Greece, and a more numerous contingent must have allied with the Mycenaeans around 1200 BC, in order to invade various regions of Anatolia and Syria. The proto-Phrygians used a characteristic style of handmade pottery, which has been found not only in Asia Minor but also in Greece, Cyprus and the Syrian coast.

Объектом исследования в монографии является Восточная Анатолия на переломном этапе ее исторического развития, суть которого выразилась в отрыве региона от традиций тюрко-иранской государственности (государства Ак-Коюнлу и Сефевидов) и включении в сферу влияния османского мира (конец XV в. — первая половина XVI в.). В книге подробно освещаются ход османо-сефевидской борьбы за восточные области Малой Азии, степень влияния традиций периода Ак-Коюнлу (законов Узун Хасана) на формирующуюся османскую социально-политическую структуру и анализируются последствия присоединения этого региона к Османской империи.

Rolf Strootman, ‘Orontid kingship in its Hellenistic context: The Seleucid connections of Antiochos I of Commagene’, in: M. Blömer, S. Riedel, M. J. Versluys, and E. Winter eds., Common Dwelling Place of all the Gods: Commagene in its Local, Regional and Global Hellenistic Context. Oriens et Occidens 34 (Stuttgart : Franz Steiner Verlag, 2021) 295–317.

The dynastic representation created by Antiochos I of Kommagene continues to puzzle historians and archaeologist. Its meaning usually is considered either in the light of the Achaemenid past that Antiochos so emphatically refers to on Nemrut Dağı, or from the perspective of Roman history. In the first case, Antiochos is seen as an "eastern" monarch and his royal and religious imagery is accordingly decoded as ancient Persian traditions in Greek disguise. In the second case, Antiochos is seen as a client king whose main political aim was to position his small kingdom in a world dominated by Rome.

But for an alleged client king, Antiochos referred remarkably little to Rome in his self-presentation. Moreover, in the mid-1st century BCE, Roman dominance in the Near East was not a foregone conclusion: when Antiochos succeeded to the throne of Commagene the greatest power in the Near East was the Armenian Empire of Tigranes the Great; after Tigranes’ fall, the Parthian Empire successfully challenged Roman supremacy in the region. Moreover, for a local ruler, Antiochos made remarkably grand political statements: he adopted the imperial title of Great King, claimed to be a descendant of Alexander the Great and a successor to both the Seleucid and the Achaemenid empires.

This contribution aims to understand Antiochos’ kingship from neither the Persian past nor the Roman future. Instead, it considers Antiochos' monarchy in its contemporary late-Hellenistic context. It shows that Antiochus' royal representation overwhelmingly refers to the Seleucids (and only rarely to the Achaemenids). It argues that the alleged idiosyncratic imagery and rhetoric found on Nemrud Dağ and elsewhere in Commagene can be understood as part of a wider movement among local rulers in the Near East in response to Seleucid collapse.

The book attempts to present –for the first time in the international bibliography– a detailed description of the historical life of Abydos (Άβυδος) of Hellespont (Ελλήσποντος, Δαρδανέλλια); the latter was an important ancient and medieval Greek city, situated on the Asiatic shore of Dardanelles, at the once narrowest part of the local Straits (usually named "Stenon of Abydos") and in the surrounding area of the promontory of Nara (an Ottoman and modern Turkish naval base, where free access is prohibited). The monograph also detects the  relations between Abydos and other known settlements in the wider region of northwestern Asia Minor (Troad, Hellespont, Mysia, Hellespontine Phrygia).

Αbydos was founded predominantly as a colony of Miletus (ca. 680-650 BC) and had a continuous historical life that lasted about 2.000 years (mid. 7th c. BC - early 14th c. AD). The prosperous ancient city minted various coins between 6th c. BC - 3rd c. AD. Its lively port was used for centuries as a key point for the passage from Europe to Asia and the cruise from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea (and vice versa) as well as a major customs station ("telonion Abydou" during the Roman imperial years, "demosion teloneion" or "kommerkion" or "dekateuterion Abydou" during the medieval period of the city). Byzantine Abydos was also an important administrative center, a military and naval base and an ecclesiastical seat (bishopric and later metropolis).

However, the long and turbulent history of Abydos and its region is virtually unknown in modern years, despite the fact that the city's reputation was particularly widespread during ancient and medieval times in the Mediterranean world. Moreover, for many reasons noted in the book, the settlement does not exist archaeologically in the last two centuries. In short, Abydos constitutes a very interesting case of a virtually lost city during the modern times.

For various reasons, also described in the book, the importance of Abydos had declined during the 13th c. AD and the city was finally abandoned by its population in the early 14th c. AD., mainly because of the Turkish threat in the area. From mid. 15th c. AD the new city of Çanakkale was established gradually (initially named as Kale-i Sultaniye) 5-6 km to the south of Abydos. The ruins of the abandoned urban area of ​​the latter have been systematically pillaged -mainly for construction and other purposes- between the 14th - early 19th c. AD.

For the reconstruction of  the long historical life of Abydos (mid. 7th c. BC - early 14th c. AD) and an in-depth analysis of its numerous and largely unknown institutions, the study relies though on the information providing by the written (ancient and medieval) texts but also on the scarce and dispersed epigraphic and the much richer numismatic (the city minted coins between 6th c. BC - 3rd c. AD) and sigillographic data and other archaeological findings regarding (or deriving from) the city. It also takes into account all the contemporary related publications.

[VANIAS publications,  Thessaloniki 2017,  752 pages,  ISBN: 978-960-288-342-6,  text in Greek language with an English summary]

The paper aims to provide a comprehensive description of Hittite clause structure. The picture that emerges is quite different from both the view of Hittite clause architecture as codified in (Hoffner, Melchert 2008) and as documented in the parallel line of research (Luraghi 1990; 2012; forthcoming).
The paper focuses on two key features of Hittite clause architecture: (a) preverbal vs clause initial vs clause second positions; (b) verb’s positions in the clause, although in-depth study of these aspects involves examination of virtually every significant feature of Hittite syntax.
Preverbal position is constituted by wh-words, subordinators, negation markers, negative, indefinite and relative pronouns as well as some adverbs, only part of these constituents can alternatively be clause initial or second. Contrastive focus is normally preverbal, contrastive topic is clause initial. Two focus positions are distinguished in a Hittite clause – high (subjects and objects) and low (adverbs, adverbials). Wh-words, subordinators and relative / indefinite pronouns can also be optionally postverbal. It is significant that only lower focus can be postverbal, never high focus, even though in the canonical word order both high and low focus is preverbal. No information structure difference is detectible between the preverbal and postverbal positions.
It is shown that non-canonical positions of the verb can be described by two movements to the left from the canonical clause final position: (a) to the clause internal position which follows subject and object, both topical and focal, on the one hand, and precedes what is in the canonical word order the preverbal position5, on the other, producing V-wh/Neg/Rel, S-O-V- wh/Neg/Rel word orders; (b) to the clause leftmost position, producing V-S-O word order. *V- wh/Neg/Rel-S-O or *wh/Neg/Rel-V-S-O word orders are not attested in my ‘diplomatic’ corpus.
The last point raises an important question of sociolinguistics of the Hittite language, namely evidence for (idio)lects.

Osmanlı ve Memlûk Devletleri’nin Anadolu’da vekâlet savaşlarını bırakarak yüz yüze karşılaştıkları, Adana ve Ağaçayırı gibi büyük meydan muharebelerinin yanında irili ufaklı pek çok çatışmanın yaşandığı, 1485-1490 yılları arasında Çukurova bölgesinde gerçekleşen fiili savaşlardan dolayı Beş Yıl Savaşları olarak adlandırdığımız bu süreç; 1490 yılı Ekim ayında başlayan müzakerelerin, İstanbul-Kahire arasındaki uzun mesafe ve diplomasi trafiği sonucu Kahire’den onay alan Osmanlı heyetinin 1491 yılı Ekim ayında İstanbul’a dönüşüyle barış antlaşmasının tasdik edilerek imzalanması ile son bulmuştur. Günümüzden bakıldığında Osmanlı Devleti’nin -1516 Mercidâbık ve 1517 Ridaniye savaşlarıyla- Memlûk Devleti’ne son vermesi sebebiyle sonun belli olduğu ancak devrin şartlarıyla bakıldığında daha farklı bir tablo çizen bu savaş serisinin görünür kazananı Memlûk Devleti olmuştur.