Callimachus

The Latin terms used to translate Alexandrian poetics are well-known in the Augustan era, but still insufficiently explored during Catullus’s times. Yet, I argue that Catullus played a major role in the constitution of the Latin terminology used by Augustan poets.

In his Carnival of the Animals (1886), Camille Saint-Saëns imitates the sounds of the animal kingdom in all their variety. Over the course of fourteen movements, he imitates both the sublime and the lowly, ranging from the romantic and lyrical 'Swan' (XIII: Le Cygne) to the disruptive and discordant 'Characters with long ears' (VIII: Personnages à longues oreilles). Alongside numerous allusions to earlier works (most notoriously the slowed-down Galop infernal 'can-can' of the Tortoise: IV. Tortues), the Carnival draws on the myriad sounds of the natural world as a rich source of inspiration: the noise of each creature conveys different associations, sensations and even emotions. Besides the childish delights of the suite, however, Saint-Saëns appears to have included within it a polemical statement of his own aesthetics: scholars have long believed that the periphrastic title 'Personnages à longues oreilles' was designed to equate the composers' contemporary music critics with the bluster and heehaw of donkeys. The work thus not only celebrates the sounds of nature, but simultaneously uses them to mark out Saint-Saëns' own artistic space.

For students of Hellenistic Poetry, this is strikingly reminiscent of Callimachus' Aetia prologue, in which the poet not only echoes numerous literary predecessors, but also expresses his aesthetics through the metaphors and sounds of the animal kingdom: in just over 40 lines, the poet likens the grumbling of his critics (the 'Telchines') to cranes and donkeys, while aligning himself with the elegant acoustics of the nightingale, cicada and perhaps also the swan. The opposition is even reflected in the very sound of his poetry: as has long been noted, the prologue's sole spondeiazon occurs in its description of the donkey (ὀγκήσαιτο, Aet.fr.1.31), conveying the heavy and lumbering thud of the beast's bray. Like Saint-Saëns, Callimachus thus mobilises the sounds of the animal kingdom to his own ends, aurally defining and delineating his poetic style.

The animal acoustics of the prologue have, of course, been well studied by earlier scholars, and I will not simply echo their work in this paper. Instead, my main aims are twofold: first, I will explore the reverberations of the prologue's symphonic bestiary throughout Hellenistic poetry, examining how other authors rewrite or pre-empt Callimachus' aesthetics. We will explore, amongst others, Aratus' bullfrog and crow (Phaen.948-53), Theocritus' selection of singing critters (Id.7.138-140) and Callimachus' own expansion of the trope in his Aesopic second Iambus; the programmatic significance of animal sounds resonates throughout Hellenistic poetry. Secondly, I intend to expand my perspective and explore how these poetic metaphors intersect with other cultural uses of animal sounds in antiquity. In ancient thought, animals were often regarded as a key 'other' in the definition of mankind, and were often employed metaphorically to define different 'subgroups' of humanity, including foreigners and women. We might think of Semonides' yelping dog woman (fr.7.15 λέληκεν, 7.20 αὐονήν) or the Trojans of the Iliad, equated with bleating lambs (Il.4.433-8) and clangorous cranes (Il.3.1-7 κλαγγῇ, κλαγγή, κλαγγῇ). When Callimachus and his peers adopted the sounds of the animal kingdom for their programmatic poetics, therefore, these metaphors and images came with considerable cultural baggage: the 'Telchines' of the Aetia prologue are not just ignorant and unpoetic, but also alien, foreign and even unmanly. Callimachus' demarcation of his own aural poetic space is thus not simply an innocent case of poetic posturing, but engages directly in the continuing construction and articulation of Greek identity.

Este livro reúne artigos voltados ao estudo de aspectos da literatura helenística e de sua influência na produção literária posterior, abrangendo variados assuntos, tais como épica, historiografia, mimo, teatro, biografia e filosofia. A publicação dessa coleção de textos desempenha um importante papel na divulgação da produção crítica oriunda da "Quarta Semana de Estudos sobre o Período Helenístico", organizada pelo grupo de pesquisa "Hellenistica" e ocorrida na Universidade de São Paulo entre os dias 17 e 18 de setembro de 2015, por meio de financiamento da Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) e do Departamento de Letras Clássicas e Vernáculas (DLCV - FFLCH - USP).

It is suggested that Epimenides of Crete, a well-known Greek prophet, poet and politician (7th– 6th century BC), placed Zeus' birthplace near the Cretan city of Arcadia (now Arkalochori). Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus seems to have been modelled on Epimenides' version of the birth-story of the principal god. It not only contains an exact imitation of the prophet's words " the Cretans are always liars " (Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται) and the same arguments, but also records some of Epimenides' aetiological tales, e.g. on the Omphalian plain and the Mountain Panacra. Cal-limachus of Cyrene partially changed the original legend of Zeus' birth, transferring Arcadia from Crete to Peloponnese. However, some contradictions and inconsistencies which appear in Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus provide credible evidence for establishing Epimenides' version of the myth.

Comparison of ancient accounts of the myth of Actaeon shows that, while the nature of his offense differs markedly between sources, the form of his death is stable throughout antiquity. This chapter uses observations from Nick Lowe and Ada Neschke-Hentschke about the paradigmatic functioning of myths to consider how the inevitability of Actaeon’s end could be harnessed to lend specific narrative colouring to retellings. It uses Ovid’s account of Actaeon in the Metamorphoses to examine the broader ancient tradition, arguing that the identification of Actaeon by name functioned in a meta-poetic manner to hasten his death, and that the inevitability of this death brought with it implicit consideration of the workings of justice in the mythic story-world.

This book explores the representation of the gods in Greek hexameter poetry in its many forms, including epic, hymnic and didactic poetry, from the archaic period to late antiquity. Its twenty-five chapters, written by an international team of experts, trace a broad historical arc, reflecting developments in religious thought and practice, and ongoing philosophical and literary-critical engagement with the nature and representation of the divine and the relationship between humans and gods. They proceed from the poems ascribed to Hesiod and Homer and the so-called Cyclic epics, via the Hellenistic poets Apollonius, Callimachus, Aratus and Moschus, to the poets and poems of the third to sixth centuries CE, including Quintus of Smyrna, Triphiodorus, the Cynegetica, Nonnus, Eudocia, Colluthus, the Argonautica of Orpheus and the Sibylline Oracles. An epilogue explores the reception of the Greek "epic" gods by the Roman poets Virgil and Ovid, and by the English poets Tennyson, Walcott and Oswald.

ABSTRACT.
IN THE DIGRESSION PROUDLY DEVOTED BY POLYBIUS TO «ANCIENT» ARCADIAN MUSICAL PAIDEIA (4. 20-21), THE WORDS τὴν γ᾽ ἀληθῶς μουσικήν (4. 20. 4) have been often interpreted as  «music in a narrow sense«, opposed to  mousike as studia humanitatis (Walbank). But other passages in Polybius (and Plato) show the clearly polemical use of the attributive ἀληθῶς: so «true music» is «(good) music which is really music» (i.e. respectful of the alleged tradition and  useful to paideia), contrasted to the today so-called ‘new music’, implicitly labelled as ‘false music’, since it is devoided of educational and aesthetical value. This is confirmed by the occurrence of the same expression in Antiphanes fr. 207 K.-A. (in a polemical comparison between two musical trends), and by several texts (late 5th century komikoi; Plato and Aristoxenus; writers of Hellenistic and Imperial ages) where the ‘new music’ is condamned as something ‘spurious’, or something which ‘destroys’ or even ‘kills’ the (real) music.  This sharp (however ideological) opposition between ‘two musics’ (the traditional one and the pervert theatrike music) can be founded also in the Peri mousikes by Diogenes of Babylon, who, very probably, Polybius met during the Athenian embassy to Rome in 155 b.C. and whose political ideas are similar to the Polybian ones: in 4. 20. 4 Polybius could have been inspired, among others, by Diogenes. In this respect, it is amazing that Polybius writes, after few lines (20. 9), that Arcadian youth learned nomoi composed by Timotheos and Philoxenos without noticing that these two composers were considered (still in Roman imperial age) the champions of what he could have defined ‘false music’: this could be explained considering how little attention is paid by Polybius to music, aside from the Arcadian digression which is moved only by a patriotic and political aim.

L' epigramma VII di Callimaco può essere considerato un vero e proprio manifesto di poetica dichiarata: il poeta, infatti, si fa portavoce di una nuova poetica, di una poesia erudita, raffinata, breve, e proprio la brevitas, tipica dell’epigramma, diventa l’emblema della norma estetica che regola la nuova poetica “vincente”, soppiantando l’odiata “poesia di consumo”, nella quale rientra a pieno diritto anche la poesia drammatica contemporanea al Nostro, vista ormai come semplice poesia di intrattenimento.

L'analisi del fr. 192 Pf si articola lungo tre direzioni principali: il rapporto fra il giambo in esame ed i modelli arcaici del genere letterario, la sua contestualizzazione all'interno del liber giambico e, più in generale, della produzione poetica di Callimaco, ed infine i legami con altri testi, in particolare le favole di Esopo.

It seems likely that the legend about Zeus’ grave in Crete was probably created as early as 8th or 7th centuries BC, being a part of the common tomb cult in Early Greece (see especially C. M. Antonaccio, An Archaeology of Ancestors. Tomb Cult and Hero Cult in Early Greece, Boston 1995, with lit.). In this time the Mycenaean tholos graves began to be considered as tombs of the Greek heroes and gods. However, some Greeks raised an objection to the new form of the tomb cult. The belief in Zeus’ grave was regarded as downright blasphemy by Epimenides (7th/6th century BC) and brought censure upon the Cretans for being liars. A fragment of a lost poem of Epimenides has been preserved in two Syriac commentaries to the Apostle Acts (XVII 28). This fragment is carefully reviewed and attributed to Epimenides. The relationship between the lost poem by Epimenides and the Callimachean Hymn to Zeus is also discussed. It is concluded that Callimachus of Cyrene repeated all the arguments of the Cretan prophet.

Notre-Dame Déesse & Le Féminicide des Héros est un voyage dans le temps qui illumine notre société. Il est raconté par un homme âgé de culture moyenne, qui s’étonne à chaque pas, et rit, ou se met en colère, comme un enfant.

La quatrième de couverture annonce « Une vaste ‘déconstruction’ de croyances archéologiques au long du Fil d’Ariane : des temples néolithiques de Malte à la Grèce de l’âge du bronze et de l’époque classique. Un essai & un récit de voyage & un pamphlet tout-terrain, éducatif et rieur. À petites doses chaque soir, il peut être utile contre de vieux maux. »

Le parcours est résumé par un crieur de journaux :
« Découverte archéologique dévoile origine machisme, viol de groupe et féminicide ! »
Il a raison, mais ce n’est pas tout, et il n’a pas lu les 13 bonus tracks, ni répondu au quiz.

Après une diffusion ad personam qui a provoqué douleurs ou exultations en divers milieux, nous publions en exclusivité sur Academia.edu cette version de Notre-Dame Déesse & Le féminicide des Héros, complète et non censurée. Nous conseillons au lecteur de la télécharger tant qu'il est temps. Tôt ou tard, un éditeur avare demandera à l’auteur de la retirer de Academia.edu où le texte est disponible en trois langues, gratuitement. L’auteur courbera l’échine, parce que lui aussi aime l’argent.

En el marco de numerosos cuestionamientos contemporáneos en torno de la noción de naturalezay sus vínculos y tensiones con las creencias instituidas por el accionar humano, una vuelta a los orígenes se revela como una instancia ineludible para comprender los complejos entramados que condicionaron el decurso de estas nociones en épocas posteriores. Es por ello que las Primeras Jornadas de Pensamiento Antiguo que dieron a los textos de este volumen se dedicaron al estudio de
las nociones de legalidad cósmica y legalidad humana en el pensamiento clásico, con el propósito de que fueran abordadas las distintas aristas que las conforman, desde las perspectivas filosófica, histórica y literaria. Así, al rastrear la dinámica de los discursos de la época clásica desde una mirada actual, se constata que, como en un juego especular, volver a la tensión entre naturaleza y cultura entre los antiguos es hacer filosofía contemporánea y reencontrar en gestación las mismas vicisitudes que hoy nos desafían.


Índice
Prólogo

Armando Poratti: Díke: causalidad, política y ontología arcaicas
Graciela Marcos: Hombre-medida versus dios-medida. Trazas de la polémica con Protágoras en Leyes IV
José Luis Álvarez - Las prácticas políticas y religiosas y la comprensión filosófica
Gastón Basile - La ley de Díke en las Historias de Heródoto: un enfoque narrativista
Mariana Battaglini - Estrategias para validar la legalidad: aproximaciones desde la épica homérica
Yanina Benítez Ocampo - Potencia, privación y pobreza: una aproximación al no ser de la pobreza y la
indigencia
Esteban Bieda - Lo natural no quita lo acordado. Tensiones entre phýsis y nómos según Antifonte Sofista
Emiliano Buis - Impiedad, sacrilegio y misterios femeninos: fracasos de la justicia divina en Tesmoforiantes de
Aristófanes
Luis Ángel Castello - Una radicalización del nómos: la graphè parà nómon en la Grecia clásica
María Cecilia Colombani - Hesíodo: justicia y castigo; los rostros de aletheia. En torno a la noción de
legalidad
Marisa Divenosa - Protágoras y la autoría de la Constitución de Turios
María Angélica Fierro - La inocencia del dios y la responsabilidad humana en República, X
Martín Forciniti - La desobediencia de los dioses como disolución del kósmos divino y humano”
María Teresa Gamito - Identidad y alteridad en Golpes a mi puerta de J.C. Gené como relectura de Antígona
Juan Gatti - Conflicto de legalidades en Suplicantes de Esquilo
Rodrigo Illarraga - El Ática primigenia y la Atlántida: sociedades utópicas en el Critias de Platón
Hernán Inverso - Diálogos con el contractualismo antiguo: el necio hobbesiano a la luz del tratamiento de la
anarquía en Tucídides
Adrián Lastra - Polémicas en torno de la legalidad y la autoridad política tras el sinecismo griego en la obra
sofoclea Ayax
Ezequiel Ludueña - El mito de Aristófanes en el Banquete, según Leo Strauss
Sandra Maceri - La ley platónica del bien común: el meollo del ataque popperiano
Jorge Mainero - El concepto de religión en los tratados filosóficos ciceronianos
Claudia Mársico - Formas megáricas y paradojas: el naufragio de la conexión entre hombre y naturaleza
Hernán Martignone - Conflicto entre legalidad divina y legalidad humana en el Hipólito de Eurípides
Carlos Martín - La ciudad de los individuos: la justicia social y la oikonomía de la pólis
Luciana Martínez-Laura Pelegrin - Alma y Tiempo en Física IV
Gabriel Martino - Providencia divina y circunstancias humanas en la concepción plotiniana de la acción
voluntaria
Pablo Marzocca - Las nociones de acto y potencia a la luz de la polémica con Diodoro Crono
Gariel Masip - Nómos y phýsis en Heráclito
Gabriela Müller - Dios y materia: los principios del universo y del hombre en la filosofía de Numenio
Daniel Perrone - La tesis del oikeîos lógos entendida como una respuesta nominalista al problema de los
universales
Andrés Racket - Concepciones del lógos en el Filoctetes de Sófocles
Gabriela Rossi - ¿Sostiene Aristóteles que la teleología natural es antropocéntrica?
Silvina Schvartz-Patricia Fernández - Transgrediendo la ley del Hades: Aristófanes y Calímaco
Claudia Seggiaro - Las leyes de la pólis en el Protréptico de Aristóteles
Malena Tonelli - Eros y psykhé en la interpretación plotiniana del Banquete de Platón. Un análisis de Enéada III 5
Florencia Zayas - La teoría aristotélica de las virtudes: acerca de la acción edípica como modelo de responsabilidad
humana
Gustavo Zito - El silogismo práctico en Aristóteles. Su esencia e inexistencia

À côté de la racine i.-e. *h₁lengʷʰ- (v. i. RAṀH ‘aller vite’, germ. *lung(w)ra- ‘rapide’), gr. ἐλαφρός ‘léger’), l’arménien lanǰk‘ ‘poitrine’ < *‘poumons’ montre que la racine de l’adjectif ‘léger’ (gr. ἐλαχύς ‘petit’, lat. leuis) était *leng(ʷ)ʰ-, sans laryngale initiale et avec nasale. L’article passe en revue les représentants européens des deux racines, notamment leurs contaminations mutuelles en grec et les formes sans nasale.

Pour les produits lat. leuis, celt. *lagu-, sl. lьgъkъ, l’hypothèse proposée est que le résultat régulier de *ln̩C-, à savoir *lenC-, *lanC-, *linC- respectivement, avec syllabe lourde, a été dévié dans ce mot en *leC-, *laC-, *liC- avec syllabe légère, pour des raisons d’adéquation phonosymbolique. Ce facteur n’aurait cependant pas pu supprimer la nasale après coup ; le processus irrégulier a dû être simultané à la loi phonétique *n̩ > *Vn.

La famille de l’adjectif i.-e. *mr̩g₁h-ú-‘court’ comprend non seulement le latin breuis ‘id.’, mais aussi l’arménien merj ‘près’ (Lamberterie 1990). La discordance entre les deux vocalismes ne résulte pas du Schwebeablaut (qui n’existe pas), mais peut s’expliquer par une innovation soit arménienne (métathèse analogique d’un adjectif *marj-u-), soit plutôt latine (*r̩ > *ro au lieu de *or pour conserver une première syllabe brève, pour conserver l’adéquation phonosymbolique, puis influence de l’adjectif ‘léger’), car l’indo-européen n’avait peut-être pas de racines en *mre-.

"La vita e la personalità letteraria di Istro sono difficili da ricostruire a causa della povertà di notizie conservate dalla tradizione. L’unica fonte che riporta informazioni significative è la Suda, che definisce Istro schiavo e allievo di Callimaco, oltre ad attribuirgli un’origine pafia e a registrarne l’attività di poligrafo.

Ciò nonostante, gli autori antichi hanno conservato ben settantasette frammenti attribuibili a più di diciassette opere di Istro. Essi coprono svariati argomenti di carattere letterario e storico-antiquario, rivelando tratti che fanno del nostro autore un tipico rappresentante della scuola callimachea e della cultura alessandrina. Tra i frammenti conservati spiccano gli oltre trenta frustuli riguardanti tematiche afferenti alle antichità ateniesi, che la tradizione attribuisce parzialmente a un’opera intitolata Raccolta delle Atthides.

Questo volume è il primo di una nuova edizione dei frammenti di Istro: esso comprende le testimonianze e trentotto frammenti degli scritti su Atene e l’Attica. L’opera sarà completata da un secondo volume contenente i frustuli delle altre opere del Callimacheo. Questa edizione – che segue quella di Felix Jacoby nei Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker – si ispira a criteri e metodologie moderne e tiene conto dei nuovi risultati delle ricerche sulla letteratura frammentaria.

La scelta di isolare i frammenti su Atene dipende anzitutto dal fatto che la metà dei frammenti di Istro riguarda questa materia. Anche se il criterio numerico non è metodologicamente corretto per la valutazione delle opere frammentarie, è indubbio che gli interessi di Istro per le antichità ateniesi ricoprirono una parte consistente delle sue ricerche all’interno della biblioteca di Alessandria. Nel contempo, la varietà dei soggetti affrontati dal Callimacheo e le curiosità che ha raccolto possono risultare utili a qualunque studioso moderno interessato ad Atene e all’Attica, e si è pensato che solo in un’opera monografica questi temi potessero trovare spazio e rilievo adeguato.

Infine, la motivazione più importante deriva da una delle caratteristiche della collana I Frammenti degli Storici Greci, il cui piano editoriale prevede la pubblicazione degli scritti di tutti gli Attidografi. L’edizione dei frammenti di Istro su Atene intende dunque essere un completamento di questa sezione, avendo egli redatto un’opera che i testimoni definiscono come una raccolta delle Atthides ed essendo particolarmente discusso il suo contributo alla ricerca e alla conservazione del materiale attidografico."

The Homeric episode where Helenos listens to the dialogue between Apollo and Athena, metamorphosed into vultures sitting on an oak tree (Il. VII 17-60), could be a model for the garrula cornix digression in Callimachusí Hecale (frr. 70-74 H.). A comparison with Ap. Rh. III 927-939 and Nonn. D. III 97-122 follows, both of which develop the speaking crow motif in the epos.

In this paper, I explore how Greek and Roman poets alluded to the lamentatory background of elegy through the figures of the swan and the nightingale. After surveying the ancient association of elegy and lament (Section I) and the common metapoetic function of birds from Homer onwards (Section II), I analyse Hellenistic and Roman examples where the nightingale (Section III) and swan (Section IV) emerge as symbols of elegiac poetics. The legends associated with both birds rendered them natural models of lamentation. But besides this thematic association, I consider the ancient terms used to describe their song, especially its shrillness (λιγυρότης/liquiditas) and sweetness (γλυκύτης/dulcedo) (Section V). I demonstrate how these two terms connect birdsong, lament and elegiac poetry in a tightly packed nexus. These birds proved perfect emblems of elegy not only in their constant lamentation, but also in the very sound and nature of their song.

In this study, I analyze the poetics of Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. 330–390 AD), who was one of the first Christian poets writing in Greek to leave an extensive corpus of poetry (about 17,000 lines). Gregory’s work is striking not only for its breadth but also for its wide variety of themes and metrical schemes. As my focal point, I have chosen Gregory’s reception and adaptation of the poetry and poetics of Callimachus of Cyrene (ca. 290–230 BC). Callimachus was the first poet in the western tradition to enunciate an aesthetic and came to typify for subsequent authors an approach to poetry that privileged finely-wrought, compressed, and erudite compositions. I argue that for Gregory, Callimachus’ works are more than simply one more source to exploit for nice turns of phrase; rather, Callimachus pervasively shapes Gregory’s entire approach to poetic composition. This is seen not only in Gregory’s allusions to Callimachean works, which are numerous and occur quite frequently in programmatic contexts, but also in features of Gregory’s work like poikilia (variety) and a strong authorial persona that have their best precedent in Callimachus’ variegated oeuvre.

In chapter one, I survey Callimachus’ reception in the second and third centuries AD. By examining the three most extensive works of hexametric didactic extant from this period (Dionysius’ Periegesis, Oppian’s Halieutica, and ps.-Oppian’s Cynegetica), I argue that Callimachus is a uniquely useful influence for probing how later poets create their poetic personae and enunciate their own aesthetic. Chapters 2–5 treat Gregory’s poetry. I have organized them around four traits that scholars have consistently associated with Callimachean poetry: originality, fineness (leptotēs), erudition, and self-awareness. In chapter two, I show how Gregory adapts the untrodden path motif found in the prologue to Callimachus’ Aetia. I contend that Gregory’s formal experimentation should be regarded as a deliberate embrace of Callimachean polyeideia. Chapter three has as its subject Gregory’s poetic style. I show that for Gregory, Callimachus typifies the concise and technically capable poet, as Gregory consistently advocates for concise speech through allusions to Callimachus’ works. In the fourth chapter, I attend to Gregory’s erudition. His self-proclaimed mastery of both pagan and Christian literature is a foundational aspect of his poetic persona. Though the patent didactic intent in some of Gregory’s verse is at odds with Callimachus’ practice, I argue that when Gregory deploys erudition for polemical and cultural ends he fits neatly within the tradition of Alexandrian didactic. In chapter five, I consider Gregory’s poetic self-awareness. I argue that, following Callimachean precedent, Gregory created sequences of multiple poems thematically linked by ring-compositions and self-allusions. I conclude that Gregory edited his poems much more extensively than has previously been recognized. My work illuminates on the one hand how pervasively Callimachus shapes Gregory’s approach to poetic composition. Yet I have also identified a number of significant ways in which Gregory consciously departs from his Callimachean model.

In this paper, I study Moero of Byzantium as an important predecessor of later Hellenistic poets. I explore Moero’s engagement with scholarly debate, analyse her detailed generic play, and close by considering her possible direct influence on the work of Callimachus and his peers. Moero appears to have foreshadowed key features of Callimachus’ poetics, not only in her approach to myth and genre, but also in her aesthetics and self-styling. Her poetry was learned, allusive and generically experimental; it revelled in scholarly debate, untraditional myths and aetiological narratives; and it may even have foreshadowed the Aetia prologue with a scene of youthful divine inspiration.

El principal objetivo de esta tesis consiste en analizar los modos en que la primera persona se inscribe en la poesía yámbica de la Grecia arcaica y helenística, para lo cual se abordan en particular las producciones de los reconocidos yambógrafos Arquíloco de Paros (c. 660 a. C.), Hiponacte de Éfeso (c. 500 a. C.) y Calímaco de Cirene (c. 310-244 a. C.). Con este propósito, se investigan los procesos de producción, transmisión y recepción de lo que tradicionalmente se conoce como “yo lírico” o “persona poética”, es decir, una voz que se manifiesta en primera persona en una composición dada y que se interpreta como dramatización de la figura del poeta. Partiendo de implicancias teóricas y metodológicas diferentes a la perspectiva tradicional en que se acuñaron estos términos, el presente proyecto postula específicamente el concepto de persona yámbica, entendido como un determinado tipo de máscara (πρόσωπον) propia de este género, que regula la legalidad del ‘yo’ en una tonalidad que puede ir desde un anclaje intimista, expresión en clave autobiográfica, hasta un artilugio de distanciamiento mediante el cual el ‘yo’ aparece bajo el disfraz de un personaje ficticio, de una figura típica o, probablemente, de personas reales pertenecientes al entorno social del poeta.
El desarrollo de la presente investigación se ha estructurado de la siguiente manera: en este capítulo introductorio (capítulo 1) se puntualizan las características del género yámbico, sobre todo en su período arcaico. Por un lado, ahondamos en lo atinente al trasfondo mítico y religioso de esta particular forma poética. En particular, nos remontamos a las relaciones que entabla en sus orígenes con los cultos eleusinos y dionisíacos, porque estos resultan fundamentales para entender los rasgos estructurales de su composición. Con este objetivo, se indaga en la figura de la mítica Ἰάμβη (Hymn. Hom. Dem. 122) como αἴτιον retrospectivo del ἴαμβος y en las asociaciones etimológicas y genéricas que el ἴαμβος mantiene con otras expresiones festivas ligadas al ámbito dionisíaco, concretamente: δυθύραμβος, θρίαμβος e ἴθυμβος. Por otro lado, se presentan las justificaciones y fundamentos del corpus seleccionado y las perspectivas teóricas y metodológicas seleccionadas para el análisis de los textos poéticos. En los tres capítulos siguientes (capítulos 2, 3 y 4) se desarrolla el estudio sistemático del corpus yambográfico. Al final de cada sección se consignan los resultados parciales sobre la escenografía enuncivo-enunciativa mediante un esquema que permite visualizar los distintos actantes y actores que intervienen en cada poema y sus relaciones de identidad. En estas secciones se realiza también una caracterización del enunciador a partir del concepto de persona yámbica, como máscara lingüística particular que posibilita la funcionalidad de este género poético. Por último, en el capítulo 5 se presentan las conclusiones finales considerando diacrónicamente las diferencias y similitudes entre las personas yámbicas de Arquíloco, Hiponacte y Calímaco, y entre las funciones particulares en el período arcaico y el helenístico.