Florian Grosser
University of Chicago, The College, Department Member
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Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Social Philosophy, Moral and Political Philosophy, History of Political Thought, and 19 moreRefugee Studies, Migration Studies, Refugees and Forced Migration Studies, Philosophy Of Race, Continental Philosophy, Critical Theory, Existentialism, Phenomenology, Political Phenomenology, Postfoundationalism, Hannah Arendt, Martin Heidegger, Émmanuel Lévinas, Aesthetics, Philosophy of Art, 20th century Avant-Garde, Philosophy and Literature, Philosophy of Technology, and Philosophy of the City edit
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The contributions selected for this special issue address the topic of borders, bordering, and border regimes from a variety of thematic, methodological, and disciplinary perspectives. While normative political philosophy and theory... more
The contributions selected for this special issue address the topic of borders, bordering, and border regimes from a variety of thematic, methodological, and disciplinary perspectives. While normative political philosophy and theory rarely recognize borders as a discrete problem or operate with traditional conceptions that understand borders as static separating lines constitutive of territorial states, the texts assembled here seek to determine borders more precisely in their current forms and effects in order to develop alternative theoretical approaches on this basis. The central question is how the increasing mobility of borders – a mobility that is not only the result of newly configured politico-juridical measures and institutions but also of new control technologies – affects the understanding of state sovereignty, democratic legitimacy, or human rights.
Research Interests:
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The contributions selected for this special issue address the topic of borders, bordering, and border regimes from a variety of thematic, methodological, and disciplinary perspectives. While normative political philosophy and theory... more
The contributions selected for this special issue address the topic of borders, bordering, and border regimes from a variety of thematic, methodological, and disciplinary perspectives. While normative political philosophy and theory rarely recognize borders as a discrete problem or operate with traditional conceptions that understand borders as static separating lines constitutive of territorial states, the texts assembled here seek to determine borders more precisely in their current forms and effects in order to develop alternative theoretical approaches on this basis. The central question is how the increasing mobility of borders – a mobility that is not only the result of newly configured politico-juridical measures and institutions but also of new control technologies – affects the understanding of state sovereignty, democratic legitimacy, or human rights. This introduction discusses certain significant phenomena of bordering that have recently been made particularly visible by the Covid-19 pandemic; it also outlines basic features of a new politico-theoretical thinking on borders. In addition, it provides synopses of the seven contributions to this special issue.
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This paper offers a critical analysis of the role of political theology in contemporary political praxis and theory. In particular, it examines the idea that a retrieval of politico-theological thinking can counter what some theorists... more
This paper offers a critical analysis of the role of political theology in contemporary political praxis and theory. In particular, it examines the idea that a retrieval of politico-theological thinking can counter what some theorists describe as the disorienting effects of 'postmodern relativism'. With a focus on the United States, the paper first shows that the political landscape there attests to an excessive political theology that is 'messianic' in structure and that carries markedly Schmittian traits on the level of its content as it detaches decisionmaking from prudential and ethical concerns. Subsequently, it argues that the fact that 'new political theology' in its currently dominant (messianic, decisionist, and conflictual) form is incompatible with cornerstones of what Hannah Arendt defines as 'real democracy' does not preclude a different return to conceptual resources provided by the politico-theological tradition: This productive alternative is elaborated with the help of Arendt's reinterpretation of two notions central to Schmitt's discourse, sovereignty and the miracle.
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This article gives an overview of differing paradigms at the center of contemporary politico-philosophical discourses on forced migration. Focusing on two predominant approaches to refugee politics that revolve around the paradigms of... more
This article gives an overview of differing paradigms at the center of contemporary politico-philosophical discourses on forced migration. Focusing on two predominant approaches to refugee politics that revolve around the paradigms of inclusion and of alterity respectively, it reconstructs and, subsequently, critically assesses key assumptions and concepts these approaches build on as well as political positions they lead to and concrete policies they justify. In particular, the critique concentrates on their individualist bias, which is reflected in the emphasis of inclusion theories on the citizen as the essential, sovereign political subject and of alterity theories on the host as the essential, sovereign ethical subject. It will be argued that, as a consequence of this bias, the inclusion and alterity approaches run the risk of, among other things, reproducing and reinforcing asymmetrical relationships of power promoted by existing politico-legal regimes that regulate forced migration; regimes that tend to take refugees, both in terms of their (political and moral) consideration and their (political and legal) treatment, as a masse de manœuvre. It is against the background of this problematization that the final section of the article outlines an alternative way of thinking about refugee politics: Shifting to a communal angle, it points to possibilities of conceptually grasping modes of encounter, coexistence, and interaction between the long-established (i.e., citizens) and the new arrivals (i.e., refugees) – between ‘strangers’ who do not have a common political, ideological, or religious, historical, cultural, or ethnic ground ab initio. Based on a modified concept of solidarity – understood as synergetic, i.e. as a bond that emerges in common endeavors of ‘world-building’ – it thus suggests a reconceptualization of democratic citizenship and civil community consistent with present phenomena of migration.
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In light of the marked heterogeneity of the ways in which thinkers such as Thomas Paine (1737–1809), J.A.N. de Condorcet (1743–1794), Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), G.W.F. Hegel (1770–1831), Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876), Karl Marx (1818–1883),... more
In light of the marked heterogeneity of the ways in which thinkers such as Thomas Paine (1737–1809), J.A.N. de Condorcet (1743–1794), Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), G.W.F. Hegel (1770–1831), Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876), Karl Marx (1818–1883), Hannah Arendt (1906–1975), or Michel Foucault (1926–1984) reflect on the possibilities and conditions of radically transforming political and social structures, this entry concentrates on a set of key questions confronted by all these theories of revolution. Most notably, these questions pertain to the problems of the new, of violence, and of freedom, the problems of the revolutionary subject, the revolutionary object or target, and of the extension (both in the temporal and spatial sense) of revolution. In covering these problems in turn, it is the goal of this article to outline substantial arguments, analyses, and aporias that shape modern and contemporary debates and, thereby, to indicate important conceptual and normative issues concerning revolution.
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The paper concerns Hannah Arendt's attempt to identify both historical types and conceptual understandings of revolution that can be considered to be genuinely 'political.' Its aim is to first reconstruct Arendt's distinction between... more
The paper concerns Hannah Arendt's attempt to identify both historical types and conceptual understandings of revolution that can be considered to be genuinely 'political.' Its aim is to first reconstruct Arendt's distinction between 'political' and 'anti-political' processes and conceptions of profound, lasting transformation. In this section of the paper, it will be shown to what extent the critical distinction she proposes is informed by her understanding of (a) the role of the social question' and (b) the role of violence for the praxis as well as the theory of revolution. In a second step, the focus will be on the problematization of certain aspects of her critique of political revolution that lead, as will be argued, to the counter-intuitive exclusion of a variety phenomena and theories as properly revolutionary. The final part of the paper will hint at the possibility of a productive re-appropriation of Arendt's critique of political revolution.
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This article examines Niccolò Machiavelli‘s central political writings by means of asking whether his thinking is structured by an underlying concept of the political. In exploring the ways in which Machiavelli (a) addresses some of the... more
This article examines Niccolò Machiavelli‘s central political writings by means of asking whether his thinking is structured by an underlying concept of the political. In exploring the ways in which Machiavelli (a) addresses some of the basic conditions that determine the political realm and (b) reflects upon the conditions for practical success in this domain, the contours of an implicit, yet consistent concept of the political become apparent. It will be argued that, with regard to its content, this concept is
irreducible to the aspect of power. Instead, it is an element of care — or more specifically: ‘care of many‘ — that is characteristic of Machiavelli‘s understanding of the political and that decisively informs his considerations on both principalities and republics.
irreducible to the aspect of power. Instead, it is an element of care — or more specifically: ‘care of many‘ — that is characteristic of Machiavelli‘s understanding of the political and that decisively informs his considerations on both principalities and republics.