Ivan Hrstic

Until the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918, Makarska was part of the Kingdom of Dalmatia, one of the most backward provinces of the imperial Austrian part of the state. Although the inhabitants enthusiastically welcomed the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in hopes of rapid overall development, this did not occur. The period that followed was marked by constant political crisis, as reflected in all aspects of social development. The new state was primarily characterized by a system in which the center dominated the periphery, a policy of national unitarization and economic liberalism, in combination with privileged political elites who ran the government, general economic underdevelopment and the further economic marginalization of Croatia. In Makarska, as in other Croatian regions, there was stagnation and delay in the general process of social modernization and the creation of a civil society. Research on the example of Makarska, a relatively small urban area, permitted a detailed analysis of the direction and tempo of the modernization of various aspects of social development. The basic concepts are defined according to the main dimensions identified in which modernization was manifested: politics, economy, social structure and stratification, culture and everyday life. In this context, a large number of the elements of the daily life of the local community were analyzed: urban development, the organizational administrative structure and political life of the city, economy, natural and migrational movements as demographic determinants of the overall population movements, basic characteristics of the social structure and the process of the formation of individual social classes, social mobility, life within the circle of the bourgeois family in the context of its characteristic stages (childhood, adolescence, adulthood and old age), free time and leisure, the influences of religion and national ideologies on daily life, and the incidence of various forms of criminal behavior. Examination of all these elements of daily life during the period from 1918 to 1929, compared to their previous levels of development, confirms that Makarska was a characteristic example of Central European social development. Its main features were the emergence of dual social structures, characterized by the coexistence of the old landowning and modern bourgeois elites. At the same time, the newly formed middle class consisted of representatives of the former minor nobility and modern bourgeoisie, while the lower class was characterized by an exceptionally large proportion of farmers and the very slow development of the working class. In terms of the direction and tempo of changes, this model of social development differed from the modernization of Western
European and Southern European societies, where the old social structures were much more quickly replaced by modern ones. On the other hand, it also differed from the process of modernization recorded in the majority of Eastern European societies, which had remained under Ottoman rule longer, and had entered the nineteenth century, a key period in the modernization process, without established local elites. In Central Europe, representatives of the old nobility succeeded in imposing themselves as bearers of the modernization processes, which they managed in the direction and at the tempo that suited them. On the basis of research on the social development of Makarska, it is possible to hypothesize that the modernization of the Dalmatian society, like that of the Croatian society as a whole, occurred from the top down, similar to that of the other societies in the general region, unlike, for example, the societies of Western Europe and developed parts of the Mediterranean, where changes largely initiated from the bottom up were recorded. Moreover, a crucial influence on the development of the Croatian society during the period investigated was that, unlike the majority of other Central European and Eastern European societies, it did not manage to form a nation state after the First World War. Instead, it was submerged in the multinational Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, where it was at a disadvantage. Nevertheless, the rapid development of certain spheres of public life and aspects of daily life could not be halted. In comparison to the traditions and basic characteristics of premodern life, the changes were obvious. By the first decade of the twentieth century, the demographic characteristics of the social structure in Makarska had the features of an advanced process of demographic transition, with modern social strata that had already been formed during the final decades of the nineteenth century. Members of the upper and middle urban classes were relatively quick to adopt the majority of the trends of modern European societies and cultivated a rich civic life, while major changes also occurred with respect to family functions. At the same time, many members of the lower social classes could not afford to adopt all these new norms and behavior patterns, owing to their impoverished situation. This resulted in the coexistence of premodern and modern features of social relations throughout the period under investigation. The direction of the changes that occurred in Makarska in all the aspects of social development studied provides a good model for future similar investigations in the Croatian region and beyond.

Zbornik obuhvaća radove pripremljene za međunarodni godišnji znanstveno-stručni skup Annales Pilar, pod nazivom Hrvatsko iseljeništvo i domovina: Razvojne perspektive (Zagreb i Dubrovnik, 26.-28. svibnja 2011.). Karakterizira ga pluralnost tema i istraživačkih pristupa, a urednici vjeruju kako upravo ta raznolikost omogućuje cjelovitiji uvid u jedan tako složen fenomen kao što je iseljeništvo.Zbornik čini dvadeset i osam tekstova koje je napisao trideset i jedan autor.

Zbornik obuhvaća radove pripremljene za interdisciplinarni znanstveno-stručni skup Makarsko primorje od kraja Drugog svjetskog rata do 2011. godine (Makarska, 3. i 4. svibnja 2012. godine). Dvadeset i jedan tekst u zborniku napisala su trideset dva autora različitih znanstvenih i stručnih interesa. Pretežiti broj (18) radova iz područja je društvenih i humanističkih znanosti (sedam ih je iz polja sociologije, a pet iz povijesti, dok ostali spadaju u znanstvena polja demografije, etnologije i antropologije, prava, psihologije te arheologije). Dva su rada s područja prirodnih znanosti, točnije geofizike, a jedan iz tehničkih znanosti, zapravo iz urbanizma. Radovi su razvrstani u šest tematskih cjelina: Stanovništvo i njegove mogućnosti, Mjesna naseljska mreža i samouprava, Gospodarska evolucija: od poljodjelstva do prometa i turizma, Potresi 1962. godine u lokalnoj povijesti, Zapisi o identitetu, U ono vrijeme obrane… Dvije činjenice posebno određuju kontekst i zbornika i skupa. Prvo, razorni potresi na Makarskom primorju 1962. godine ostavili su dubok trag u kolektivnom sjećanju i društvenim praksama stanovništva. Događaji i društveni procesi koji su potom uslijedili trajno su promijenili krajobraz ovoga područja te društvene i gospodarske odnose u lokalnoj zajednici. Stoga nam se osmišljavanje i organizacija znanstveno-stručnog skupa s ciljem obilježavanja pola stoljeća od nemilih događaja nametnulo naprosto samo po sebi. Drugo, u okviru društvenih i humanističkih znanosti nije bilo sustavnog, znanstveno utemeljenog pristupa ispitivanju i analizi socijalnih procesa koji su prethodili potresima te koji su potom uslijedili na Makarskom primorju, pa se može reći kako je ono u tom smislu terra incognita. Zbornik i skup u tom pogledu teže biti koristan poticaj. Razložno se nadamo da će zbornik potaknuti javnu raspravu o analiziranoj tematici te biti 'okidač' za buduće analize razvojnih perspektiva i identitetskih odrednica Makarskog primorja.

There are two general approaches to the role of sport in the development of minority ethnic communities. One focuses on the process of assimilation, while the other focuses on maintaining ethnic identity. This paper uses the example of Croats in New Zealand and their descendants to analyse the role of rugby in terms of both approaches. According to the main thesis, rugby played an important role in the process of integrating many members of the Croatian diaspora into New Zealand society, while simultaneously preserving identity elements of their country of origin and finally renewing their ties to Croatia after decades of being relatively poorly connected. This paper is open access and may be further distributed in accordance with the provisions of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 HR licence.

As opposed to the discourse marking the division between the subculturalists and the post-subculturalists, we hold that subculturalisation and tribalisation are essentially the same social process. The process within which the Croatian ultras subculture was formed, took place from the late 1970s to the late 1980s. Nationalism and violence are broadly acknowledged as the main features of this new subcultural style in socialist Yugoslavia. However, to fully understand the process it is necessary to study broader spectrum of influences and relationships between actors on the social scene. Therefore we put emphasis on the interaction between football supporters and subcultural styles founded on rock and similar genres of music. This interaction proved to be crucial in anti-establishment and anti-mainstream sensibilities of the emerging football supporter scene. This is particularly important while these sensibilities have remained one of basic characteristics of the ultras subculture in modern Croatia.

Cilj rada je problematizirati heterogenost hrvatske dijaspore po nizu osnova na kojima se potencijalno može formulirati i provoditi politika prema Hrvatima izvan Republike Hrvatske. Rad se temelji na analizi 28 intervjua i 11 fokus-grupa, kojima je ukupno obuhvaćeno 87 pripadnika hrvatskih dijasporskih zajednica te povratnika i doseljenika u Hrvatsku. Razgovori s njima omogućili su dublji uvid u aktualni trenutak hrvatskih zajednica u SAD-u, Kanadi, Argentini, Čileu, Venezueli, Paragvaju, Njemačkoj, Austriji, Švicarskoj, Danskoj, Norveškoj, Švedskoj i Australiji. Iz te perspektive sagledane su osnovne odredbe Zakona o odnosima Republike Hrvatske s Hrvatima izvan Republike Hrvatske kao temeljnog zakonodavnog akta koji pruža okvir iseljeničkoj, odnosno dijasporskoj politici Republike Hrvatske.

Cilj rada je pružiti uvid u teorijski okvir istraživanja migracijskih procesa te šire kontekstualizirati iseljavanje s područja Hrvatske. To će omogućiti bolje razumijevanje rezultata istraživanja koji se predstavljaju u narednim tekstovima u sklopu tematskog broja časopisa. Pri tome se posebna važnost obraća na osnovne karakteristike iseljeničkih politika država kojih je Hrvatska bila sastavni dio od 19. stoljeća, a koje se prepoznaje kao vremenski okvir početka modernih masovnih migracija na ovom prostoru.

U skladu s konceptom emocionalnih praksi autorice Monique Scheer (2012.) u radu se analizira angažman Bad Blue Boysa u Futsal Dinamu. Pri tome se kao temelj navijačkog supkulturnog stila shvaćaju emocije, a koje se definiraju kao utjelovljene prakse. U tom kontekstu analiza navijačkih rituala i obrazaca ponašanja omogućava prepoznavanje emocionalne prirode Bad Blue Boysa kao ultras-grupe. Prepoznaje se to kroz četiri tipa emocionalnih praksi kako ih je Scheer koncipirala. Ipak, ta emocionalna priroda ne podrazumijeva iracionalnost, već su emocionalni i racionalni aspekti života grupe usko isprepleteni, a dominacija jednog ili drugog je situacijska.

The main objective of the study is to analyze the relationship between Yugoslavia’s diaspora policy and foreign affairs throughout the period of its existence from 1945 to 1991. The analysis is based on a comparative view of the evolution of diaspora policy and foreign affairs, in stages determined by key years in which the diaspora policy was redefined. Through a scrutiny of the interaction between institutions in those jurisdictions the expatriates resided, and the highest state authorities the main thesis is put forward. Accordingly, Yugoslavia’s foreign affairs and diaspora policies were never integrated, nor systematically synchronised. Foreign affairs were not interested in this kind of collaboration, while they did not see diaspora as an important actor in international relations, particularly when the main focus was put on the Non-Aligned Movement. This led to tensions between the services and institutions dedicated to working with emigrants and the foreign affairs institutions.

The various strategies of reaching out to the diaspora throughout the 20th century and of eventually including it in the building of a nation-state was embedded in transnational relations and ties between Croatian communities and individuals sustained over generations. The paper brings an overview of the history of this relationship as well as it questions the current situation and pose questions for the future development. The authors conclude that the transterritorial definition of the nation, on which the relationship between Croatia and its diaspora has been based from early on, was an inherent element of state-building in the 1990s and has likewise shaped the diaspora strategy applied today.

Rugby in Croatia is a non-elite sport with no significant results on the international level. Since the 1990s, efforts have been invested to establish a stronger connection with athletes in the emigrant community, mainly in New Zealand. Through a media discourse analysis of these athletes within the broader historical context, we attempt to establish the dominant attitude of the Croatian public towards this phenomenon. This also contributes to an understanding of the processes by which the identity of this emigrant community is transmitted and constructed, as well as its relationship with its mother country.

In the 1980s, in the period before the collapse of Yugoslavia, football stadiums became one of the most important public spaces in
which forbidden and suppressed discourses were exposed.
Correspondingly, it has been widely accepted that the state
repressive apparatus perceived football supporter groups as an
exceptionally dangerous political opponent to the socialist system. However, according to the analysis of archival materials from
the Yugoslav secret service Croatian supporters per se were not
perceived as such. Supporter groups were approached primarily
as subculture actors with a special system of social norms and
values. This is evident from a 1989 operative investigation codenamed ‘Stadion’, the purpose of which was to surveil four of the
largest Croatian supporter groups. The surveillance of supporters
began mainly as a consequence of the foundation of the first
opposition political parties. This increased the possibility that supporter groups would be instrumentalized, which was a real potential danger from the perspective of the secret service.

The colonate was a long-term system of sharecropping widely used on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, especially in Dalmatia. It was a private-law relationship between a landowner and a tenant, who was usually a peasant with hereditary character, and it was similar to other forms of sharecropping across the Mediterranean. This paper argues the colonate was not a rigid system that directly reflected social and economic hierarchies, as it has often been described, but that both landowners and tenants entered into the agreement with the ability to make rational economic calculations. The second part of the paper focuses on the process of abolishing the colonate after World War I. To gain support from peasants, who represented 79 percent of the total population, the government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes announced the implementation of comprehensive agrarian reform in 1919, which included the dissolution of all traditional agrarian relations and the allocation of land to landless peasants. Unlike in other parts of the Kingdom, however, this policy was only slowly implemented in Dalmatia as the government was unwilling to put it into practice. They supported Dalmatian landowners, many of whom were members of the governing parties and who sought to delay the implementation of the reform. In the end, the colonate was the only traditional agrarian relation not completely abolished during the interwar period. It was only phased out after the end of World War II.

The end of World War I caused a major change in the geopolitical map of Europe, when four continental empires fell apart and a large number of nation-states were formed in their territories. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was among them. Actually, it was a multinational state, created by the unification of the Kingdom of Serbia with the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, which was created only a month before by South Slavonic provinces of the Austro-Hungar-ian Monarchy up to 1918. The changes that occurred during that process were particularly strong in the field of economy, because a completely new economic territory was formed. The goal of this paper is to research their strength and volume in the province of Dalmatia, which was the least developed province of the Austrian part of the Monarchy up to 1918. The research was conducted as a case-study, for which purpose the district of Makarska was selected. All major branches of economy were studied (agriculture and fishery; industry; trade; tourism) in the period from 1918 to 1929, when due to the introduction of King Alexander's dictatorship and the onset of the Great Depression great changes in the economy life of the Kingdom occurred. Gospodarka dalmacji po i wojnie światowej na przykładzie makarskiej I wojna światowa przyniosła znaczne zmiany na geopolitycznej mapie Europy; nastąpił rozpad czterech imperiów, na których terytoriach powstało wiele państw narodowych. Jednym z nich było Królestwo Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców. Było to państwo wielonarodowościowe, powstałe ze zjednoczenia Królestwa Serbii oraz Państwa Słoweńców, Chorwatów i Serbów, utworzonego zaledwie miesiąc wcześniej z południowosłowiańskich ziem monarchii austrowęgierskiej upadłej jesienią 1918 roku. Najintensywniejsze przemiany w życiu nowego państwa zaszły w dziedzinie gospodarki, ze względu na to, że stworzono całkiem nowe terytorium ekonomiczne. Celem ni-niejszego artykułu jest ukazanie intensywności i zasięgu owych zmian w Dalmacji, która była najmniej rozwiniętą prowincją austriackiej części Monarchii Habsburgów do roku 1918. Badania przeprowadzono jako studium przypadku – na jego obiekt wybrano rejon Makarskiej. Omówio-no wszystkie główne gałęzie gospodarki (rolnictwo i rybołówstwo, przemysł, handel i turystykę) w okresie lat 1918–1929. Druga data związana jest z wprowadzeniem dyktatury przez króla Alek-sandra i nadejściem Wielkiego Kryzysu, co wpłynęło znacznie na życie gospodarcze Królestwa.

The research on World War I in Croatian historiography was analysed in the first part of this paper in the context of extreme twists and turns of dominant narratives and public paradigms in Croatia in the period from 1918 to 2015. In accordance with those twists and turns, approaches to the research on the topic were changing also. Thus, four main periods in Croatian historiography, which coincided with the changes of the state frameworks that Croatia was a part of, can be singled out/defined: 1918-1941 (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia), 1941-1945 (Independent State of Croatia), 1945-1991 (Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia/Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and the period after 1991 (Republic of Croatia). In the second part of the paper trends in research on World War I in Croatian historiography during the past hundred years were compared with the dominant trends in Western European historiographies (England, France and Germany). They showed great similarities, but no direct influence of foreign historiographies on the national one could be confirmed. Therefore, a thesis was posited that these similarities have largely been the result of general social circumstances in Europe.

Historical demography and parish registers as sources can undoubtedly offer an
important insight into the direction, speed, and intensity of the formation of modern
social structure, that is, the transformation of the traditional social structure
into a modern one. However, this type of research is significantly limited in terms
of methodology. Changes that occurred during the process are reflected primarily
in the system of social stratification. This resulted in various changes in the professional
structure of the population, which can be observed only in male population,
since men were still the carriers of the family status in the Croatian lands during
the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century. This has been confirmed by
the analysis of vertical social mobility of the population of Makarska, performed
on the basis of marriage registers from 1900-1910. The analysis has shown that
the evolution of modern social structure in this area started during the second
half of the 19th century. The beginning stage of this process was characterized by
a relatively fast expansion of the middle social layer, owing to the slow industrialization
process. Therefore, in case of Makarska, the main motor of modernization
was the city’s role as the regional trade and administration centre. Slow
industrialization process was not a specificity of Makarska alone, but a feature
of other Croatian lands and a large part of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy as
well. Thus, the main feature of social modernization in the area as a whole was an
exceptionally slow increase in the number of workers from the lower social layers,
as well as the prolonged presence of peasants in the overall professional structure.
In the Croatian lands, this inertia was particularly manifest during the aforesaid
period, since the Croatian society was a European periphery in a twofold sense: it
was situated at the periphery of a state that was, in terms of modernization, itself
a part of European periphery. The result was an absolute prevalence of peasants in
its population as a whole, which would remain the main feature of social structure
in most Croatian lands until World War II.

Prema popisu stanovništva 1921. udio seljaštva u Dalmaciji iznosio je preko 80% ukupne populacije. No, unatoč tome su seljaci bili u velikoj mjeri isključeni iz svakodnevnog javnog života. Opće pravo glasa za punoljetne muškarce uvedeno je tek 1920., pa razdoblje do uvođenja Šestosiječanjske diktature 1929. predstavljaju izrazito važnu fazu u procesu politizacije hrvatskoga sela, pri čemu je ključnu ulogu imao H(R)SS. U tom kontekstu su se analizirale aktivnosti stranke u Dalmaciji od njenog prvog pojavljivanja na ovom prostoru 1922., pa do uvođenja diktature kralja Aleksandra 1929., a posebna pozornost dana je analizi profesionalne strukture predstavničkih tijela lokalne i regionalne samouprave, odnosno oblasnih skupština Dubrovačke i Splitske oblasti, koje su uspoređene s profesionalnom strukturom oblasnih skupština u kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj, te dijela dalmatinskih općinskih vijeća. Na taj način se dao uvid u rezultate politike H(R)SS-a po pitanju uključivanja seljaštva u procese odlučivanja te pridonijelo istraživanju ove specifične faze društvenog razvoja kako Dalmacije, tako i Hrvatske u cjelini.

Sport has often been considered primarily as an entertainment. Because of this, its various cultural influences on daily life are often ignored. However, the importance of sport in the global economy and its association with various industries and media points to its growing influence in modern society. Sports mega-events, in particular the Olympic Games and the football World Cup, are obvious examples. In this paper we shall not deal with multiple connections between sport and social processes, but we shall focus on the relationship between sport and politics in the education system. The aim of this study is to determine the selection and interpretation of sporting events used in education through the content analysis of Croatian history textbooks, published in the period from 1918 to present (2015). In the end we have analysed 51 textbooks. Our focus was mainly on the manner in which individual and team successes of Croatian athletes have been used in the process of (re)construction of national identity through history textbooks.

Iseljavanje predstavlja jedan od najznačajnijih demografskih i povijesnih čimbenika Dalmacije, koji je u velikoj mjeri oblikovao njenu današnju sliku. Masovniji odlazak lokalnog stanovništva, uglavnom u prekooceanske zemlje, može se pratiti već od šezdesetih godina 19. stoljeća, da bi ovaj proces prekinuo početak Prvog svjetskog rata. Nakon 1918., uslijed brojnih restrikcija od strane najvećih useljeničkih država, iseljavanje nikada nije više doseglo stope kao do 1914., no nije ni prestalo. Tako je tijekom dvadesetih godina došlo do snažnijeg iseljavanja u do tada manje atraktivne prekooceanske destinacije te u europske države, ali nakon 1929. i ono slabi uslijed jačanja posljedica velike gospodarske krize. Stoga se početak tridesetih godina može smatrati završetkom jednog ciklusa iseljavanja. Cilj izlaganja je na temelju neobjavljene arhivske građe i dostupne literature donijeti procjenu o snazi iseljavanja iz makarskog kotara tijekom ovog razdoblja. Pri tome će kotar Makarska imati ulogu svojevrsne studije slučaja za Dalmaciju u cjelini, jer će istraživanje biti provedeno na tri razine, koje karakteriziraju kako kotar, tako i regiju u cjelini, a to su: grad na obali, ruralno primorsko područje te Dalmatinska zagora. Posebna pozornost obratit će se na rodnu i dobnu strukturu iseljenika, jer su migracije po svojoj prirodi vrlo selektivne te u određenim uvjetima pretežno emigrira stanovništvo s određenim strukturnim obilježjima, što ima dugoročne posljedice na cjelokupni društveni razvoj.

U radu se na temelju izvorne građe Instituta za hrvatski jezik u Melbourneu proučava djelovanje Instituta i hrvatske zajednice u Australiji na priznanju posebnosti hrvatskog jezika u Australiji. Originalni dokumenti i potpuna dokumentacija nalazi se u Hrvatskom arhivu Australije u Sydneyu, dok se dio fotokopirane građe, uglavnom pismena korespondencija predstavnika Instituta s brojnim adresama na temu priznanja hrvatskog jezika, nalazi u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu u Zagrebu. Institut za hrvatski jezik osnovan je 15. veljače 1979., a u njegovom radu posebno su se istakli Helena Češek, Arthur Nalis, Jozo Pavlović, vlč. Josip Kasić, Marija Pavlović i Ana Stipanović. Hrvatski jezik priznat je u saveznoj državi Victoriji 27. travnja 1979., a na razini Australije 07. listopada 1980., ali su brojne institucije odbijale to potvrditi i provoditi u praksi i nekoliko godina kasnije.

U radu autor na temelju arhivske građe, periodike i relevantne literature istražuje događaje tijekom i nakon serije potresa na Makarskom primorju u siječnju 1962. Najsnažniji udari, koji su odnijeli i dva ljudska života, zabilježeni su 7. siječnja u 11:03 i 11. siječnja u 06:05. U danima nakon 11. siječnja organizirana je evakuacija stanovništva, tijekom koje je oko 6500 osoba s Makarskog primorja evakuirano diljem Hrvatske i Jugoslavije, dok je ostalo stanovništvo smješteno u sabirne centre po Primorju. Na području makarskog kotara potresom je ukupno oštećeno gotovo 12.000 stambenih zgrada, od čega oko 3000 nepopravljivo, te 130 javnih objekata. Time je oko 13% stanovništva kotara, pretežno iz podbiokovskih zaselaka, nakon smirivanja situacije ostalo bez krova nad glavom. U idućem razdoblju oni su se planski gotovo u potpunosti preselili u mjesta na obali, te na taj način umnogome utjecali na oblikovanje modernog Makarskog primorja.

U radu se, prema dokumentaciji koja se nalazi u arhivskoj ostavštini dr. Ante Trumbića u Hrvatskoj akademiji znanosti i umjetnosti u Zagrebu, analizira dobrovoljački pokret među hrvatskim iseljenicima za srbijansku vojsku u Prvom svjetskom ratu te istražuje njihov položaj u njoj. Dobrovoljci su se javljali najviše iz Sjeverne i Južne Amerike, Australije te Novoga Zelanda, a aktivno su pristupili vojsci na Solunskom bojištu. Srbijanska vojska ih je po dolasku uključivala u već postojeće postrojbe, unatoč zalaganju Jugoslavenskog odbora da se osnuje posebna postrojba, koja bi simbolizirala političku želju južnih Slavena iz Austro-Ugarske Monarhije za ujedinjenjem s Kraljevinom Srbijom. Srbijanska vlada i vojska vodile su dvostruku politiku prema dobrovoljcima. Javno su proklamirali ravnopravnost i jednakost svih vojnika i dobrovoljaca te izdavali zapovijedi u tom smislu, a u isto vrijeme časnicima upućivanima u iseljeništvo na agitaciju davali su tajne upute da od Hrvata prave "dobre Srbe". Jugoslavenski odbor nisu upućivali u aktivnosti oko prikupljanja dobrovoljaca i njihova djelovanja u vojsci, gdje su oni često bili zlostavljani. Kada bi se dobrovoljci pobunili, bili bi zatvoreni, a nakon završetka rata velik broj ih se vratio u zemlje iz kojih su došli.

In this paper the volunteer movement among Croatian emigrants for the Serbian Army in World War I as well as their status in the army have been analysed using the documents from the Archive of dr. Ante Trumbić kept at the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zagreb. Most of the volunteers came from North and South America, Australia and New Zealand. They joined the army on the Salonika front, where they were incorporated into already existing units, despite the effort of the Yugoslav Committee to create a special unit that would symbolize the political will of Southern Slavs in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy for unification with the Kingdom of Serbia. The Serbian government and the army had a dual policy on volunteers. Publicly, they proclaimed equality for all soldiers and volunteers and at the same time the officers that were sent abroad for agitation were instructed secretly to convert Croats to "good Serbs". The Yugoslav Committee was ignorant of the activities involving recruitment of the volunteers and their situation in the army, where they were often ill-treated. When the volunteers reacted to maltreatment, they were harshly confined. After the War, a great number of them returned to the countries they came from.

Na temelju neobjavljene arhivske građe, koja se nalazi unutar fonda Dubrovačka oblast u Državnom arhivu u Dubrovniku, autor proučava iseljavanje iz Vrgorske krajine u razdoblju od 1921. do 1931. Iseljavanje stanovništva jedan je od najznačajnijih demografskih i povijesnih čimbenika Zabiokovlja, koji je u velikoj mjeri oblikovao današnju sliku ovoga kraja. Glavni uzroci iseljavanja bili su gospodarska i politička zaostalost Dalmacije, unutar koje je Zagora bila nerazvijeniji dio. Uspoređujući podatke iz popisa stanovništva 1921. i 1931. s procijenjenim prirodnim prirastom između dvaju popisa, na temelju podataka iz izvješća o kretanju stanovništva u razdoblju od 1924. do 1928., autor dolazi do zaključka da je razlika nastala uslijed masovnog iseljavanja te da je iz Vrgorske krajine u istraživanom desetljeću iselilo 14% stanovništva. Katastrofalne posljedice iseljavanja mogu se vidjeti tek nakon analize podataka kotarskog upravitelja o 941 dopuštenoj putovnici osobama s boravištem na tom području. Prema njima, iseljenici su bili 96 % muškarci te u 88 % slučajeva osobe mlađe od 40 godina, a najčešće su putovali  u Australiju, Argentinu, te Novi Zeland.

U članku se prikazuje razvoj sokolskog pokreta od prvih početaka u Češkoj i njegovo širenje u Hrvatskoj te istražuje povijest društva Hrvatski sokol u Makarskoj. Autor istražuje značenje sokolstva u Hrvatskoj, Dalmaciji i Makarskoj te uvjete njegova djelovanja. Poseban naglasak stavlja se na povezivanje sokolskog djelovanja s političkom situacijom u Hrvatskoj i Monarhiji te strankama koje su imale najveći utjecaj na Hrvatski sokol. Sokolsko društvo u Makarskoj osnovano je 1894., a prestalo je s djelovanjem 1914. uslijed zabrane rada sokolskim društvima u Monarhiji zbog početka Prvog svjetskog rata. U funkcioniranju mu je velike probleme stvarao otpor kotarskog poglavarstva i autonomaška stranka, no unatoč tome postiglo je veliki utjecaj u svakodnevnom gradskom životu.

U radu se analizira dnevnik Ivana Čovića, hrvatskog iseljenika u SAD, koji se  14. svibnja 1917. dobrovoljno prijavio u srpsku vojsku. Po dolasku na Solunski front dodijeljen je Timočkoj diviziji, točnije, njenoj 13. pukovniji  – Hajduk Veljko. Početkom Solunske ofenzive, Čović je sa suborcima napredovao sve do granice s Bugarskom, a zatim je preko Kosova, Makedonije, južne Srbije i BiH konačno stigao u Metković. Tim događajem ujedno i završava dnevnički zapis. Analizom dnevnika autor istražuje okolnosti regrutiranja iseljenih Hrvata u srpsku vojsku i odnos prema njima po pristupanju, u kojim su postrojbama služili i kako je izgledala vojnička svakodnevica na bojištu.

After entering the First World War, Austria-Hungary attempted to force emigrants from its territories to return. Meanwhile, the enemies of the Monarchy attempted to draw South Slavs to their cause by forming a special Legion or by including them in the existing formations of the Serbian army. Although the collective results of these calls for volunteers were dissatisfying to both sides, this study examines the recruitment of Croats in the USA for the Serbian army. The largest obstacle to this movement was the unclear politics of the Serbian government toward the Yugoslav Committee and its lack of cooperation with it concerning the manner of the use of the volunteers once they reached the front. Further difficulties were caused by the disunity among the emigrants and their organizations, the neutrality of the USA, and the inability to organize transportation of the volunteers to the battlefields. Ivan Čović, along with eleven other members of the Sokol (Falcon) Society in Sacramento, presented himself as a volunteer to the Serbian army in May 1917. They boarded a steamship for Canada, where there was a Serbian volunteer camp, and thereafter they made their way to the front in Salonika via England, France, and North Africa. Upon arriving they were assigned to the 13th regiment of the Timok division – Hajduk Veljko. Until mid September 1918 they spent their time either in active duty in the front lines or in the rear. When the Salonika Offensive began they were part of the 2nd Army fighting the Bulgarians; following the Bulgarian exit from the war they marched across Kosovo, Macedonia, and Southern Serbia. They entered Bosnia and Herzegovina and shortly after boarded a train from Sarajevo to Metković. Here they board a steamship for Split, and so ends the war diary of Ivan Čović. After the war, he returned to the USA where he remained until the end of his life. Analysis of his diary showed the way in which Croats in the USA were recruited for the Serbian Army, the formations some of the served in, how they were treated, and the every day life of soldiers during the First World War.

U radu se na temelju izvorne arhivske građe, dostupne periodike i relevantne literature na primjeru Makarske analizira razvoj i djelovanje lokalne samouprave u Kraljevini SHS/Jugoslaviji u razdoblju između dva svjetska rata. Makarska je u tom razdoblju bila sjedište Makarsko-primorske općine i kotara koji su činile i općine Gornje Primorje i Vrgorac, a iako je imala status grada, njena je općina funkcionirala kao ne-gradska. Istraživanjem situacije na lokalnoj razini nastoji se doći do zaključka o uspješnosti ostvarenja načela supsidijarnosti u međuratnom razdoblju na području Kraljevine. U tom cilju najveća pozornost bit će dana istraživanju razvoja zakonodavstva te odnosu središnjih vlasti prema najnižim jedinicama državne uprave – općinama, koji se očitovao u velikim ovlastima kotarskog predstojnika te imenovanju politički podobnih općinskih uprava umjesto legitimno izabranih.

The paper analyzes the development of local self-government in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (Kingdom of Yugoslavia) during the interwar period, using the town of Makarska as a case-study. The research is based on original archival sources, available periodicals and relevant literature. At that time Makarska was the seat of Makarska-Littoral municipality as well as Makarska district, which was constituted of Makarska-Littoral, Upper Littoral and Vrgorac municipalities. Although Makarska had the status of town, the municipality functioned as a rural one.
Throughout the studied period the state was characterized by a great subordination of periphery to the center and centralized government, while municipalities, as the lowest self-governing units, had very limited powers. However, municipalities still had a independent sphere of action and authority, so the regime tried hard to undermine that autonomy. Therefore, political conflicts of local governments and the central regime are not surprising. At the same time, municipal self-governments represented the only possibility of action by opposition parties, led by Croatian Peasant Party. It was because the system of electing representatives to the National Assembly was organized to assure the majority to regime parties. Unwillingness of the state structures to resolve the situation is evident from the fact that the harmonization of municipality legislation was postponed up to 1933. Until then municipalities were functioning according to the laws adopted before 1918, which in turn greatly differed from province to province. However, the adoption of these laws in 1933 and 1934 did not mark the beginning of the unobstructed functioning of municipal self-governments, as similar practices persisted.
Decisive role in the political life of Makarska had the Head of the District, who was a state official. Political affairs at the state level were directly reflected in the choice of the municipal administration, which resulted in relatively frequent changes of municipal officials. The municipality of Makarska-Littoral during the studied period was mostly governed by appointed officials, and not elected ones, so it can be concluded that there was no realization of the principle of the subsidiarity. Therefore, the existence of self-government has not fulfilled its purpose. Based on the available literature and sources it can be also concluded that the similar conditions prevailed in other municipalities in Dalmatia, as well as in other regions. All important decisions regarding the appointment of mayors and municipal councils were taken by the central government completely on its own or in consultations with their representative on the field, i.e. the Head of the District. In order to this practice, residents, who were represented by those appointed municipal managers, were not participating in those decisions at all.

The course of international relations between the late 1940s and early 1970s shaped the image and activism of Croatians in Australia. The establishment of the Soviet bloc in the aftermath of total war led to polarisation and it was against the background of the early Cold War that Tito and his distinctive brand of socialism began to attract high praise globally from different quarters, especially the anti-Stalinist Left. The introduction of the system of workers’ self-management and Yugoslavia’s leadership of the non-aligned movement were important in this context but so, too, was Tito’s reputation as the leader of one of the most successful anti-fascist resistance movements in Europe. How did diasporic Croatians fare in the bifurcated world of Cold War diplomacy? Specifically, what were the consequences for them of the appeal of the new Yugoslavia? This paper will focus on the interactions between Yugoslavia on the one hand, and the Australian Labor Party – as well as militants and intellectuals within its orbit – on the other. Drawing on original research in archives in Croatia, Serbia, and Australia, we will show the extent to which history, politics and ideology became entangled as Australian Croatians fashioned their identity.

Research on the subject of exiles from socialist Yugoslavia is dominantly dedicated to anti-communist-oriented emigrants, who opposed the Yugoslav state and actively advocated for the independence of the nation-states to which they belonged. Their departure from Yugoslavia is predominantly related to the end of the Second World War and the establishment of the communist government in Yugoslavia. This paper aims to analyze the exile milieu of pro-communist individuals and communities that were not attached to the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia headed by Josip Broz Tito but rather in conflict with them. This pro-Cominform milieu of Yugoslav emigrants was a part of the pre-Second World War Yugoslav emigration. They were mostly settled in the United States, South America, Australia, and New Zealand. Most of them strongly supported the partisan movement led by Tito during the war and the formation of communist Yugoslavia. However, after the Cominform resolution (1948), many distinguished community leaders and large proportions of these communities supported the USSR and publicly criticized the Yugoslav leadership. This development of the situation was mostly a consequence of the strong influence of the communist parties of the countries of immigration and internal conflicts of different characters between individuals and groups within the communities themselves. These conflicts left long-term consequences for pro-Yugoslav-oriented communities even after the relations between the USSR and Yugoslavia improved in the second half of the 1950s. Their ferocity in these relatively small communities resulted in deep divisions, after which they never unified again. At the same time, this made it easier for the newly arrived generation of exiles, who had diametrically opposite standpoints regarding communism and advocated the disintegration of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, the anti-Yugoslavian emigrants were exceedingly heterogeneous and were divided by nationality, so each of the national groups (primarily Serbs and Croats) tried to establish dominance in their respective emigrant communities (nation’s diasporas). The focus of our research is on diaspora communities in Australia and New Zealand. We analyze the period from 1948 to 1955, that is, from the Cominform resolution until the beginning of the normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and the USSR. We base our research on a wide range of archival records kept at the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb, the Archives of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, the National Archives of Australia, the Archives of New Zealand, and periodicals printed in Yugoslavia, Australia and New Zealand.

Posljednja jugoslavenska kriza, koja je imala svoj vrhunac u drugoj polovici 1980- ih, okončana je raspadom države. Obuhvaćala je vrlo složene političke, ekonomske i društvene procese. Cilj je ovog rada rekonstruirati nastanak navijačkog subkulturnog stila 1980-ih u SFRJ u tom kontekstu. Pritom ćemo se koristiti podatcima koje smo prikupili u znanstvenim istraživanjima navijačke subkulture od konca 1970-ih do danas, analizom arhivskog gradiva te drugih izvora podataka. Jugoslavija je jedina socijalistička zemlja u kojoj se u to vrijeme razvila navijačka scena po uzoru na zapadne modele (ultrasi i casualsi). U dosadašnjim analizama fenomena prevladava interpretacija nastanka i oblikovanja ove subkulture kao ishoda političkih konflikata i ekonomske krize. Prvenstveno se naglašavaju nacionalističke i huliganske karakteristike subkulturnog stila. Međutim, u ovom radu želimo naglasiti manje poznate, a za sam stil barem jednako važne odrednice samog procesa subkulturalizacije, prije svega oblike interakcije s drugim subkulturnim stilovima iz tog razdoblja. Upravo su iz oblika navijačke interakcije sa subkulturama zasnovanima u svijetu rock glazbe proizašli elementi koji ukazuju na anti-establishment i anti-mainstream senzibilitete, što je privlačilo i one mlade koji su bili izvan jezgra navijačke subkulture, u osvit raspada SFRJ i ratova 1990-ih.

Matica iseljenika Hrvatske (Foundation for Emigrants from Croatia) was founded in 1951. As a semi-governmental institution in the Peoples Republic of Croatia which was a part of socialist Yugoslavia, its chief objective was to create links with emigrants and to improve the international image of Yugoslavia. Matica’s main activities included publishing a magazine, Matica, and organizing various events for emigrants returning for visits to Croatia. Matica did not have any real political power, but it became the most important actor in mediating the relationship between the Croatian diaspora and their homeland. This was the result of the institution’s policy of reaching out to Croats abroad through its journal and engaging in direct correspondence with them. This paper will argue that Matica was successful because it adopted a much more inclusive strategy than was the case with other Yugoslav institutions involved with the diaspora. Matica exercised its soft power in the social mobilization of diasporic Croats. Reading the journal and communicating through letters with the homeland was a powerful emotional experience for them, as will be demonstrated in my analysis of around 9,000 letters exchanged between Croats in Australia and New Zealand and Matica from 1951 to 1977.

Croatians have been settling in Australia since the 19th century, and in the 2021 census, 164,362 residents in Australia declared that they have Croatian ancestry. Over this period, Croatia was contained within four different political structures before becoming an independent democratic republic in 1991 following the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia. Croatian integration into Australian society has been characterized by the development of a rich and multilayered associational life, with the political component evolving in response to the changing political frameworks in Croatia.
In the presentation, the foci are on the tensions and negotiations over diasporic identity formation between pre-World War II and post-World War II Croatian immigrants in Australia and New Zealand. In Australia, the earlier group of arrivals maintained a strong Yugoslav identity, while the post-World War II immigrants predominantly identified themselves as Croatians. The friction between the groups played out within the frameworks set by official Yugoslav policy on diasporas and Australia's immigration policy. The intense group dynamics between the established settlers and new arrivals resulted in the continuous contestation of their diasporic identities. In the context of the pronounced interethnic conflicts in Croatia in the late 1980s, this contestation eventually formed the basis for the rapprochement of the Croatian diaspora in Australia.
The situation in New Zealand was markedly different. The pre-World War II diaspora developed its primary Yugoslav identity uncontested until the 1990s. This may be explained by the fact that there were no new waves of mass immigration from Croatia or the rest of Yugoslavia in the post-World War II period. Even when the dissolution of Yugoslavia was imminent, a significant portion of the diaspora in New Zealand refused to accept Croatian national identity as the basis for their diasporic identity, as happened in Australia. Instead, a number of New Zealanders chose to prioritize their regional, Dalmatian identity. In this paper, the author will draw on a wealth of original research that brings together primary sources from archives in Croatia, Serbia, Australia, and New Zealand.

The goal of presentation is to analyse the process of diaspora formation in the longue durée. Migrants’ identities will be approached as a social construct. A construct which is created in accordance with the notion of transnationalism, that is, permanent cross-border relations. The concept of diaspora will be approached in terms of Rogers Brubaker's definition, as ‘an idiom, a stance, a claim’, and not a fixed social entity. Diasporas will be understood as a collective identity, and recognised in emigrants collective activities. According to the thesis, the identity of diasporas differ from the identity projected to them from the homeland even in the case when diasporas support the political system back home. It is the result of the impact of immigrant society. This is evident in the case of pre-World War II diasporas in Australia and New Zealand. As the breakthrough years in the development of these particular diasporas I recognize 1914, 1942 and 1990.

Organised supporter groups were formed and began to function in the early 1980s in Yugoslavia. After the death of lifelong Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito in 1980, the political crisis reached its peak. The growth in political tensions was especially apparent at football stadiums, which were locations in which forbidden political narratives were expressed en masse. The supporter scene formed within this context. The secret service monitored members of supporter groups due to their flirting with nationalism. By using a historical and sociological approach, we wish to avoid numerous mystifications about the supporter scene. The thesis of this presentation is that young supporters in the 1980s, interacting with their peers and society in general, created new forms of collective action. In addition to violence and nationalism, which represent important elements of the supporter scene at the time, we claim that the subculturalisation process itself was key in creating a specific subcultural style of football hooligan, which indelibly marked the 1980s in Croatia and other parts of the former Yugoslavia. Understanding the origins of the supporter subculture in the 1980s is also key to an understanding of the political dimension of the modern ultras subculture in Croatia.

There are two general approaches to the role of sport in the development of minority ethnic communities. One focuses on the process of assimilation, while the other focuses on maintaining ethnic identity. This paper uses the example of Croats in New Zealand to analyse the role of rugby in terms of both approaches, with additional research on the role of rugby in connecting this community with Croatia throughout the past three decades through the inclusion of the descendants of expatriates in Croatian clubs and the national team. The presentation is based on in-depth interviews conducted with descendants of Croatian expatriates to New Zealand, as well as officials and players in the Croatian national rugby team who have had experience working with them. Special attention will be paid to the institutional relationship between Croatia and its diaspora, as the state attempts to influence the process of reconstructing the national identity of diaspora through sport while simultaneously helping eminent athletes of Croatian origin reach international sporting success. This is especially apparent in the context of elite sport ; as concerns rugby, we will research the situation in this a non-elite (amateur) sport in Croatia, but the most popular elite sport in New Zealand.

U izlaganju se problematizira položaj hrvatskih iseljenika u Australiji i Novom Zelandu od početka 20. stoljeća do Drugog svjetskog rata. Pri tome se fokus stavlja na pitanje socijalne konstrukcije rasnog identiteta, te se u tom kontekstu analizira iskustvo hrvatskih iseljenika. Naime, rasni identitet migranata sagledavan je iz različitih aspekata i u kontekstu australskog i novozelandskog društva za cijeli niz nacija, no ovo pitanje nije još uvijek privuklo značajniju pozornost u slučaju hrvatskih iseljenika/useljenika. Stoga je cilj ovog izlaganja usporediti položaj hrvatskih iseljenika u ova dva velika useljenička društva kako bi se uočile sličnosti te interpretirale eventualne razlike među njima. Istraživanje se temelji na analizi novinskih članaka objavljivanih u Australiji i Novom Zelandu u razdoblju od 1900. do 1941. godine. Prema osnovnoj tezi, hrvatski iseljenici dijelili su sudbinu drugih istočnoeuropskih i južnoeuropskih useljenika u dominatno anglosaksonskim društvima tijekom istraživanog razdoblja. Značajni dijelovi tih društava ovim useljenicima nisu priznavali pripadnost bijeloj rasi u potpunosti, a što je bilo važno s obzirom da je istovremeno bilo općeprihvaćeno uvjerenje o njenoj genetskoj i kulturnoj superiornosti. Rezultat je bila diskriminacija svih koji su percipirani ne- bijelima ili manje bijelima, uključujući i Hrvate. U ovom širem kontekstu formirao se identitet hrvatskih iseljeničkih zajednica u Australiji i Novom Zelandu, a situacija ih je u političkom smislu tijekom međuratnog razdoblja usmjerila prema naglašenijem pristajanju uz komunističke ideje. Ovakav razvoj događaja utjecao je nakon Drugog svjetskog rata na odnose s novom generacijom hrvatskih iseljenika, a koji su dominantno bili protu-jugoslavenski i protu- komunistički orijentirani.

The National Library of New Zealand holds over 10,000 recordings within the Oral History and Sound collection, while some other institutions across the country also hold noteworthy masses of oral history recordings. Their secondary analysis presents serious methodological challenges, as a consequence of inconsistencies among collections (different researchers and approaches in terms of the methodology used, unknown meetings' details and lack of information about the relationship between interviewers and interviewees, lack of information about research projects within which interviews were made, and the impossibility of non-verbal communication analysis). Despite all of these inconveniences, we claim they still represent an invaluable source for the research, particularly in the history of emotions perspective.

The main goal of our research is to explore the role of emotions in the development of transnational migrant communities, through the research of the history of Croatian community in New Zealand, which dates back to the 19th Century. Emotions will be approached as the basis of migrants' identities. The research will draw on Barbara Rosenwein’s concept of ‘emotional community’ and try to identify core emotions that construct group identity. We will draw on William Reddy’s concept of emotional regimes as well, while we plan to analyze the words used by interviewees to describe their experiences. We will also draw on Monique Scheer concept of emotional styles. The aforementioned methodological shortcomings of the use of pre-recorded interviews we will tacle by creating the matrix with details about all interviews, putting special emphasis on the form and content of (non)verbalised emotions. The presentation will be based on the sample of 10-15 interviews conducted with the first and subsequent generations of Croatian migrants. The number of interviews which will be used depends on their accessibility, while it's not possible to travel to New Zealand due to COVID-19. However, a number of institutions in New Zealand are providing remote access to digitised collections.

Organised supporter groups were formed and began to function in the early 1980s in Yugoslavia. The creation of the supporter scene is tied to the growth of numerous subcultures tied to the alternative music scene. This was also a period of liberalisation in Yugoslavia's socialist social order, as well as one of deep economic crisis and social problems. After the death of lifelong Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito in 1980, the political crisis reached its peak. Frequent political conflicts between Yugoslavia's republics, strengthened by the installation of Slobodan Milošević as the Serbian leader, led Yugoslavia towards collapse and war. The growth in political tensions was especially apparent at football stadiums, which were locations in which forbidden political narratives were expressed en masse. The supporter scene formed within this context. The secret service monitored members of supporter groups due to their flirting with nationalism. By using a historical and sociological approach, we wish to avoid numerous mystifications about the supporter scene from the period that exist in the media and some of the academic literature. The thesis of this presentation is that young supporters in the 1980s, interacting with their peers and society in general, created new forms of collective action. In addition to violence and nationalism, which represent important elements of the supporter scene at the time, we claim that the subculturalisation process itself was key in creating a specific subcultural style of football hooligan, which indelibly marked the 1980s in Croatia and other parts of the former Yugoslavia. Understanding the origins of the supporter subculture in the 1980s is also key to an understanding of the political dimension of the modern ultras subculture in Croatia.

During the Cold War Yugoslavia pursued the politics of balancing between the two poles. The result was a dynamic development of its international relations under the influence of various factors. We claim that one of the factors important in the process were Yugoslavia's constitutive nations' diasporas. They comprised millions of emigrants all over the world, who developed a broad set of activities, in range from complete support to utter antagonism toward this socialist supranational state. These activities have been subject of numerous academic papers, but predominantly from the perspective of Yugoslavia's internal political and economy problems. This type of approach neglected to a certain degree the impact diasporas had on Yugoslavia's international relations. We assess this as particularly important, while the state seek to implement the policy of intensive long distance socioeconomic management of its diaspora. In doing so, Yugoslavia used strategies of building and engaging diaspora through educational activities and socialization in accordance with socialist principles on the one hand. On the other, individuals and organizations who actively worked against the state were surveilled and even executed. All of these activities understood the transnationalization of Yugoslav governmental power, while emigrants were approached as a matter of domestic politics, like they were not at the territory of other sovereign countries. We base the research on the analysis of the normative legal framework of Yugoslav policy toward emigration and emigrants, as well as the scrutiny of diplomatic relations and international agreements with countries where large emigrant communities lived.

The colloquium consists of four presentations, with the goal of presenting various aspects of the role of sport in different types of crisis experienced by the Croatian society during the last four decades. Accordingly, “Croatian Football Supporter Groups in the midst of the Fall of Socialism” (Ivan Hrstic; Benjamin Perasovic; Marko Mustapic) addresses the development of football supporters culture in Croatia during the 1980s. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of archival materials made by the Yugoslav secret service. “Sport, Diaspora, and Identities: Rugby in Croatia between the Media Image and Reality” (Marko Mustapic; Ivan Hrstic) considers the role of sport in the (re)construction of diaspora identity. Focus is put on New Zealanders of Croatian origin who have played for the Croatian national team. The paper is based on the analysis of media discourse toward this phenomenon and a number of interviews made with athletes. „Futsal Dinamo - supporters run club as an innovative response to the crisis“ (Dino Vukusic) discusses the supporter project of Futsal Dinamo as an alternative club to GNK Dinamo. On the basis of ethnographic research and semi-structured interviews the author interprets the struggle for Dinamo as a fight for the club’s democratization and the fight for returning football to the local community. „COVID-19 and the mobilization of ultras: From hooligans to community heroes - and back” (Benjamin Perasovic; Marko Mustapic) analyzes the action of ultras groups during the most recent crisis.

The colloquium consists of four presentations, with the goal of presenting various aspects of the role of sport in different types of crisis experienced by the Croatian society during the last four decades. Accordingly, “Croatian Football Supporter Groups in the midst of the Fall of Socialism” (Ivan Hrstic; Benjamin Perasovic; Marko Mustapic) addresses the development of football supporters culture in Croatia during the 1980s. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of archival materials made by the Yugoslav secret service. “Sport, Diaspora, and Identities: Rugby in Croatia between the Media Image and Reality” (Marko Mustapic; Ivan Hrstic) considers the role of sport in the (re)construction of diaspora identity. Focus is put on New Zealanders of Croatian origin who have played for the Croatian national team. The paper is based on the analysis of media discourse toward this phenomenon and a number of interviews made with athletes. „Futsal Dinamo - supporters run club as an innovative response to the crisis“ (Dino Vukusic) discusses the supporter project of Futsal Dinamo as an alternative club to GNK Dinamo. On the basis of ethnographic research and semi-structured interviews the author interprets the struggle for Dinamo as a fight for the club’s democratization and the fight for returning football to the local community. „COVID-19 and the mobilization of ultras: From hooligans to community heroes - and back” (Benjamin Perasovic; Marko Mustapic) analyzes the action of ultras groups during the most recent crisis.

Cilj izlaganja je aktualizirati teorijske i metodološke koncepte povijesti emocija u istraživanju povijesti hrvatskog iseljeništva. Povijest emocija je relativno novo istraživačko polje u kontekstu hrvatske historiografije, iako se na međunarodnoj razini već etablirala. Stoga se na temelju postojećih spoznaja može tvrditi kako njena primjena u istraživanju povijesti hrvatskog iseljeništva može rezultirati novim vrijednim saznanjima i interpretacijama.
U izlaganju će fokus biti stavljen na razvoj hrvatskih iseljeničkih zajednica u Australiji i Novom Zelandu, kao svojevrsnim studijama slučaja. Ove iseljeničke zajednice u fokusu su i istraživačkog projekta „CROCEANIA – Istraživanje emocija u (re)konstrukciji identiteta dijaspore: Hrvati u Australiji i Novom Zelandu 1945.-1991.“, koji se na ovu temu provodi na Institutu društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar, a financiran je od Hrvatske zaklade za znanost. U istraživanju se pojedinoj iseljeničkoj zajednici pristupa kao „emocionalnoj zajednici“, a emocijama kao temelju identiteta. Prema osnovnoj tezi istraživanja, identitet pripadnika iseljeničkih zajednica u najvećoj mjeri oblikovao se u prostoru dokolice. Posebno važnu ulogu u tome imali su sport, kulturno-umjetničke aktivnosti i Crkva. U okviru povezanih aktivnosti razvila se intenzivna emocionalna dinamika, koja je u izgradnji iseljeničkih zajednica inzistirala na pozitivnim emocijama ponosa, sreće, ljubavi, povjerenja, suosjećanja. S druge strane, u odnosu n suprotstavljene dijaspore poticano je neprijateljstvo, strah, agresija itd.

U predavanju su problematizirani pristupi istraživanju povijesti iseljenistva na primjeru hrvatske historiografije. Pri tome se posebno obratilo pozornost na istraživanje povijesti iseljeništva u dugom trajanju, čemu društvena povijest teži, te važnost kontekstualizacije razvoja iseljeničkih zajednica situacijom u useljeničkim državama i društvima.

Cilj je izlaganja problematizirati istraživanje razvoja iseljeničkih zajednica iz perspektive društvene povijesti. Pri tome će se posebna pozornost obratiti na nužnost šire kontekstualizacije teme, naročito u odnosu na društvene procese i događaje u zemlji useljenja, s obzirom da se razvoj hrvatskih iseljeničkih zajednica u domaćoj historiografiji ponajprije analizirao kroz prizmu događaja i procesa u Hrvatskoj. Osim toga, u značajnom dijelu literature primjetna je praksa istraživanja iseljeničkih zajednica s pretpostavkom o njihovoj homogenosti. Time im se pristupa kao statičnom, a ne fluidnom fenomenu, podložnom promjenama tijekom svoga razvoja kao rezultatu intenzivne interakcije u trokutu između države iseljenja, države useljenja i samih iseljenika/useljenika. Karakteristika ovoga pristupa istraživanju je i zanemarivanje brojnih čimbenika koji utječu na formiranje identiteta svih iseljenika. Razlike među čimbenicima, kao što su primjerice: pripadnost različitim valovima iseljavanja ili generacijama, zatim društvena pozicija i status, spl, razina obrazovanja, mjesto i regija podrijetla itd., rezultiraju izraženim razlikama u identitetu među pojedinim pripadnicima i grupama unutar naizgled monolitnih iseljeničkih zajednica. U kontekstu historiografskih analiza važnost ovih razlika posebno dolazi do izražaja kada je riječ o istraživanju povijesnog razvoja iseljeništva u dugom trajanju, čemu društvena povijest teži.

Neposredno po kapitulaciji Austro-Ugarske Monarhije vojska Kraljevine Italije je na temelju Londonskog ugovora iz 1915. krenula u zaposjedanje obećanih joj krajeva na istočnoj obali Jadranskoga mora. Tek uspostavljena Država Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba, a potom i Kraljevstvo Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca nisu imali dovoljno snage jače se suprotstaviti, pa je u konačnici prema odredbama Rapallskog ugovora (12. studenog 1920.) Italija dobila upravu nad Trstom, Goricom, Gradiškom, dijelom Kranjske, Istrom (bez Kastva) i Zadrom te otocima Cresom, Lošinjem, Unijama, Suskom, Lastovom i Palagružom. Grad Rijeka i dio sjeveroistočne Istre proglašen je „Slobodnom državom Rijeka“, koja je prema Rimskim ugovorima (27. siječnja 1924.) također pripojena Kraljevini Italiji. Ovakav razvoj situacije izrazito je negativno odjeknuo na području cijelog Kraljevstva/Kraljevine SHS, a naročito na ostatku istočno-jadranske obale, koji je ostao pod njenom vlašću. Stanovnici ovoga područja i sami su se osjećali ugroženima, pa su se snažno organizirali oko prosvjeda, ali i raznovrsnih akcija solidarnosti sa stanovništvom okupiranih krajeva. Jedna od prvih sličnih akcija, a zasigurno i jedna od najširih tijekom cijelog međuratnoga razdoblja, bilo je prikupljanje novčanih priloga, odnosno darova slobodi. Cilj izlaganja je istražiti načine pružanja pomoći i pokazivanja solidarnosti stanovnika Dalmacije s okupiranim krajevima. Pri tome će se posebna pozornost obratiti na različite razine organizacije akcija solidarnosti (individualno – organizirano / lokalno – regionalno – nacionalno / institucionalno – izvaninstitucionalno) te odnos službenih vlasti prema njima, s obzirom na vanjskopolitičke ciljeve i želju za uspostavom što boljih odnosa s Kraljevinom Italijom.

Prvi hrvatski svećenici došli su u Australiju tijekom 1950-ih, a danas na ovom kontinentu aktivno djeluje četrnaest hrvatskih katoličkih župa i centara. Među njima je sedam centara koje vode redovnici franjevačkih provincija Bosne Srebrene te sv. Ćirila i Metoda: Blacktown, Summer Hill i St Johns Park u Sydneyu, zatim Newcastle, Brisbane, Canberra i Wollongong. Svi oni, kao i njihovi prethodnici, imali su i još uvijek imaju jednu od ključnih uloga u očuvanju hrvatskog identiteta među iseljenicima u Australiji, odnosno na područjima koje njihove centri obuhvaćaju. No, okolnosti u kojima djeluju jako su se promijenile i na njima je zadatak pružanja odgovora na izazove vremena.
U razdoblju od 1945. do 1990. Crkva je kao jedna od dominantnih društvenih i kulturnih institucija omogućila Hrvatima u Australiji istovremeno kanal za borbu za priznanjem posebnosti hrvatskog nacionalnog identiteta, ali i pospješila integraciju u multikulturno australsko društvo. Hrvatski katolički centri kroz to su vrijeme izrasli u središta duhovnog, društvenog, obrazovnog i kulturnog života iseljenika. Tijekom Domovinskog rata na ove uloge nadogradila se i snažna karitativna djelatnost te se ovo razdoblje može u određenom smislu smatrati i vrhuncem aktivnosti hrvatske zajednice u Australiji. Nakon ostvarenja neovisnosti RH i pobjede u ratu počela se očekivati prilagodba na nove okolnosti. Sve snažniji proces starenja prve generacije iseljenika te pitanje većeg uključivanja pripadnika druge i treće generacije u svakodnevne aktivnosti obilježava aktualni trenutak. Od svećenika se očekuje novi model djelovanja, o čijoj je uspješnosti implementacije još uvijek prerano govoriti. Stoga je cilj rada prikaz djelovanje hrvatskih franjevaca u Australiji od dolaska prvog među njima, fra Roka Romca 1955., do danas u širem društvenom i političkom kontekstu.

U izlaganju ce se na temelju izvorne arhivske gradje i periodike dostupne u Hrvatskoj i Australiji te literature analizirati polozaj i aktivnosti hrvatske iseljenicke zajednice u Australiji u razdoblju izmedju dva svjetska rata. Pri tome ce se posebna pozornost obratiti na dominantne stavove medju hrvatskim iseljenicima prema politickoj situaciji u Kraljevini SHS (1918.-1929.), odnosno Kraljevini Jugoslaviji (1929.-1941.). U tu svrhu analizirat ce se djelovanje istaknutih pojedinaca i organizacija te njihovi kontakti s predstavnicima sluzbenih vlasti, odnosno hrvatske opozicije na celu s Hrvatskom (republikanskom) seljackom strankom te komunistickom partijom Jugoslavije, koja je unatoc zabrani rada imala prilican utjecaj na iseljenike. Slozeni politicki odnosi unutar Kraljevine odrazavali su se na odnose unutar hrvatskih iseljenickih zajednica, sto ce se pokazati na primjeru Australije. Cilj izlaganja je prepoznati kljucne cimbenike (drustvene, ekonomske, politicke, regionalne, kulturalne...) koji su imali presudan utjecaj na proces identifikacije iseljenih Hrvata u Australiji tijekom istrazivanog razdoblja.

In 1918 a multinational state composed of nations that had never lived together was founded under the name of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1929). But, the new state lack full legitimacy. To ensure it authorities tried to form a unified common identity, supporting the idea of unity of three nations, which were according to them, three tribes of unique Yugoslav nation. Important role in the implementation of this plan had monuments and architectural works, which were carriers of suitable symbolism and expressions of the official discourse in public space. Therefore, initiatives for their erection were constant during the whole interwar period. However, only a relatively small number of those initiatives was succesfull due to bad economic situation, constant state of political crisis and different interests of various actors (state, local elite, non-governmental organisations etc.)  included in their realization.
The aim of this presentation is to study the process of ideologization of public space in the interwar provincial city of Split. Considering that immediately after the end of World War I Italians took control over Zadar, capital of Dalmatia up to 1918, the city of Split became the center of political, economic and social life in the region. Thus, during the interwar period it developed rapidly, which provided a lot of opportunities for implementation of national symbols in its public space. The focus of the presentation will be on the way in which monuments and representative buildings were conceived as personifications of the national idea, as well as on different actors included in their erection and the public perception of these projects.

Strašno iskustvo epidemije kuge 1815. snažno se usjeklo u kolektivno sjećanje stanovnika Makarske, o čemu najbolje svjedoči obnova zavjeta sv. Srcu Isusovu 1915. i 2015. godine, a koji je prvi put položen u jeku trajanja epidemije. To je istovremeno za posljedicu imalo i svojevrsno zanemarivanje druge strašne pošasti koja je uslijedila gotovo odmah nakon kuge, a to je glad. Prema nekim historiografskim izvorima glad koja je harala makarskim područjem od 1815. do 1818. odnijela je čak više života od kuge, a njene posljedice bile su posebno teške jer je praktički doslovno nastupila kao treći jahač apokalipse – nakon napoleonskih ratova i kuge. No sustavnijih istraživanja ove epizode lokalne povijesti još uvijek nema. Stoga je cilj ovoga rada utvrditi posljedice gladi u Makarskoj u navedenom vremenskom razdoblju, pri čemu će se posebna pozornost obratiti na širi društveni kontekst. Naime, pojavu gladi u Makarskoj 1815. nužno je sagledavati kao dio mnogo šireg fenomena "godine bez ljeta", koja je bila rezultat katastrofalne erupcije indonezijskog vulkana Tambora 10. travnja 1815. godine. Izbacivanje ogromne količine pepela i drugih materijala u atmosferu uzrokovalo je u narednom razdoblju potpuni podbačaj sjetve diljem Europe, što je pak za posljedicu imalo pojavu gladi i bolesti (uključujući i kugu), kao i nazadovanje gospodarstva. Sve to imalo je dugoročne negativne posljedice na opći društveni razvoj Europe, a naročito za njene slabije razvijene krajeve, unutar kojih se nalazila i Dalmacija, odnosno Makarsko primorje.

Dalmatia was one of the least developed provinces in Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and its population welcomed enthusiastically the creation of Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 (Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1929). That attitude was particularly emphasized due to the complicated foreign policy situation immediately after the war, while Kingdom of Italy claimed the rule over large part of eastern Adriatic coast. It resulted in a strong pro-Yugoslav movement and constant highlighting of the supranational Yugoslav identity of Dalmatians, especially among members of the elite, who collaborated intensively with the new, highly centralized state and its apparatus. However, it did not last long before the opposition, led by the Croatian (Republican) Peasant Party, began to organize resistance to it. They gained support from the lower class of society relatively quickly, thanks to successful combining of national and social question, while further conflicts with the regime gradually attracted more and more members of the elite to their side as well. All of that escalated after the assassination of the leader of Croatian Peasant Party Stjepan Radić in 1928, after which king Alexander had to introduce a dictatorship in order to “calm” tense situation. But, after his assassination in 1934 and loosening of the dictatorship in 1935 it was evident that the project of creation of Yugoslav nation was not successful. The aim of this paper is to analyse a process of transition from collaboration to resistance toward the Kingdom among members of Dalmatian elite, which is symbolized by a transition from theirs predominantly supranational identification immediately after the war to the national. Special attention was given to the complexity of the elite itself according to its origin, while members of the civil elite went through that process faster than members of the landowning elite.

U radu autor istražuje položaj hrvatskih iseljenika u Australiji za vrijeme Prvog svjetskog rata. Nakon njegova početka hrvatski iseljenici su se kao državljani Austro-Ugarske našli u vrlo teškom položaju, iako ih se veliki broj izjasnio kao njen protivnik. Australska vlada donijela je zakon na štetu useljenika iz država s kojima je bile u ratu. Odmah su popisali sve „neprijateljske“ useljenike, fotografirali, uzeli otiske prstiju i zapisali fizičke karakteristike te veliki broj internirali u zarobljeničke logore, a ostalima uskratili većinu građanskih prava i sloboda. Među iseljenim Hrvatima došlo je do podjele jer je dio njih izražavao odanost Carevini, a ostali su nastojali dokazati lojalnost silama Antante te su prikupljali pomoć, surađivali s Jugoslavenskim odborom u Londonu, dobrovoljno prijavljivali u australsko-novozelandsku vojsku te 1917. osnovali i posebnu postrojbu koja je došla na Solunsko bojište i borila se u sklopu srbijanske vojske.