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It is my pleasure to invite expressions of interest/proposals for chapters to be considered for inclusion in the following edited volume, and involvement in its supporting research project: “Old Friends, New Partners: New Perspectives... more
It is my pleasure to invite expressions of interest/proposals for chapters to be considered for inclusion in the following edited volume, and involvement in its supporting research project:

“Old Friends, New Partners: New Perspectives on Anglo Japanese Military Relations in the Modern Era”

Link: https://kaken.nii.ac.jp/grant/KAKENHI-PROJECT-18K12734/

This project (supported by JSPS ‘Kakenhi’ and the University of East Anglia) examines the contemporary and historical military ties between Japan and the United Kingdom and their various influences (political, technical, strategic, cultural, social, etc) upon the two countries. Although the principal focus of the project is upon peacetime links between Japan and the UK, topics related to the Second World War may be considered.

Aside contributing to the planned edited volume the participants will be invited to dedicated symposia in the UK (Q2/Q3 2020), and Kyoto, Japan (Q4 2021 / Q1 2022), attendance at these, while not essential, is highly encouraged.

This stage of the project represents the initial phase and it is expected to continue on a potentially larger scale from 2022. Alongside its core initial objectives the project will also seek to organise panels at major international conferences and disseminate its findings through other publications and media.

Topics of interest include, but are not limited to:

General:
Arms procurement / technical exchanges
Training and exercises
Policy / political links
Inter-service links / exchanges
Military attaches, observers and exchanges (in both peacetime and during conflict with third powers)
Anglo-Japanese links within the context of relations with third powers
Anglo-Japanese links within regional / strategic contexts
Practitioner / participant accounts and experiences
Cultural, social and organisational legacies and influences (inside the armed forces and within broader society)

Historical:
Bakumatsu / Meiji era connections
The Anglo-Japanese Alliance
The Tracey Mission
The Douglas Mission
The Sempill Mission
Links to broader histories of empire and imperialism
Military planning
Japan and Britain in the First World War
Path to, events of, and legacy of the Second World War
The British Commonwealth Occupation Force
Britain and the Allied Occupation of Japan
Prisoners of War
Postwar co-operation and resistance in South East Asia
Mid to late 20th century links

Contemporary:
Contemporary strategy and policy
Current links and exchanges
Future possibilities


Initial expressions of interest, ideally accompanied by a draft abstract and brief biography, are sought by 1 October 2019.

Contact:

T French

french@fc.ritsumei.ac.jp
Research Interests:
The Occupation era (1945-1952) witnessed major change in Japan and the beginnings of its growth from of the ashes of defeat towards its status as a developmental model for much of the world. The period arguably saw the sowing of the seeds... more
The Occupation era (1945-1952) witnessed major change in Japan and the beginnings of its growth from of the ashes of defeat towards its status as a developmental model for much of the world. The period arguably saw the sowing of the seeds of the post-war flowering of what some term the ‘post-war Japanese economic miracle’. However, some scholars dispute this position and argue that the Occupation's policies and impacts actually hindered Japan's recovery. This volume addresses this question and others surrounding the business and economic history of this crucial period.

This chapters presented in The Economic and Business History of Occupied Japan are authored by major scholars of the Occupation from the US, Japan and Europe. The chapters are divided into three sections: Planning, Reform and Recovery, Industries Under Occupation, and Legacies of the Occupation era. Following an introduction and focusing on the historiographical background, the first section, examines Zaibatsu Dissolution and its significance, the role of Japanese businessmen within the Occupation's reforms, the crucial impact of Japan's post-war Materials Crisis, and finally, the impact of reform at the local level in Hokkaido. Part two looks at a number of individual industries and their development during the era, including the fishing, automotive and cotton spinning industry. The final section looks at the human impact of the changes of the initial post-war years, including the reintegration of repatriates into the Japanese labour force, and the impact of changing working patterns on society and family life.

This book covers an under-examined period of the economic and business history of Japan and presents numerous new approaches and original contributions to the scholarship of the Occupation era. It will be of interest to scholars of modern Japan, economic history, business history, development studies and post-war US-Japan relations.
Based upon years of research undertaken in the US Occupation archives, this book provides a history of Japan’s National Police Reserve (NPR), the precursor of today’s Ground Self Defense Force (GSDF). It is the first ever comprehensive... more
Based upon years of research undertaken in the US Occupation archives, this book provides a history of Japan’s National Police Reserve (NPR), the precursor of today’s Ground Self Defense Force (GSDF). It is the first ever comprehensive and exclusively focused history of the force in any language. The book examines the domestic and international origins of the force, the American constabulary model upon which it was based, the NPR's character and operation, and its evolution into the GSDF. This volume provides numerous insights and fresh perspectives on the character of the NPR, the origins of the SDF, the US Occupation of Japan and Cold War era US-Japan relations.
This, the first in a series of articles on this topic, aims to explore the adaptability of contemporary political system analysis methodologies to the historical case of Imperial Japan (1868 to 1945). It examines and then adapts a... more
This, the first in a series of articles on this topic, aims to explore the adaptability of contemporary political system analysis methodologies to the historical case of Imperial Japan (1868 to 1945). It examines and then adapts a contemporary political system analysis methodology for future use in assessing the character of the Japanese political systems existing from 1880 to 1945. The detailed historical analysis, although introduced here, will be conducted in full in future articles. In blending both historical research and contemporary political scientific methods this article makes an original contribution to aspects of both disciplines. It prepares the ground for an analysis employing a much broader base of evidence than has been hitherto used in most studies of the political structures of Imperial Japan. The subsequent research which this paper enables will also likely generate original perspectives within the debates over over ‘Taishō democracy’, ‘Shōwa fascism’, and the character and evolution of pre–1945 Japanese political structures.
This paper presents first-hand accounts produced by members of the British garrison of Yokohama (1864-1875) as valuable sources for examining the history of early treaty port era Japan. As the garrison itself, despite its notable... more
This paper presents first-hand accounts produced by members of the British garrison of Yokohama (1864-1875) as valuable sources for examining the history of early treaty port era Japan. As the garrison itself, despite its notable influence and size, remains largely unexplored in the English language scholarship, these accounts arguably take on even greater significance than they otherwise might. Through looking at two aspects of the content of these accounts: the leisure activities of the garrison, and the views they contain of the Japanese, the value of the sources is revealed. The initial analysis of some of the leisure activities of the garrison serves as an example of the value of the accounts in providing additional detail of their life in the treaty port. The second area of value that the accounts offer is that of revealing the views of the authors of the population of Japan. Although these views are Victorian and militarised, due to the historical context and profession of the authors, in their framing and assumptions they are indicative of emerging Western views of Japan in the era and deserve greater attention as one potential influence on the process of image formation of Japan, both internationally and domestically.
Book chapter in: The Economic and Business History of Occupied Japan: New Perspectives
Research Interests:
Book chapter in: The Economic and Business History of Occupied Japan: New Perspectives
Research Interests:
This paper employs previously unused archival sources to highlight some of the misconceptions and debates which surround the Japanese National Police Reserve (1950–1952), the precursor to today’s Ground Self Defense Force. The paper,... more
This paper employs previously unused archival sources to highlight some of the misconceptions and debates which surround the Japanese National Police Reserve (1950–1952), the precursor to today’s Ground Self Defense Force. The paper, which is the first on the National Police Reserve in English, examines much of the current historiography’s categorisation of the Reserve as an army, based on a very thin set of sources, and contrasts this with the content of the primary sources in an attempt to reveal the true character of the force. In doing so it also attempts to assess the relative importance of the internal and external influences behind the NPR’s creation. The article and its conclusions will be valuable in deepening the understanding of the character of the NPR and its position in the broader histories of the Occupation of Japan, Japanese security policy and Japan’s Cold War(s).
Asia Pacific Perspectives, Volume XIII Number 1, Spring/Summer 2015

https://web.usfca.edu/uploadedFiles/Destinations/Institutes_and_Centers/center-asia-pacific/perspectives/v13n1/APP%20XIII1%2002%20French%2008-17-15.pdf

This paper, based on archival research undertaken in the General Headquarters (GHQ)/ Supreme Command of Allied Powers (SCAP) archives and employing geospatial data, examines the origins of a number North East Asia's territorial disputes through looking at the seizures of Japanese fishing boats during the initial postwar years. Through the hitherto unexploited medium of geospatial analysis, the paper looks at the mass seizures of Japanese fishing vessels by the maritime arms of the People’s Republic of China, the Republic of Korea (and US Military Government of Korea), the USSR, the Republic of China, and the UN naval forces in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The paper examines and maps the incidence of the capture of these vessels as well as contextualizes the captures within the importance of the fishing industry to Japan, and Japan's neighbors' differing positions on their maritime boundaries with Japan. The policies of GHQ/SCAP and the Japanese government towards the seizures are also examined, as is the role the fishermen themselves played. The paper concludes by employing a geospatial dataset to test assumptions about the nature of the seizures of fishing vessels during the period and their significance in relation to today's territorial disputes in the region.
Research Interests:
Book review of: "Sengo Nihon no Fuko no Kiroku, GHQ Kameraman Boria ga Totta Nihon no Fukei" (Records of the Reconstruction of Postwar Japan, Japanese Scenes Taken by The GHQ Cameraman Boria). Photographs by Dimitri Boria, Compiled by... more
Book review of:

"Sengo Nihon no Fuko no Kiroku, GHQ Kameraman Boria ga Totta Nihon no Fukei" (Records of the Reconstruction of Postwar Japan, Japanese Scenes Taken by The GHQ Cameraman Boria). Photographs by Dimitri Boria, Compiled by Yoneyuki Sugita. Okayama: Daigakukyōikushuppan. Vol. 1, pp 143; Vol. 2, pp. 141.

https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/Colorized-digitally-enhanced-photos-of-postwar-Japan-bring-their-subjects-to-life
Canadian Journal of History, Volume 53, Issue 1, Spring-Summer 2018
TOKYO — The “rise of China” narrative, a constellation of territorial disputes, and the perennial incidence of North Korean nuclear bluster cause many to view the Asia Pacific as a region rife with political tension and potentially bound... more
TOKYO —

The “rise of China” narrative, a constellation of territorial disputes, and the perennial incidence of North Korean nuclear bluster cause many to view the Asia Pacific as a region rife with political tension and potentially bound for conflict. For many of those who ascribe to this position historical legacies and contemporary power dynamics combine to increase tension and there seem to be few avenues available potentially leading to a more amicable form of regional politics. In addressing this issue, professor Yoneyuki Sugita of Osaka University aims in his latest edited volume to guide the reader in an exploration of some of these possible paths to a friendlier, more peaceful, region.

Released this year, the content of “Toward a More Amicable Asia-Pacific Region, Japan’s Roles,” is based upon a series of international symposiums hosted by Sugita over the last few years. The content of the chapters reflects the varied interests of Sugita and the participants in these seminars, including both historical and contemporary topics, and spanning both Asian and European relations with Japan.

The first chapter of the book, written by Sugita himself, focuses on U.S.-Japan relations. Offering both theoretical and empirical insights into the relationship, Sugita argues that, in contrast to the ideas and predictions of some, the post Cold War era has actually seen an improvement of U.S.-Japan ties, due to the maintenance of a dynamic in East Asia similar to that of the preceding East-West struggle.

This chapter is followed by an analysis of identity and gender in historical perspective within the critical early postwar period by Professor Miyuki Daimaruya. Prof Daimaruya argues that the participation of both male and female Japanese-Americans in the Korean War proved useful for U.S. propaganda purposes during that conflict through projecting images of American racial equality and benevolence, to the region.

Shifting to a more contemporary focus, the next chapter by Professor Victor Theo presents a thought-provoking analysis of Sino-Japanese ties, in which he suggests that closer co-operation with China and viewing U.S. presence in the region as more of a hindrance than a help might benefit Japan’s relations with its larger neighbor in the future.

Professor Reinhard Drifte then looks at perhaps the most fractious contemporary issue in Sino-Japanese relations, that of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute. Drifte proposes that the tension arising from this dispute can be minimised in the future through a new agreement to “shelve” the dispute, the introduction of confidence and security building measures, the joint exploration of marine resources, the internationalization of the dispute, and even potential shared sovereignty over the islands.

The unique role of Australia in the region is examined by Professor David Watson, who suggests that despite deepening security ties with Japan, the economic importance of trade with China will mean Australia will likely adopt a hedging approach to regional affairs for the foreseeable future.

The penultimate chapter consists of a survey of the role of norms on the politics of the region in which Professor Emilian Kavalski examines whether the influence and the existence of “normative powers” might offer a path towards a more amicable region, and compares the normative influence of Europe, China and Japan in the process.

In the final chapter, Professor Bart Gaens continues the examination of European influence in the region through exploring the potential, and potential limits, of greater links between the European Union and Asia Pacific through looking at the development and evolution of the “Asia-Europe Meeting” summit.

Sugita’s book presents many original and thought provoking new perspectives, as well as some genuinely interesting and potentially realizable routes towards improving peaceful and friendly co-existence in a region, which, despite free flowing economic links, is seen by many as having rocky political relations.

“Toward a More Amicable Asia-Pacific Region, Japan’s Roles.” Edited by Yoneyuki Sugita.

Lanham: University Press of America. V+151.
As current events influence interpretations of the Cold War and the 80 th anniversary of the start of the Occupation of Japan (1945-52) approaches, this roundtable of international experts on the period will discuss developments in the... more
As current events influence interpretations of the Cold War and the 80 th anniversary of the start of the Occupation of Japan (1945-52) approaches, this roundtable of international experts on the period will discuss developments in the study of Occupation Japan and their relation to the Cold War in Asia and beyond.

http://www.ritsumei.ac.jp/file.jsp?id=541913
This paper will examine the largely unexplored topic of the influence and nature of the British Army Garrison stationed in Yokohama during the pivotal years leading up to, and immediately following, the Meiji ‘restoration’ of 1868. The... more
This paper will examine the largely unexplored topic of the influence and nature of the British Army Garrison stationed in Yokohama during the pivotal years leading up to, and immediately following, the Meiji ‘restoration’ of 1868. The reasons behind the stationing of the troops in Yokohama will be examined including the strategic, security, health, and commercial contexts of their presence. The influence exerted by the troops during their stay on Japanese domestic politics and society, and the factors behind their eventual withdrawal will also be examined. The core of the paper consists of an analysis of a number of published and unpublished accounts from members of the garrison, including one from what later became the Hampshire Regiment. The paper concludes with an examination of the legacies of the garrison and a discussion of significance of these accounts as important, but hitherto unexamined, sources on the early treaty port era and Japan’s emergence as a Modern State.

Discussant: Professor Chris Aldous (University of Winchester)

Chair: Dr Graciela Iglesias-Rogers (University of Winchester)
This paper uses both published and private accounts of life in treaty port Japan produced by British Army and Marine officers, several of which have never been studied or employed before, to explore the perspectives, influences and... more
This paper uses both published and private accounts of life in treaty port Japan produced by British Army and Marine officers, several of which have never been studied or employed before, to explore the perspectives, influences and legacies of the British Garrison of Yokohama (1864-1875). A general background to the presence and role of the garrison and a summary of existing scholarship focused on it will be presented, followed by a more detailed look at content and themes of the accounts of the officers. These accounts, either recorded in private journals at the time or published as books in the years following the departure of their authors from Japan, present a range of insights into the activities of the garrison including their daily lives (diet, housing, health), professional activities (training, administration, action at Shimonoseki), and leisure time (shooting, fox hunting, sport, the social life of the settlement). The works also provide illustrative examples of the views of the Victorian British officer class of Japan and its culture, and the interactions of the garrison with the local population. The different perspectives presented the accounts, the elements of life in the settlement that they do and do not reflect, and the influence of their public/private nature, is also explored. The paper argues that the garrison had an notable influence on Anglo-Japanese relations but this has been neglected in studies of the period to date, and that the examination of the garrison’s cultural, political, economic and social roles, and legacies as well as the lives and thoughts of its members, deserve greater attention.
An overview of the Anglo-French Garrison of Yokohama 1863 - 1875 including an examination of the activities, policy influences, economic role, and the historiography of the garrison. The paper concludes with an analysis of whether the... more
An overview of the Anglo-French Garrison of Yokohama 1863 - 1875 including an examination of the activities, policy influences, economic role, and the historiography of the garrison. The paper concludes with an analysis of whether the presence of the troops can be considered a form of military occupation.
The global growth of the Japanese automotive industry is seen as one of the central indicators of the ‘success’ of Japan from the middle 1950s, and for some, even the preceding Allied Occupation (1945-1952). This paper examines the... more
The global growth of the Japanese automotive industry is seen as one of the central indicators of the ‘success’ of Japan from the middle 1950s, and for some, even the preceding Allied Occupation (1945-1952). This paper examines the influences of the Occupation on Japanese views of the automobile and automotive culture, especially those exerted by the jeep, a ubiquitous symbol of US power and modernity within Occupied Japan. Principal elements of the relationship which will be examined include the dynamics of power and inequality the vehicles and their reception encapsulated, the transition from total war through demilitarisation to Cold War rehabilitation Japan underwent which was mirrored in the vehicles’ presence and form, and the impact these changes wrought both on Japanese self-images and views of the Occupiers. Various events and trends will be detailed to explain the complex influences and legacies of the interaction with the jeep including its role in contentious elements of the Occupation such as prostitution, riot control, and tax collection contrasting with the huge popularity of jeeps as toys for children in the era; the impetus of Cold War demands on the rehabilitation Japan and the revival of its automotive industry; and the initially highly significant, but ultimately ephemeral, impact the vehicles had on Japan’s domestic automotive culture and production.
This talk is based on three published accounts of life in Japan produced by British Army and Marine o cers to explore the in uences and legacies of the British Garrison of Yokohama (1864-1875). A general background to the presence and... more
This talk is based on three published accounts of life in Japan produced by British Army and Marine o cers to explore the in uences and legacies of the British Garrison of Yokohama (1864-1875). A general background to the presence and role of the garrison and a summary of extant scholarship focused on it will be presented, followed by a more detailed examination of the content and themes of the accounts of the o cers. These accounts, published as books in the years following the departure of their authors from Japan, present a range of insights into the activities of the garrison, both in terms of their daily lives (diet, housing, health), professional activities (training, administration, action at Shimonoseki) and leisure time (shooting, fox hunting, sport, the social life of the settlement). The works also provide illustrative examples of the views of the British o cer class on Japan and its culture, and the interactions of the garrison with the local population. The talk will argue that the in uence of the garrison has been underplayed in studies of the period to date and that the examination of its cultural, political, economic and social roles, as well as the lives and thoughts of its members, deserve greater attention .
Between 1864 and 1875 thousands of British troops resided in a purpose build garrison on the slopes overlooking Yokohama. Despite forming the majority of the permanent foreign community for years and being central to many events and... more
Between 1864 and 1875 thousands of British troops resided in a purpose build garrison on the slopes overlooking Yokohama. Despite forming the majority of the permanent foreign community for years and being central to many events and developments during their residence, the history of the garrison has been almost entirely unexamined in English. Within accounts of the era the black, white, and grey tones of the diplomacy aspect shine through and the glitter of the silver, gold, and copper of the economic and trading links is reflected, but the “dash of red”, then prominent in the landscape, has faded into the background. This paper argues the significance of the British garrison has been underrated within studies of the period and seeks to restore their visibility within the scholarship, alongside highlighting the roles they played in a volatile and dynamic era of Japanese history. A number of fresh interpretations based on hitherto unemployed primary sources are presented in the paper.
Between 1864 and 1875 thousands of British troops resided in a purpose build garrison on the slopes overlooking Yokohama. Despite forming the majority of the permanent foreign community, being central to the life of the settlement, and... more
Between 1864 and 1875 thousands of British troops resided in a purpose build garrison on the slopes overlooking Yokohama. Despite forming the majority of the permanent foreign community, being central to the life of the settlement, and participants in many key events during their residence, the history garrison remains almost entirely unexamined in the English language scholarship of the era. Within such accounts the garrison usually barely features, standing silent while the ebbs and flows of trade and diplomacy swirl around them. This paper argues the influence of the British garrison has been neglected within accounts of the period and seeks to foreground some areas where such influences were most marked, and in doing so seeks to restore the prominence and ‘voice’ of  the garrison.
This paper proposes a new approach to the examination if the US-Japan relationship though the employment of “layers” of analysis. Within this, the different elements of the relationship are examined individually as separate, but often... more
This paper proposes a new approach to the examination if the US-Japan relationship though the employment of “layers” of analysis. Within this, the different elements of the relationship are examined individually as separate, but often interlinked, strata, providing a more inclusive and holistic picture of a complex, multifaceted, and often politicised subject. Taking the key elements of the ‘macro’ state-level security relationship as its initial starting point and then examining other layers such as trade, military base impact on local communities, and others, the paper illustrates that while certain strata of the relationship clearly favour or disadvantage different groups or actors, these inequalities do not consistently favour one side or the other, indicating that prioritising one layer over others within overall analyses risks oversimplification. This layered approach does not seek to privilege or prioritise any particular strata over another, and through its discrete analysis of each layer permits the maintenance and reflection of opposing viewpoints within itself, hence arguably better reflecting the complexities of this close, but sometimes fractious relationship.
Asia-Pacific Studies Meeting Workshop, Osaka University, 9 June 2019
Since the Japan-US Security Treaty was first signed in 1951, several updates were made to meet the changing security needs, but the revisions tended to be delayed partially because of domestic political difficulties in Japan. There seems... more
Since the Japan-US Security Treaty was first
signed in 1951, several updates were made to
meet the changing security needs, but the
revisions tended to be delayed partially because
of domestic political difficulties in Japan. There
seems to be no consensus in Japan concerning
the burden-sharing with US in general and
among Japanese local governments concerning
US bases locations. For example, how should
Japan cooperate with US if a military collision
took place between US and China over Taiwan?
How should excessive burden of Okinawa in
comparison to the rest of the country be
lightened? Moreover, national territory defense
duties, Okinawa questions, and US-Japan
security cooperation over neighboring areas
such as Taiwan are all closely intertwined. The
symposium examines these complex difficulties.
Between 1950 and 1956 the Japanese Communist Party, under Soviet and Chinese Communist pressure, abandoned their hitherto successful policy of democratic ‘peaceful revolution’ for violent Maoist influenced resistance to the Japanese... more
Between 1950 and 1956 the Japanese Communist Party, under Soviet and Chinese Communist pressure, abandoned their hitherto successful policy of democratic ‘peaceful revolution’ for violent Maoist influenced resistance to the Japanese government and Allied Occupation. The JCP’s ‘military policy’ resulted in dozens of violent incidents, including attacks on police boxes, murder of police officers, attacks on Occupation personnel, major violent riots (including ‘Bloody May Day’, arguably the largest violent protest in Japan’s postwar history) and attempts at the creation of Maoist style ‘liberated areas’ in rural parts of the country. The policy proved a failure but it nevertheless had significant impacts on Japanese postwar history and Japanese politics. These included the further souring of relations between the Left and Right, a process which also influenced the enhancement of Japan’s internal security structures including the enactment of the Subversive Activities Prevention Law and the creation of the National Police Reserve (one of the precursors of the contemporary Self Defence Forces). The policy and its ultimate failure also resulted in significant changes in the position of the JCP itself, ranging from its forced shift from a more conventional Marxist line to a Maoist position (paradoxically under Soviet pressure), to its adoption of anti-colonial and national liberation rhetoric within the Japanese context for the first time, and to eventually its near-collapse both in terms of both public support, and through factional division. Despite these significant and lasting legacies, the JCP’s policy remains virtually unexamined in the literature focusing on the period. The low level of scholarly attention paid to the events of the policy, its impacts, and their legacy is certainly evident in Japanese language studies of the era, but it is particularly notable in the English language scholarship. This paper attempts to address this absence and illuminate both the importance of the policy and the paradoxes within it which ultimately contributed to its failure.
Within studies of the Occupation years (1945-52) the cultural impact of the Jeep has been clearly identified, and often linked to the power of General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander of Allied Powers (GHQ) and its personnel. However... more
Within studies of the Occupation years (1945-52) the cultural impact of the Jeep has been clearly identified, and often linked to the power of General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander of Allied Powers (GHQ) and its personnel. However within the economic sphere the Jeep’s influence remains under examined, despite having a significant impact. Some accounts argue the Jeep helped shape Japanese people’s ideas about personal transportation and automobiles in general, but the influence of the Jeep also clearly extended into the automotive industry, with the maintenance, refurbishment, and, later, manufacture of Jeeps, forming a major, but rarely examined, element within its early postwar development. This highly symbolic (and literal) reconstruction an iconic piece of Americana in Japan was also one which laid some of the foundations of the subsequent growth of several of Japan’s postwar automotive giants. Alongside contextualising the role of the Jeep within the mid-twentieth century history of the Japanese automotive industry and the cultural influences ascribed to the Jeep within the literature, this paper presents the argument that discussions of the Jeep’s role within the Occupation have to date focused too closely on the cultural impacts of the vehicle, and that the hitherto neglected roles the Jeep played within the automotive industry both before and after the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 deserve greater attention.
The importance of the Occupation within Japanese economic history is beyond doubt, however there still remain various partially explored regions within the scholarly landscape of the period. One subject which falls into this category is... more
The importance of the Occupation within Japanese economic history is beyond doubt, however there still remain various partially explored regions within the scholarly landscape of the period. One subject which falls into this category is the impact of small four-wheel-drive passenger vehicles, or jeeps, during the Occupation. This subject can be considered ‘partially explored’, as within the scholarship its cultural impact is clearly mapped out, and often linked in the process to the power of the Occupation itself, but within the economic sphere, the jeep remains all but invisible, somewhat akin to the censorship of the jeep (and all other visible symbols of the Occupation) from Japanese films produced at the time. The reasons for this curious partial absence of perhaps the most visible symbol of the Occupation vary, as detailed below. Indeed, the jeep could be said to be in some ways a mechanical embodiment of the Occupation; an alien, militarised, and undeniably American presence in postwar Japan. The jeep, being the omnipresent transportation of General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander of Allied Powers (GHQ) personnel, also traverses the entire landscape of Occupation. As well as being the ‘steed’ which bore everything the Occupation brought, the jeep itself also exerted other direct influences on Japan during the years 1945-1952. Some of these were cultural, influencing many Japanese people’s ideas about personal transportation and automobiles in general. Others were clearly economic, with the maintenance, refurbishment, and later, manufacture of jeeps, forming a major but rarely examined, element within the development of the postwar Japanese automotive industry. This highly symbolic (and literal) reconstruction an iconic piece of Americana in Japan was also one which laid some of the foundations of the subsequent success of several of Japan’s postwar automotive giants. This paper attempts to examine the impact of the jeep from both of these perspectives, reassessing the already well established cultural interpretations of the jeep’s impact, and detailing the hitherto neglected economic influences of the jeep during the era.
Research Interests:
The Economic and Business History of Occupied Japan Conference, Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, 8 Aug 2015 This paper, looks at the largely unexamined, but pivotal, role jeeps, both of US and Japanese origin, played in the revitalization... more
The Economic and Business History of Occupied Japan Conference, Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, 8 Aug 2015

This paper, looks at the largely unexamined, but pivotal, role jeeps, both of US and Japanese origin, played in the revitalization of the Japanese automotive industry The paper examines various roles the jeep played in the revitalisation of the industry in general and Toyota in particular. These include the psychological and cultural impact made by the arrival of the Jeep in Japan, the use of the Willys Jeep by the Allied Occupation forces; the conditions in which the Japanese automotive industry found itself in 1945; the impact of the Korean War and the increasing demand for indigenously produced four wheel drive vehicles; and the legacy left by the domestically produced jeeps of the era, especially the highly successful Toyota Land Cruiser. Alongside its importance to the revitalisation of the Japanese automotive industry the interactions of jeeps and the Japanese population also shed light on the dynamics inside the Occupation between Japan, GHQ/SCAP and the US and these are also examined.
Research Interests:
British Association of Japanese Studies Conference 2015, SOAS, London, 10 Sept 2015 This paper examines one of the central but hitherto neglected influences of the United States on the Japanese Self Defense Forces (SDF), that of the... more
British Association of Japanese Studies Conference 2015, SOAS, London, 10 Sept 2015

This paper examines one of the central but hitherto neglected influences of the United States on the Japanese Self Defense Forces (SDF), that of the legacy of the local paramilitary constabularies created by the US in territories it occupied from 1900 to 1950. The evidence presented here, based on research conducted in the GHQ/SCAP archives, challenges the widely accepted interpretation that the Japanese National Police Reserve (NPR), the precursor to today's SDF, was created in isolation, independent of previous US military experience, planning, and training. The policy and personal connections between the preceding US constabularies and the SDF are revealed in this paper, and within these links to constabularies established both prior to, and following, the Second World War are examined. The influence of these constabularies on the NPR in terms of deployment, structure and capabilities is also explained. The pre-NPR constabularies which will be examined are those established in the Philippines, Central America and Caribbean prior to the Second World War, and the Korean Constabulary and US Constabulary in Germany, created after the Second World War. This paper will be of particular interest to those specialising in postwar Japanese history, US-Japan relations, Japan's security policy, and the SDF. In providing new insights into the origins of SDF, a force whose structure and future direction are currently subject to serious policy debate, this paper makes a timely and original contribution to the scholarship on the force.
Research Interests:
This paper examines the role played by former members of the Japanese Imperial Army (IJA) and Navy (IJN) on Japan's postwar armed forces - the Self Defence Forces (SDF). Taking the Ground Self Defense Force's precursors, the National... more
This paper examines the role played by former members of the Japanese Imperial Army (IJA) and Navy (IJN) on Japan's postwar armed forces - the Self Defence Forces (SDF). Taking the Ground Self Defense Force's precursors, the National Police Reserve and National Safety Force as its main focus, the paper examines the role played by former IJA/IJN servicemen both the higher and lower echelons of the new forces. The attempts to influence the force from the outside by former high rank IJA/IJN members are also explored, with the actions of Hattori Takushiro, one of the most important of these, employed as a case study.  The paper will be of interest to those studying both the Imperial forces and Japan's postwar armed forces and adds a new perspective to the debates over the continuity between the SDF and IJA/IJN.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This paper is based on archival research in the GHQ / SCAP archives and examines the series of seizures of Japanese fishing boats during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952). This paper looks at the mass seizures of Japanese fishing... more
This paper is based on archival research in the GHQ / SCAP archives and examines the series of seizures of Japanese fishing boats during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952). This paper looks at the mass seizures of Japanese fishing vessels by the maritime arms of the People’s Republic of China, the Republic of Korea (and US Military Government of Korea), the USSR, the Republic of China, and the UN naval forces around Korea in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The paper will examine and map the incidence of the capture of these fishing vessels and investigate the fates of their crews as well as looking at the importance of the fishing industry to Japan in this era. The policies of GHQ / SCAP and the Japanese government towards the seizures will also be examined as will be the role the fishermen themselves played. The paper also includes a geospatial analysis of the capture locations and uses this data to test assumptions about the nature of the seizures during the period.
Tom French believes that China, Japan and South Korea are locked into a spiral of mutual suspicion, insecurity and even hate. So what should they do about it? He believes it’s time to jettison the hyper-nationalism and pursue mechanisms... more
Tom French believes that China, Japan and South Korea are locked into a spiral of mutual suspicion, insecurity and even hate. So what should they do about it? He believes it’s time to jettison the hyper-nationalism and pursue mechanisms that lift the three countries beyond their troubled pasts.
Prof T French gave a report on his research to date, centering on his recently released book, National Police Reserve: The Origin of Japan's Self Defense Forces. The presentation was split into two sections, the first looking at Prof... more
Prof T French gave a report on his research to date, centering on his recently released book, National Police Reserve: The Origin of Japan's Self Defense Forces. The presentation was split into two sections, the first looking at Prof French's background and future plans, and the second summarizing his research on the National Police Reserve (NPR).

The first section of the presentation served as an introduction and to contextualise Prof French's research on the NPR and detailed his educational background, other qualifications, professional affiliations, research funding, publications so far on the NPR, and plans for future research.

The second section of the talk examined Prof French's research into the NPR in detail. It looked at previous work on the NPR which has largely classified the force as an army on the basis of very little evidence. The main piece of evidence used to justify such arguments, the memoir of Frank Kowalski, was also examined and its shortcoming as a sole piece of evidence on which to judge the NPR were highlighted. In order to address these short comings Prof French examined a large amount of primary documentary sources principally collected from the National Diet Library Tokyo, and the process of collection and nature of these sources was also examined.

Prof French proceeded to examine the international origins of the NPR, arguing that Cold War concerns, the constabulary model, and US debates about the security played a role in the creation of the force. The domestic origins of the force were also described, including the Japanese government's conceptions of security and desire for a constabulary, the perceived threat to Japan's internal security, and the catalysing role played by the Korean war.

The character and organization of the NPR were then looked at including the recruitment, training, examinations, deployment, logistics and capabilities of the force, alongside its interactions with former Imperial Army and Navy officers and the Japanese civil police. The operational aspects of the force were also described, including the living conditions of its members, its legal position, intended internal security role and actual use in disaster relief. The presentation concluded with an examination of the evolution of the force into the National Safety Force (NSF) in 1952. Key events and processes examined here included: the fall of MacArthur, the assumption of heavier arms, the induction of former Imperial officers and the resistance of the Japanese government. The final section of the presentation explored the continuities between the NPR and the Self Defense Forces including the forces' disaster relief role, civilian legal status, internal security responsibilities, civilian control and police connections.
Is Europe’s past destined to be Asia’s future? Does Asia today resemble, in any way, shape or form, pre-World War I Europe? In recent months and years, countless comparisons have been made between the geopolitical situation in... more
Is Europe’s past destined to be Asia’s future? Does Asia today resemble, in any way, shape or form, pre-World War I Europe? In recent months and years, countless comparisons have been made between the geopolitical situation in present-day Asia and pre-World War I Europe. For example, former Prime Minister of Australia Kevin Rudd referred to the South and East China Seas as the ‘Maritime Balkans of the 21st Century’. Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger observed last February that the geopolitical rivalry between China and Japan reminded him of 19th century Europe, in that longstanding historical grievances can magnify the prospects for miscalculation and unintended escalation in the absence of mechanisms for institutional cooperation. Similarly, former Foreign Minister of South Korea Yoon Young-kwan argued that despite deepening economic interdependence, the rising nationalism and lack of effective institutional mechanisms make the region’s current international relations more akin to 19th century European balance-of-power politics. Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, speaking earlier this year at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, compared the current Sino-Japanese tensions to Britain and Germany in 1914, countries that despite strong trade links did not prevent the break of hostilities.

In his presentation, Dr Thomas French will discuss the parallels and differences between Europe on the eve of World War I and present Northeast Asia. He will look at academic, mass media and political commentary on this issue, analyze them in relation to the actual conditions in each era and region and see if any genuine comparison can be drawn between Europe in 1914 and Asia in 2014.
This paper is based on archival research in the GHQ / SCAP archives looks at the series of seizures of Japanese fishing boats by other states during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952). The paper looks at the mass seizures of... more
This paper is based on archival research in the GHQ / SCAP archives looks at the series of seizures of Japanese fishing boats by other states during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952).  The paper looks at the mass seizures of Japanese fishing vessels by the navies and coast guards of the People’s Republic of China, Republic of Korea, USSR and Republic of China in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The paper will examine and map the incidence of the capture of these fishing vessels and investigate the fates of their crews. The policies of GHQ / SCAP and the Japanese government towards the seizures will also be examined as will the importance the fishing industry held for Japan during the Occupation. The paper will conclude with an exploration of the implications that the seizure of the fishing boats had on Japanese maritime ‘rearmament’, sovereignty, and on how the seizures are connected to the territorial disputes of today.

Keywords:
Fisheries, Sovereignty, territorial waters, GHQ / SCAP, The Korean War, Maritime Self Defense Forces."
This paper based on archival research in the GHQ / SCAP and Toyota museum archives looks at the largely unexamined, but pivotal, role the jeep played in the revitalisation of the Japanese automotive industry during the Allied Occupation... more
This paper based on archival research in the GHQ / SCAP and Toyota museum archives looks at the largely unexamined, but pivotal, role the jeep played in the revitalisation of the Japanese automotive industry during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952).

http://apebh2013.wordpress.com/program/

The paper examines the psychological and cultural impact made by the arrival  of the Jeep in Japan, the use of the Willy’s jeep by the Allied Occupation forces; the conditions in which the Japanese automotive industry found itself in 1945; the measures which were taken to improve Japanese automotive technology at this point; the impact of the Korean War and the increasing demand for indigenously produced four wheel drive vehicles; and the completion process between Toyota, Honda and Mitsubishi to supply vehicles to the newly created Japanese National Police Reserve. The aftermath of this competition for Japanese government orders and the commercial models it produced as by-products will also be discussed, including the Nissan Patrol, Mitsubishi Jeep, and highly successful Toyota Landcruiser.

In sum the paper provides a hitherto absent insight into the origins of the growth and success of three of the giants of the Japanese automotive sector.  The paper also examines the emergence of key trends in Japanese government procurement, the connections between Japan’s steps towards remilitarisation in the 1950s and the revival of its automotive industry, and the process of technology transfer from the US to Japan in the immediate post war years.

Keywords:
Jeep, GHQ / SCAP, Toyota, Nissan, Mitsubishi, Rearmament, The Korean War, National Police Reserve, automotive industry, post war recovery, government procurement, technology transfer.
The re-election of Shinzo Abe has raised concerns that Japan’s foreign policy will become increasingly nationalistic. Tom French disagrees, at least in the case of China. Abe’s behavior towards Beijing will be pragmatic and leave the door... more
The re-election of Shinzo Abe has raised concerns that Japan’s foreign policy will become increasingly nationalistic. Tom French disagrees, at least in the case of China. Abe’s behavior towards Beijing will be pragmatic and leave the door open for compromise.
China and Japan continue to compete for influence across the Asia-Pacific region. Indeed, the competition is prompting Japan to make some interesting policy choices, writes Tom French. One of them includes pursuing closer cooperation with... more
China and Japan continue to compete for influence across the Asia-Pacific region. Indeed, the competition is prompting Japan to make some interesting policy choices, writes Tom French. One of them includes pursuing closer cooperation with the US’s regional allies.
This paper examines the historical and contemporary role of the Japanese Self Defense Forces in disaster relief operations. Drawing on previously unexplored primary archival sources, the original moves towards employing the Self Defense... more
This paper examines the historical and contemporary role of the Japanese Self Defense Forces in disaster relief operations. Drawing on previously unexplored primary archival sources, the original moves towards employing the Self Defense force and its predecessor forces in disaster relief operations will be examined, as will the evolution of this role through to the recent deployment of the force during the aftermath of the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake. The paper will be of interest to scholars of modern Japan and East Asia, but also others interested in the rehabilitation of the domestic support for security forces through the participation in recovery and relief operations.
Whereas Japan has used a historical narrative of humiliation to become a pacifist state, China sees it as an opportunity to consolidate its global power status. These dynamics, however, might be about to change.
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Drawing on previously unexplored British, American and Japanese archival sources this paper examines the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) and during the latter’s under examined... more
Drawing on previously unexplored British, American and Japanese archival sources this paper examines the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) and during the latter’s under examined period of ‘armed resistance’ from 1950 to 1955. The paper explores the shifting policies of the JCP in this period and covers the Party's abandonment of the strategy of ‘peaceful revolution’ in favour of an ultimately unsuccessful policy of ‘armed resistance’. The paper analyses the direct and indirect influences the CCP had upon the JCP’s actions and policy during this period and compares them to the more widely known Soviet influences on the JCP in this period. The paper begins with an examination the JCP’s policy shift, focusing on the Soviet and Communist Chinese influences on the JCP at the time. This includes an examination of the reasons behind the abandonment of the hitherto reasonably successful policy of ‘peaceful revolution’, and an exploration of the clear Maoist influence on the JCP’s new policies, structure and approach to ‘guerrilla’ activities.
The news of the death of the leader of the leader of North Korea came as an unwelcome shock to the people of East Asia, prompting a 5% fall on the South Korean stock exchange and the rise of fears of instability in the DPRK as a result of... more
The news of the death of the leader of the leader of North Korea came as an unwelcome shock to the people of East Asia, prompting a 5% fall on the South Korean stock exchange and the rise of fears of instability in the DPRK as a result of the sudden announcement.

The direction of the DPRK from here rests largely on how securely the succession of Kim's third son, Kim Jong Un, has been set in place. If Kim Jong Il has failed to adequately prepare the ground for his son's ascension, or if elements of the population or military decide to seize this opportunity to attempt to contest the Kim regime's hitherto secure grip on power, the North, and possibly even the wider region, could potentially be plunged into instability. The latter scenario is also a possibility if further external provocations, similar to the attacks on Yeonpyeong and the Cheonan take place as result of instability and /or power struggles within the North.

The death of Kim Jong Il has given an opportunity to the people of the DPRK to rise up against the regime, and whether such an oppressed people will be able to exploit the opportunity they have been provided with, will again rest largely on the solidity of the succession. It remains to be seen whether the death of Kim Jong Il will be an opportunity for the DPRK to reform, either with or without Kim Jong Un, or whether the succession proves to be the last, and possibly the greatest, of Kim Jong Il's many failures as leader of the DPRK.
The recent shelling by the North Korean People's Army of Yeonpyeong Island and the resultant civilian and military casualties have raised many questions about the possible causes behind, and responses to, this clear act of aggression.... more
The recent shelling by the North Korean People's Army of Yeonpyeong Island and the resultant civilian and military casualties have raised many questions about the possible causes behind, and responses to, this clear act of aggression.

Causes

Much like the original outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 the exact cause or 'who fired first' in this incident may never be known. However, it seems that the North Korean shelling began ostensibly in response to an artillery exercise by the South Korean military. Nevertheless, the bombardment is believed by most observers, and crucially, the South Korean leadership, to have been a premeditated act of aggression.

Much like the sinking of the Cheonan on 26 March the incident has provoked a flurry of speculation about the North's motivation behind these highly risky acts of aggression. Some have speculated that the attack could be a response to the recent hosting of the G20 by the South, with the North unwilling to be upstaged by its southern neighbour. Others have argued that the attack could be a result of the recent statements by a US diplomat that Americans would not reward Northern provocations by returning to the six party talks. The often advanced theory of blaming of the incident on 'rogue elements' within the Northern military is also a common theme. No doubt these and the clichés of the North as a 'mad', 'bad' or even 'sad' regime will fill much of the commentary on the incident.

These rather flimsy arguments seem to unravel when confronted by the question: why would the North risk so much over such minor incidents as it would almost certainly be defeated if it came to war? A more credible explanation lies in attempting to assume the perspective of the Kim regime and the choices available to it.

Caught in the midst of a succession crisis, the ailing Kim Jong-il seems to want to ensure the smooth transition of power to his heir apparent Kim Jong-un. A useful tool in this seems to be winning the support of both the military and people through 'victories' over the United States and its South Korean 'puppet'. As noted in B.R. Myers's recent book The Cleanest Race this form of anti American / South Korean propaganda is very common in the North and a the sinking of a southern warship and the bombardment of a military base offer the chance to renew and strengthen this narrative and with it the interconnected Kim dynasty personality cult and central, highly respected position of the military.

Responses

The cessation of the bombardment and the apparent absence of any further acts of aggression seem to prove that the North doesn't seek a wider conflict, however the full response of the South is yet to be revealed. As noted in a previous Defence Viewpoints article, three possibilities lay open to the Southern government, sanctions, a blockade of some kind and finally, military action. It seems that the South too does not yet seek an escalation of the incident however the remarks by Southern President Lee Myung-bak that the attack would be met "through action", not just words may hint at a tougher line over the coming days. It seem Southern patience is wearing thin and this coupled with the inevitable public outcry and the clear opportunity the attack provides for a strike against the North's nuclear facilities, (including the recently discovered centrifuges at the Yongbyon nuclear complex) might yet result in a hardening of the South's attitude towards its northern neighbour.
This paper seeks to highlight some of the misconceptions and debates which surround the National Police Reserve (Keisatsuyobitai) or NPR, the precursor to today’s Ground Self Defence Force (Rikujō-Jietai). An examination of much of the... more
This paper seeks to highlight some of the misconceptions and debates which surround the National Police Reserve (Keisatsuyobitai) or NPR, the precursor to today’s Ground Self Defence Force (Rikujō-Jietai). An examination of much of the current historiography’s categorisation of the force as an army, on the basis of a very thin source base, is contrasted with the content of the primary sources in an attempt to reveal the true character of the force.
With the recent apparent concessions by the Iranian government over death by stoning in the face of western pressure, this seeming victory for 'soft power', begs the question whether similar policies might work on North Korea (DPRK). The... more
With the recent apparent concessions by the Iranian government over death by stoning in the face of western pressure, this seeming victory for 'soft power', begs the question whether similar policies might work on North Korea (DPRK).

The EU seems to think so, having recently passed a resolution on human rights in North Korea, which included the appointment of a special representative and calls on the DPRK to 'abolish the death penalty and end to the ongoing grave, widespread and systematic human rights violations, public executions and extra-judicial executions'.


Whether the EU's involvement or even 'soft power' itself can influence the North remains highly debateable for two principal reasons, the differences between the DPRK and Iran and the character of the North Korean regime.

Despite some minor unrest due to catastrophic currency reform last year, the DPRK, unlike Iran is not plagued by mass internal dissent and hence sees little need to make concessions to appease its populace. Furthermore, North Korea is geographically distant from the EU, is not directly connected to the Middle Eastern crises on which the EU seems more willing to focus, and despite major economic ties with the Far East, the EU has little direct military or political influence in the region. Finally, the DPRK is already in the position to which Iran seems to aspire in having become nuclear capable. As well as effectively insulating the DPRK from attack and acting as a highly valuable bargaining chip, the internal prestige boost these weapons generate may also bolster the state and lessen the need for further concessions on domestic issues. These issues reduce the effectiveness of the EU's 'soft power' on the North and also simultaneously weaken the commitment and focus of the EU on the DPRK.

The nature of the North Korean regime further undermines the potential effectiveness of any attempts at influencing it through 'soft power'. Foremost amongst these is the clear disregard of the regime of the health, lives and rights of its citizens, as has been recently highlighted in an editorial in the Japan Times and a recent report by Amnesty International.

During the ongoing succession struggle within the DPRK it seems that any iota of concern the leadership may have held over its citizens will have sunk way into the background as more pressing matters take centre stage. Furthermore, within such a totalitarian regime it seems that any concessions made to the outside world and the weakness they would imply would loosen the grip of the leadership over the population by challenging its propaganda which often argues the regime is actively protecting Korean sovereignty in the face of Japanese and American neo-colonial ambitions. This added to the mindset of the fiercely independent and possibly paranoid North Korean leadership make the possibility of any concessions, least on 'internal security' very unlikely.

Thus it seems that despite some good intentions the EU's new initiative on the DPRK is likely to come to naught. The leadership of DPRK has long shown it doesn't care about people and is not yet weak enough to care, or see the value in, making concessions to an actor which has little 'hard power' in the region with which to back up any 'soft power' diplomacy.

The US has tried 'hard power' for years, both through sanctions and other measures to coerce DPRK, only to fail and reinforce the paranoia of the North and it seems that if this has had little success the EU's effort at a softer approach may also meet the same fate.

It also seems likely that some of the other Far East powers involved in the six party talks will be unwilling to allow EU to become more deeply involved, especially over human rights, an issue with which China shares more with the DPRK than the West.

The great irony in this process is that despite all these efforts at influencing the North, if the issue of human rights is left aside, the North, its regional neighbours and the West all currently share the same short-term aims for the peninsula: peace, stability, maintenance of the status-quo and economic development.
North Korea’s ‘Falklands Moment’? Argentina launched its bid to recapture the Falkland Islands from Britain in 1982 largely in response to bolster the Junta’s tottering legitimacy and popularity. This move aimed at diverting the people’s... more
North Korea’s ‘Falklands Moment’?

Argentina launched its bid to recapture the Falkland Islands from Britain in 1982 largely in response to bolster the Junta’s tottering legitimacy and popularity. This move aimed at diverting the people’s attention from the country's chronic economic problems and the regime's ongoing human rights violations through uniting them in a patriotic struggle in defence of their homeland.

This form of aggression to preserve the ruling elite could have some parallels in present day North Korea. Reeling from catastrophic monetary reform which further weakened an already embattled economy, alleged public unrest, and with a frail and ailing leader keen to quickly install a successor, the North may be attempting to steer a similar course, albeit without actually going to war, if possible. Through provoking the South through the sinking if the Cheonan, the Kim Jong Il regime may be seeking to re-legitimise itself as the guardian and rightful ruler of North Korea, through creating an image of being threatened by the South. The fact that there has been virtually no mention of the sinking of the Cheonan in the North Korean press, and that the regime disputes the fact that it was they who sunk the ship illustrates this. Thus the familiar North Korean propaganda image of being threatened by a belligerent neighbour supported by the United States would actually ring true to a certain extent and the likely resulting public anger could be harnessed to boosting the support for the faltering regime.

The regime must be aware that if it came to war the North would almost certainly be defeated, but brinksmanship, although risky, could be one of the few tricks the regime have left in order to hold on to power.

Paradoxically, the efforts by the regime to cling on to power, although possibly successful in the short term could well scupper North Korea in the long term, with the most likely outcome of further, harsher sanctions being certain to further damage an already moribund economy.

However, if the regime’s senior leadership thinks that it is in imminent mortal danger, a ‘roll of the dice’ may result, with the leadership taking the very slim chance of military success in preference to the perceived certainty of destruction at the hands of their own people.

South Korean Responses

With the discovery that the North was behind the sinking of the Cheonan, the question arises of what the South could or will do in response. With the North vowing that even the application of sanctions, will result in ‘all out war’ the South must tread carefully, but what are the possible avenues actions are available to a country which has already promised ‘resolute measures’ to punish the North?

Sanctions

Although the least punitive of the measures available even the introduction of further economic sanctions has the chance of further escalating the crisis. With the North’s economy already weak after the abysmal failure of recent monetary reform and the alleged resulting internal unrest, the further blow of renewed, strict sanctions could topple the Kim regime. This could trigger a collapse of the North, resulting in waves of refugees fleeing to China and the South, an outcome the Chinese are especially keen to avoid. The Chinese fears of North Korean collapse, the fact that they are the regime’s major supporter and its second largest trading partner (after the south) and their desire to see the regime survive may see them attempt to undermine or weaken any package of sanctions proposed through the UN.

Naval Blockade

Another, more aggressive, response and one which could be taken in tandem with sanctions could be the imposition of a naval blockade of the Northern ports by the Southern Navy. Whether the South Korean Navy could handle this task without US support is debateable, and whether the US would be willing to give such support is highly questionable. Furthermore, with most of North Korea’s trade taking place across its land borders the economic impact might not justify such a provocative move. However, the South Korean public may not be satisfied with sanctions alone and a move such as this, being short of military action, might prove an acceptable alternative. Such an option could also provide an opportunity in which the dented pride of the South Korean Navy could be somewhat restored.


Military Action

Whether in the form of a limited airstrike against the North’s nuclear, missile, aerial or naval facilities, or a larger scale attack, this option is both the most dangerous and the least likely. Despite the fact that the South, supported by the US and possibly other allies would almost certainly defeat the North, the damage caused to the South would be extensive. Despite possessing a huge military much of the North Korean arsenal is entirely obsolete and although almost certain to be defeated by the vastly technologically superior Southern / US forces, North Korean missiles could devastate Seoul and strike as far as major cities in neighbouring Japan. With the staunch opposition of a United States unwilling to become involved in third simultaneous war, and the reluctance of the South to risk widespread devastation, this option seems very unlikely.
Shakespeare said that ‘some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them’. The Japanese PM Yukio Hatoyama, despite being heir to a political dynasty, clearly falls into the final bracket, having assumed... more
Shakespeare said that ‘some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them’. The Japanese PM Yukio Hatoyama, despite being heir to a political dynasty, clearly falls into the final bracket, having assumed the leadership of the Democratic Party (DPJ) after the implosion of the political career of the former DPJ leader, Ichiro Ozawa, amid corruption allegations.


The weak and vacillating conduct of Hatoyama in office has seen his party’s approval ratings plummet from a post-election peak of 70% to 20% in less than 9 months. This unwillingness or inability to tackle Japan’s milieu of problems is no more evident than in Hatoyama’s approach to the issue of US bases on Okinawa.

Hatoyama made the relocation of the Futenma US marine base either out of a major urban area or out of the prefecture entirely, a major election campaign promise. After the DPJ’s landslide victory in August 2009 moves to honour this promise, which reneged on a deal made by the previous government, descended into Shakespearian farce.

Hatoyama, unable to juggle the demands of the diverse factions in his party, the cold response of the Obama administration and the calls for action by the Japanese and Okinawa people, has seemingly resorted to burying his head in the sand and hoping the problem will go away.

Unable to force the Americans to move the base out of Okinawa, Hatoyama is confronted with a lose-lose choice of relocating the base within the prefecture or leaving it where it is, both of which are opposed by an increasingly vocal Okinawan public. Either choice would further weaken the authority and public image of the already moribund Prime Minister.

Caught between a rock and a hard place, Hatoyama has apparently decided that the best choice was not choosing. This is clearly shown by his recent abandonment of a self imposed 31 May deadline to resolve the issue. It could be the case that the PM is playing for time, putting off making a decision until after the upcoming upper house elections but his inertia and indecision may have already cost him his premiership. The fact that senior DPJ figures have already begun distancing themselves from him, and that rumours of his imminent resignation have begun to circulate, seems to indicate the final curtain has begun to descend on Hatoyama’s premiership.
As the wrangling begins in the Britain’s new coalition government over the depth and breadth of the necessary cuts to the troubled public purse, amongst the ‘big ticket items’ often cited as a possible victims are the two new UK aircraft... more
As the wrangling begins in the Britain’s new coalition government over the depth and breadth of the necessary cuts to the troubled public purse, amongst the ‘big ticket items’ often cited as a possible victims are the two new UK aircraft carriers.

In the recent struggles between the forces chiefs over the defence of the future funding of their respective branches the relevance and usefulness of such expensive vessels was cited.

However, the recent discovery of oil near the Falkland Islands highlights the fact that these assertions are misplaced. Although the discovery may not prove economically viable to extract at the present time, and the fact that a weak Argentina is unlikely to try to seize the islands by force again, the situation highlights two key factors: the global reach of British interests and the impossibility of predicting the future course of events.

Despite its decline since the Second World War, the UK remains a great power and has global commercial, financial and political interests to match. These occasionally require the application of military force or the indirect deterrent power of long range capabilities such as aircraft carriers. The fact that the Argentinean junta’s ambitions in 1982 were given a psychological and material boost through the scrapping of the Britain’s fast jet carriers in earlier years, are a clear example of the latter.

Events such as the discovery of the oil deposits also highlight the fact that despite our best predictions the shape of the world in the future might not match up to what we foresee at the present. The events of 9/11 and the collapse of Francis Fukuyama’s theory of ‘the end of history’ are striking recent examples of this.

The defence of Britain’s traditional and resource security in a dangerous world, hungry for a dwindling pot of energy and mineral resources is a powerful argument for the retention of the carriers. Indirect efforts to secure the UK’s supply of ‘Black gold’ now will help keep Britain in the black in future years and are well worth a small splash of red ink now.
Cranfield University’s Hazel Smith once argued that the major flaws in most analyses of North Korea were the assumptions that the communist regime was either; ‘bad’ i.e. ‘evil’, malevolent or belligerent; or ‘mad’, irrational, unknowable... more
Cranfield University’s Hazel Smith once argued that the major flaws in most analyses of North Korea were the assumptions that the communist regime was either; ‘bad’ i.e. ‘evil’, malevolent or belligerent; or ‘mad’, irrational, unknowable or unpredictable. The sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan in disputed waters on 26th March by a North Korean submarine, as now tacitly admitted by the South Korean Defence Ministry, at first glance clearly seems to fit Smith’s definitions, being classified by most as a belligerent, or even irrational, act.

However, Smith put forward two alternatives of her own to explain some of the actions of the secretive Northeast Asian state: that the regime was ‘sad’, being motivated by its dire economic and humanitarian situation, or ‘rational’, acting in desperation from a realist perspective, hoping to preserve its existence in the face of overwhelming external pressures and internal problems.

Externally it seems that sinking of Cheonan is ‘mad’, but the internal succession politics of the Kim regime might make it a rational choice for a faction seeking to gain power, or even the leadership itself, in seeking to maintain a grip on the military during the transition.

Of course the ‘mad’ / ‘bad’ analysis may also prove fruitful if it turns out the sinking was conducted by a rogue commander without direct authorisation from central command or Kim himself.

Nevertheless, if centrally directed, the move is a highly risky gamble and is certain to have an economic impact in the form of tougher sanctions at the least, a fact which perhaps explains Kim’s sudden visit to China to ask for more aid for an economy already reeling from last year’s botched currency reform.

Whatever the cause, the sinking of the Cheonan is unlikely to benefit the regime internationally and hence an internal political explanation seems the most convincing at this point.
In a recent work André Hertrich sought to highlight the continuities between the pre 1945 imperial Japanese army (IJA) and the post 1954 Japanese Ground Self Defence Forces (GSDF). This contention is often used by scholars and rival... more
In a recent work André Hertrich sought to highlight the continuities between the pre 1945 imperial Japanese army (IJA) and the post 1954 Japanese Ground Self Defence Forces (GSDF). This contention is often used by scholars and rival northeast Asian states which suffered due to Japanese aggression to criticise Japanese defence policy. This topic and interconnected issues related to Japanese defence are gaining in importance due to the recent deployment of the Maritime Self Defence forces to east Africa in an anti piracy role and the possibility of the revision of Japan’s pacifist postwar constitution in 2010.

In his work Hertrich stresses what he sees as the continuities in the military mindset and virtues valued in the IJA and GSDF and argues that due it its participation in disaster relief and peace keeping operations the GSDF is a modern military force. This paper will question these two arguments through reference to the history of the GSDF with particular emphasis being paid to the organisations created in the 1950s which bridged the gap between the IJA and GSDF. Most significant of these was the National Police Reserve (NPR), a paramilitary police force created to ensure Japan’s internal security during the Korean War. This organisation evolved into the GSDF and formed the crucible in which the main aspects of the organisational character and identity of the GSDF were forged. These aspects included the elements which Hertrich uses to argue that continuities exist between the GSDF and IJA. This paper will argue that although minor superficial continuities do exist between the IJA and GSDF they are far outweighed by the differences between the two instituted during the existence of the NPR.
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As Britain’s international focus shifts and Japan faces an increasingly challenging regional security environment, security, and economic links between the two countries continue to deepen. Recent years have seen an expansion of military... more
As Britain’s international focus shifts and Japan faces an increasingly challenging regional security environment, security, and economic links between the two countries continue to deepen. Recent years have seen an expansion of military exchanges, training missions and increasing political interest in the deepening of military links between Japan and the UK. This panel examines this contemporary burgeoning of these connections within the historical context of peacetime military links between Japan and the UK since the 1860s.

The first paper examines Britain’s role in the Boshin War (1868-1869) including how the conflict shaped images of Japan in the UK and the extent to which Britain can truly be considered a neutral actor in that conflict.

The second paper examines the uses both published and private accounts of life in treaty port Japan produced by British Army and Marine officers, several of which have never been studied or employed before, to explore the perspectives, influences and legacies of the British Garrison of Yokohama (1864-1875).

The third paper looks at broader trends in the relationship and the range of co-operative activities the British and Japanese militaries have engaged in since 1945, paying particular attention to the postwar reestablishment of links between the Japanese and UK militaries.

The final paper examines the flurry of contemporary security and defence cooperation activities that extend into maritime, air, land, cyber, and strategic domains - and seeks to draw from it a better understanding of the bilateral policy assumptions, contextual drivers and global trends that are redefining the broader relationship.

All four papers offer original insights into the topics they examine and employ hitherto under-examined or neglected primary material. The papers will be pre-recorded and the live panel will consist of short summaries of the papers by participants, followed by an open Q&A and discussant’s comments.

This panel forms part of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science project “Old Friends, New Partners: New Perspectives on Anglo Japanese Military Relations in the Modern Era”.
As Britain’s international focus shifts and Japan faces an increasingly challenging regional security environment, security, and economic links between the two countries continue to deepen. Recent years have seen an expansion of military... more
As Britain’s international focus shifts and Japan faces an increasingly challenging regional security environment, security, and economic links between the two countries continue to deepen. Recent years have seen an expansion of military exchanges, training missions and increasing political interest in the deepening of military links between Japan and the UK. This panel examines this contemporary burgeoning of these connections within the historical context of peacetime military links between Japan and the UK since the 1860s.

The first paper examines Britain’s role in the Boshin War (1868-1869) including how the conflict shaped images of Japan in the UK and the extent to which Britain can truly be considered a neutral actor in that conflict.

The second paper examines the uses both published and private accounts of life in treaty port Japan produced by British Army and Marine officers, several of which have never been studied or employed before, to explore the perspectives, influences and legacies of the British Garrison of Yokohama (1864-1875).

The third paper looks at broader trends in the relationship and the range of co-operative activities the British and Japanese militaries have engaged in since 1945, paying particular attention to the postwar reestablishment of links between the Japanese and UK militaries.

The final paper examines the flurry of contemporary security and defence cooperation activities that extend into maritime, air, land, cyber, and strategic domains - and seeks to draw from it a better understanding of the bilateral policy assumptions, contextual drivers and global trends that are redefining the broader relationship.

All four papers offer original insights into the topics they examine and employ hitherto under-examined or neglected primary material. The papers will be pre-recorded and the live panel will consist of short summaries of the papers by participants, followed by an open Q&A and discussant’s comments.

This panel forms part of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science project “Old Friends, New Partners: New Perspectives on Anglo Japanese Military Relations in the Modern Era”.
As discussant:  "Reception and Transformation of Science and Technology: Quality Control of Public Health in Occupied Japan(1945-1952)"
Research Interests:
As discussant: "Whose Bristol Bay Incident? A U.S.-Japan Fishery Dispute in Alaskan Waters, the Great Depression, and Shifting International Geopolitics in the 1930s"
Research Interests:
As discussant: The Jury System in Okinawa under the American Occupation and Its Background of the Introduction
Research Interests:
As discussant: (Im)Possibilities of economic cooperation without political influence: The presence of East Asian countries in the Western Balkans
Research Interests:
This paper provides a basic introduction to the history Japan’s empire and its legacies in the modern world. It includes a brief historical outline of the rise and fall of Japan’s empire, then proceeds to assess and examine the... more
This paper provides a basic introduction to the history Japan’s empire and its legacies in the modern world. It includes a  brief  historical  outline  of  the  rise and  fall of Japan’s empire, then proceeds to assess and examine  the motivations and processes behind its creation.
As discussant
As discussant.
Research Interests:
AAS-in-ASIA@Doshisha Universitiy AAS -in-ASIA Conference Horizons of Hope Post-war Transitions across New Borders: Economic and Political Activities of Repatriates in Post-War Japan and Germany Sun, June 26, 3:00 to 4:50pm, Shikokan... more
AAS-in-ASIA@Doshisha Universitiy AAS -in-ASIA Conference Horizons of Hope

Post-war Transitions across New Borders: Economic and Political Activities of Repatriates in Post-War Japan and Germany
Sun, June 26, 3:00 to 4:50pm, Shikokan (SK), 1F, 118

The themes of this conference are 'Asia in motion' and 'horizons of hope'. Both are fully encapsulated in this panel, which examines one of Northeast Asia's most significant mass migrations: the repatriation of millions of Japanese from their former Empire. This panel has two main aims. First, to trace the “passage through” wartime imperialism to post-war democracy in Japan. In this light, Nishizaki examines the post-war occupational transitions of employees of the South Manchuria Railway as Japan moved from recovery to high-speed growth. Nakayama then focuses on Karafuto and Taiwan, investigating the post-war lives of a select group of agricultural experts who played prominent roles in mobilizing people for the empire. Some of these individuals also appear in Bull’s paper, which examines the incorporation of repatriates into Japan’s public war memory—a process that reveals the multifaceted relationships among the repatriates and government. Overall, these papers question the emphasis on repatriates’ 'victimhood' in conventional narratives. The second aim is to place Japanese repatriation within a wider context. Ivings does this through a comparison with refugees in Germany, challenging us to re-examine our existing assumptions within a global framework, which he argues brings a fresh perspective to the growing body of research on the Japanese empire and its aftermath. To conclude, one of the leading experts on repatriation – Lori Watt – will offer her insights and a discussion of the contemporary relevance of the study of the 'refugee crises' of this period will be encouraged among the audience.
As discussant
As discussant.
As discussant.
This international and interdisciplinary conference on Asia-Pacific Security and International Relations will bring together a range of academics, policy makers, and practitioners to discuss the evolving issues in security and... more
This international and interdisciplinary conference on Asia-Pacific Security and International Relations will bring together a range of academics, policy makers, and practitioners to discuss the evolving issues in security and international relations in the Asia-Pacific. Relationships between China, Japan and the US will be explored, as well as between those countries and the rest of this volatile region, as states jostle for power, influence and resources.

From classical thinkers’ works such as Aristotle’s Politka or Machiavelli’s Il Principe through to the seismic geo-political events over the last century, power as both a conception and commodity, has continually challenged the minds of security and international relations theorists. The dynamics of power and its associations with ideology, wealth and status now shape the contemporary world more visibly than ever as we enter into a time of global uncertainty. The uncertainties with respect to this power dynamic are a profound research challenge to all fields of the security and international relations discipline. As the conference theme of our inaugural Asia Pacific Conference on Security & International Relations, we together seek to offer some explanation of its magnetism and its mechanisms.

Our own Asia-Pacific region is fast becoming the core center of influence and the driving force and engine room of global progress. This requires an openness to engage in the strategic conversation of how the dynamics of power can be successfully managed, how Asia-Pacific nations can cooperate in areas of common interest, and how the differences that inevitably arise in the power relationship between major states can be resolved respectfully and equitably. We expect the theme of power to excite a number of stimulating research paths, and look forward to their outcomes as we gather in Kobe in October 2015.

We look forward to seeing you at APSec2015!

Dr Joel Campbell
Associate Professor of Political Science in the Pacific Region, Troy University, Japan
APSec2015 Conference Co-Chair

Dr Thomas French
Associate Professor of International Relations, Ritsumeikan University, Japan
APSec2015 Conference Co-Chair
Research Interests:
Despite great advances being made in recent years within many aspects of the history of the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945 to 1952), the economic and business history of the era remains relatively dormant. This situation is... more
Despite great advances being made in recent years within many aspects of the history of the  Allied Occupation of Japan (1945 to 1952), the economic and business history of the era remains relatively dormant.

This situation is interesting as the period is argued by many to have had a significant impact on Japan’s subsequent economic and political development, including, according to some, the fostering of the ‘postwar economic miracle’.

This conference aims to reinvigorate the study of this topic and open up numerous previously neglected elements of the business and economic history of Japan in this pivotal era.

Papers: 

An Empire Reborn: The Japanese Fishing Industry during the Occupation

William M. Tsutsui examines the collapse, recovery and expansion to overcapacity of the Japanese fishing industry during the Occupation and the level of continuity this represented between pre-war and Occupation fisheries policies. 

The Occupation, Jeeps, and the Postwar Revival of Toyota

In this paper Tom French looks at the, largely unexamined, but pivotal, roles jeeps of both of US and Japanese origin, played in the revitalization of the Japanese automotive industry and within the history of the Occupation itself. 

The Structure of Industrial Policies by GHQ/SCAP towards the Japanese Cotton Spinning Industry

Takahiro Ohata analyses the relationship between the rehabilitation of the Japanese cotton spinning industry and the policies of the Occupation, which sought to expedite its rehabilitation.

Zaibatsu Dissolution and its Meaning to Japan after World War II

Iwakazu Takahashi looks at the development of Japanese competition law in this period, its relation to the Occupation’s Zaibatsu dissolution program, and its links to similar programs undertaken in occupied Germany. 

Present but Largely Missing:  Japanese Businessmen and SCAP Business Reforms

Steven Ericson adopts a new approach to the study of the Zaibatsu dissolution program through focusing on the hitherto neglected role of Japanese business leaders in resisting Occupation policy, and their role in the eventual rollback of some of the same policies. 

Hokkaido, Regional Economic Policy and the Occupation 

Juha Saunavaara looks at the renewed Japanese focus on the economic potential of Hokkaido in this era as a result of the loss of key colonial markets and sources of raw materials, and the role the Occupation in this change of policy.
XVIIth World Economic History Conference, Kyoto, 4 Aug 2015
Research Interests:
Asian Conference on Asian Studies 2015, 29 May 2015 This panel addresses arguably the greatest ‘elephant in the room’ within studies of Sino-Japanese and Sino-US relations: the risk of conflict in North East Asia. The participants of... more
Asian Conference on Asian Studies 2015, 29 May 2015

This panel addresses arguably the greatest ‘elephant in the room’ within studies of Sino-Japanese and Sino-US relations: the risk of conflict in North East Asia. The participants of this keynote panel are made up of members of the faculty of Ritsumeikan University’s College of International Relations, the oldest and most prestigious IR department in Japan. The content of the presentations reflect the breadth of experience within the College and cover topics ranging from sociology, IR theory, peace studies and historical approaches to understanding the region.
Research Interests:
Keynote Speaker:
Craig Martin, Associate Professor, Washburn University School of Law

Discussant:
Thomas French, Associate Professor, Ritsumeikan University College of International Relations

Moderator:
Akihiko Kimijima
Since the Jiang-Koizumi era, Sino-Japanese relations have been steadily deteriorating. The Tanaka Kakuei-Zhou Enlai period is already long past. Jiang’s mentioning of Japan’s wartime criminal conducts at a state banquet at the Imperial... more
Since the Jiang-Koizumi era, Sino-Japanese relations have been steadily deteriorating. The Tanaka Kakuei-Zhou Enlai period is already long past. Jiang’s mentioning of Japan’s wartime criminal conducts at a state banquet at the Imperial Palace, Koizumi’s repeated visits to Yasukuni shrine, various troubles over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, Chinese violent boycotting of Japanese products, China’s defense zone declaration, and Abe’s first visit to Yasukuni shrine as Prime Minister have contributed to dragging relations between the world’s second and third largest economies to a new low. The China–Japan Summit has not been held for quite some time and appears to be an impossibility for at least several months ahead.
The bad relationship is harmful and obstructive to Asia-Pacific regional cooperation. The territorial issue may entrap the United States and create a trilateral imbroglio. The Japanese public has never considered the possibility of a military collision 60+ years as serious as of today.

Can Japan and China return to their friendly relations of past years?
This roundtable discussion was conducted in July 2023 at Ritsumeikan University's College of International Relations between Professor Akihiko Kimijima and several of the first generation of the College faculty responsible for teaching in... more
This roundtable discussion was conducted in July 2023 at Ritsumeikan University's College of International Relations between Professor Akihiko Kimijima and several of the first generation of the College faculty responsible for teaching in the Global Studies (GS) and American University-Ritsumeikan Joint Degree (JD) programs. The discussion covers a range of topics including: the history of the College of International Relations, the creation and development of the GS and JD programs, the Japanese university sector and system, hybridity within the development of student cultures within international programs, the 'practice' of International Relations within an educational setting, and the history and changing interpretations of the concept of 'internationalisation' within Japanese higher education. The content also interacts with broader themes connected to Japanese society, Japanese academia, and Japan's role in the international environment. As a central figure in the creation of both the GS and JD programs, Kimijima-sensei's experience and opinions on these matters will be of significant scholarly interest to current and future faculty within the College of International Relations, and for future creators and managers of international or English medium degrees, both in Japan and overseas.
This paper, delivered by the current and former heads of the Ritsumeikan - American University Joint Degree Program (JDP), examines the structures and community-based initiatives necessary to support an environment where students studying... more
This paper, delivered by the current and former heads of the Ritsumeikan - American University Joint Degree Program (JDP), examines the structures and community-based initiatives necessary to support an environment where students studying in English can have a university experience equivalent to their Japanese medium degree peers. The paper examines initiatives undertaken by various actors at the Kinugasa campus of Ritsumeikan University over the last decade in support of the English language medium based students based there (Global Studies and JDP major students and large numbers of exchange students). The initiatives examined include the creation of: library services in English, an English medium college writing tutorial system (the first in a Japanese university), English based internship classes, and student community led support programs. The initiatives of various actors in this regard are examined and range from centrally initiated programs from the core of the university, individual college level activities, and student group/association projects. The process and efficacy of both such top-down and bottom-up initiatives is examined, as is the necessity of such structures in providing essential out-of-classroom support for international and English medium students. The decade long journey to full provision of these services and the transition of many from centrally administered projects to community based ‘self-propagating’ associations is an interesting case study in institutional and student community adaption to the provision of services to a new and growing section of the student community in Japan: English language medium students.
This paper examines the history, establishment, and evolution of Japan’s first ever joint undergraduate degree: The American University - Ritsumeikan University Batchelor of Arts in Global International Relations. The joint degree (a... more
This paper examines the history, establishment, and evolution of Japan’s first ever joint undergraduate degree: The American University - Ritsumeikan University Batchelor of Arts in Global International Relations. The joint degree (a single degree awarded jointly by both institutions using a single integrated curriculum and involving two years of study at both institutions) is the only one of its kind in Japan and the background to its creation, operation and evolution are thus unique experiences within the Japanese higher education sector. This paper, presented by Ritsumeikan’s head of the program and senior staff involved in its creation and operation, will detail the history, operations and curriculum of the degree. The challenges which have been faced and overcome by the program, ranging from the complexities of its curriculum, the integration of practices from institutions with differing organisational structures and cultures, through to maintaining it in the face of Covid-19, will also be detailed. The applicability of the joint degree’s structures and development to the broader sector and its significance and symbolism within the internationalisation of higher education in Japan will also be explored in detail
This paper examines the how the challenges of the pandemic were overcome within Japan’s first ever joint undergraduate degree: The American University - Ritsumeikan University Bachelor of Arts in Global International Relations. The joint... more
This paper examines the how the challenges of the pandemic were overcome within Japan’s first ever joint undergraduate degree: The American University - Ritsumeikan University Bachelor of Arts in Global International Relations. The joint degree (a single degree awarded jointly by both institutions using a single integrated curriculum and involving two years of study at both institutions) is the only one of its kind in Japan and the background to its creation, operation and evolution are thus unique experiences within the Japanese higher education sector. This paper, presented by Ritsumeikan’s outgoing and incoming heads of the program, will detail the history, operations and curriculum of the degree and the challenges which have been faced and overcome by it in its first five years of existence. These included the establishment and management of the degree, the complexities of its curriculum, the integration of practices from institutions with differing organisational structures and cultures, through to maintaining it and looking after students after the arrival of the pandemic. The impact of travel bans, student movement and course delivery will be highlighted, as will the broader applicability of the joint degree’s experience, structures and development to the post-pandemic recovery of the higher education sector in Japan.
立命館大学国際関係学部は、2016... more
立命館大学国際関係学部は、2016 年よりライティング・チュートリアル・プログラムを実施し、大学図書館におけるチュートリアルを通じて、学生がアカデミックライティング能力を向上させ、自立した書き手となることができるよう、支援を行ってきた。本報告では、ライティング・チュートリアル・プログラムの立ち上げや運営を実践した見地から、英語によるプログラムを中心にその取り組みの経緯と概要、成果を、米国や日本でのライティング・センター等の現状とともにまとめ、課題や立命館大学における今後のあり方について明らかにすることを試み.

The College of International Relations, Ritsumeikan University, started its Academic Writing Tutorial Program in 2016. The program provides support for students to become autonomous, self-reliant writers. In this holistic learning process, they improve their academic writing skills during tutorial sessions in the university library. In this article, which reviews ideas about the expansion of writing centers in the United States and Japan, we describe the development, history, and overview of the English-medium tutorial program, reviewing its achievements and the key issues that were raised through our experiences as developers and operators of the program. The paper elaborates on the future challenges and potentialities of the writing support program in Ritsumeikan University.
This map is based on Japanese government and US Occupation data on the capture of Japanese fishing vessels by the Republic of China, People's Republic of China, Southern Korea (from 1948 the Republic of Korea), and USSR, from late 1945 to... more
This map is based on Japanese government and US Occupation data on the capture of Japanese fishing vessels by the Republic of China, People's Republic of China, Southern Korea (from 1948 the Republic of Korea), and USSR, from late 1945 to 17 February 1951.

The map is available here:


https://mapsengine.google.com/map/viewer?mid=zgf24XFtJvWk.kFPCdrvaRi-k


Each individual capture point contains the following data:


Vessel Name
Mass
Engine size
Date captured
Crew status
Any other data

The map also features additional data showing the shifting limits of the GHQ permitted Japanese fishing zone (1945, 1946, 1949, 1950), the South Korean ‘Syngman Rhee line’, and the Korean War UN naval blockade of North Korea.

The locations of the Liancourt Rocks (Takeshima / Dokdo) and Pinnacle Islands (Senkaku / Diaoyu) are also included for reference.

Source of capture data: National Diet Library Tokyo, GHQ/SCAP Archives, Natural Resources Section (NRS) 1914, Yoshida Shigeru to SCAP, Seizure of Japanese Fishing Vessels, 9 March 1951, Annex I, Japanese Fishing Vessels Seized or Stolen in Near Waters.

For more on the author and the research on which this map is based see:
https://ritsumei.academia.edu/ThomasFrench

Disclaimer:

This map is intended entirely for educational purposes, the author takes no position on the territorial / boundary disputes displayed.

There are some errors in terms of co-ordinates in the base data (which are included). The locations of some captures which have no exact coordinates have been estimated. Other captures with no given coordinates have been placed in ports of the capturing authority.
Research Interests:
This map is based on data sent from the Japanese government to the US Occupation in early March 1951 detailing captures of Japanese fishing vessels by the Republic of China, People's Republic of China, Southern Korea (from 1948 the... more
This map is based on data sent from the Japanese government to the US Occupation in early March 1951 detailing captures of Japanese fishing vessels by the Republic of China, People's Republic of China, Southern Korea (from 1948 the Republic of Korea), and USSR from late 1945 to early 1951.

The visualisation is available here:

https://occupiedjapan.cartodb.com/viz/0c7531c8-cea8-11e3-86a5-0edbca4b5057/public_map

Each of the 233 individual capture points flashes on the date of capture in a colour representing the capturing authority:

Blue: South Korea (from 1948 Republic of Korea)
Red: USSR
Grey: Republic of China
Purple: People's Republic of China

The map also features additional data showing the 1946 GHQ permitted Japanese fishing zone (the MacArthur line).

Source of capture data: National Diet Library Tokyo, GHQ/SCAP Archives, Natural Resources Section (NRS) 1914, Yoshida Shigeru to SCAP, Seizure of Japanese Fishing Vessels, 9 March 1951, Annex I, Japanese Fishing Vessels Seized or Stolen in Near Waters.

For more on the author and the research on which this map is based see:
https://ritsumei.academia.edu/ThomasFrench

Disclaimer:

This map is intended entirely for educational purposes, the author takes no position on the territorial / boundary disputes displayed.

There are some errors in terms of coordinates in the base data (which are included). The locations of some captures which have no exact coordinates have been estimated. Other captures with no given coordinates have been placed in ports of the capturing authority.
Research Interests:
This map is based on data sent from the Japanese government to the US Occupation in early March 1951 detailing captures of Japanese fishing vessels by the Republic of China, People's Republic of China, Southern Korea (from 1948 the... more
This map is based on data sent from the Japanese government to the US Occupation in early March 1951 detailing captures of Japanese fishing vessels by the Republic of China, People's Republic of China, Southern Korea (from 1948 the Republic of Korea), and USSR from late 1945 to early 1951.

The map is available here:

https://occupiedjapan.cartodb.com/viz/2bcacd84-c91d-11e3-9f5b-0e73339ffa50/public_map

Each of the 233 individual capture points (shown without capturing authority) appears as an orange point, with points darkening to red at a shade indicative of their cumulative occurrence.

Source of capture data: National Diet Library Tokyo, GHQ/SCAP Archives, Natural Resources Section (NRS) 1914, Yoshida Shigeru to SCAP, Seizure of Japanese Fishing Vessels, 9 March 1951, Annex I, Japanese Fishing Vessels Seized or Stolen in Near Waters.

For more on the author and the research on which this map is based see:
https://ritsumei.academia.edu/ThomasFrench

Disclaimer:

This map is intended entirely for educational purposes, the author takes no position on the territorial / boundary disputes displayed.

There are some errors in terms of coordinates in the base data (which are included). The locations of some captures which have no exact coordinates have been estimated. Other captures with no given coordinates have been placed in ports of the capturing authority.
Research Interests:
"This work is an empirical study of the history of Japan’s National Police Reserve from its creation in July 1950 to its end in October 1952. It is the first ever attempt at a comprehensive and exclusively focused history of the force.... more
"This work is an empirical study of the history of Japan’s National Police Reserve from its creation in July 1950 to its end in October 1952. It is the first ever attempt at a comprehensive and exclusively focused history of the force. The work examines the domestic and international origins of the force, the American Constabulary model upon which it was based, the NPR's character, and its evolution into its successor forces, the National Safety Force and Ground Self Defence Force.

The study also seeks as its first aim, to demonstrate the Japanese influences on the creation of the force, especially that of the Japanese Communist Party, whose policy of violence during the period is a highly neglected area of the historiography.

The second main aim of this study is to reveal the actual organisational character of the NPR. This is required in a field where there is much debate over the character of the force but hitherto little work based on primary sources.

As the NPR has not yet been the exclusive subject of any academic monograph the study makes important contributions in a number of fields. Despite no detailed analysis having been done to date on the nature and organisational character of the force many assumptions are made about its character. By providing this analysis this study contributes significantly to clarifying many misconceptions currently held about the force.

Alongside these major contributions the study also contains many original elements and approaches to specific historiographical issues and problems.
"
Research Interests: