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Powered by Slavic-Eurasian Research Center, Hokkaido University Monday 11 November 2019, 16:30-18:00 Meeting Room 401, Slavic-Eurasian Research Center, Hokkaido University http://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/eng/Document/2019/20191111.pdf Johannes Preiser-Kapeller (Austrian Academy of Sciences; Johannes.Preiser-Kapeller@oeaw.ac.at) Outline of the presentation and main questions: • Introduction: maps, manuals and the world of the “Pax Mongolica” from a 14th century Western Christian perspective: why and how the Byzantine Empire profited from the Mongol Expansion into Western Eurasia • The Ilkhanate teleconnection: from “New Rome” via Anatolia and Iran to Central Asia: state and church diplomacy towards the Ilkhanate and the role of the Patriarchate of Antioch and the Bishopric of Tabriz in comparison with the “Latin” missionary activity in that region • The Golden Horde teleconnection: from “New Rome” via the Black Sea to Central Asia – and China? The special role of the Alans as “orthodox” people and of their metropolitan as potential intermediator within the Golden Horde and the even wider spread of the Alans towards Central Asia and Yuan China; and again the role of “Latin” missionary activity within the Archbishopric of Khanbaliq • Renegades and impostors: mobile Byzantine clergymen in the Mongol-Islamic World after the Black Death: the spread of the plague pandemic and the 14th century crisis in Byzantium; the ecclesiastical sphere of influence of the Patriarchate of Constantinople as “compensation” for the shrinking political influence of the Empire – and how this opened opportunities for mobile, flexible but “nonconformist” clerics such as Symeon of Alania and Paulos “Palaiologos” Tagaris • Epilogue: Byzantium, Timur Leng and “unused opportunities”? Could the Byzantine Church have done “better” with regard to the expansion of its sphere of influence in the Mongol-Islamic World of the 14th century when compared with the Latin Church? In addition, what role did the interpretation of Timur Leng´s victory over the Ottomans in 1402 play for the later fate of attempts of a union between the two churches?
Pre-print, to be published in: Ch. Gastgeber - E. Mitsiou - J. Preiser-Kapeller - V. Zervan (eds.), The Patriarchate of Constantinople in Context and Comparison. Vienna 2015 (forthcoming) At a time when the Byzantine political sphere of influence almost constantly contracted, the Mongol conquests of the 13th century across the Eurasian landmass despite all devastations opened new horizons for the activities of merchants, clergymen, scholars and other highly mobile groups from the Far East to the Mediterranean. With the dioceses in Russia, at the Black Sea and in Anatolia, also large areas of the ecclesiastical province of the Patriarchate of Constantinople were integrated in the Mongol states of the Golden Horde and the Il K̲h̲āns. Byzantine Emperors and Patriarchs tried to arrange with these powerful new neighbours; for this purpose, the ecclesiastics of the Patriarchate, who profited from the relative tolerance of the Mongol rulers in religious regards, could serve as intermediaries. For the metropolitans of Alania and of Zekchia at the Black Sea, we were able to discuss these aspects for the relations between Constantinople and the Golden Horde in a recently published paper. In our presentation, we intend to analyse the role of ecclesiastics also for the connections between Byzantium, the Patriarchates of Constantinople and of Antioch on the one side and the Mongol Il K̲h̲āns in Persia and Anatolia on the other side; with the famous astronomer Gregory Chioniades (ca. 1303-1310) and the infamous “impostor” Paulos Palaiologos Tagaris (ca. 1371-1375) we even find two “Greek” bishops of the Il K̲h̲āns´ capital of Tabrīz in Ād̲h̲arbāyd̲j̲ān in Byzantine documents of the time. In addition, a survey of Greek, Latin and Armenian as well as Syriac, Arabic and Persian sources allows us to describe the entanglements between Byzantine ecclesiastics and their multi-religious and multi-ethnic environment in these regions in greater detail, thus setting the Patriarchate as well as the documents in its Register within the wider context of the “globalised” Mongol world of the later Middle Ages.
This article explores the little studied role of the Rus princes and the Rus prelates of the Byzantine Church in the establishment of immediate contacts between the papal court and the rulers of the Nicene Empire in the mid thirteenth century. These resulted in a new round of negotiations for the union of the Roman Church and the Byzantine Church. At the heart of these contacts was not only the mutual desire of the Latins and Greeks to restore church unity, but also the action of a third force, namely the political ambitions of the Mongol khan toward Christian rulers of the West and, above all, the pope. These rulers took the initiative to turn to him with a proposal for peace in the aftermath of the devastating Mongol invasion that reached Central Europe in 1241-2.
This chapter will appear in the forthingcoming proceedings of the The Third International Symposium on Crusade Studies held at Saint Louis University from 28 February - 1 March 2014
The eighteen chapters of this book explore the complex history of exchange between Byzantium and the Latin West over a period of more than three hundred years, with a focus on the political, ecclesiastical and cultural spheres. Besides outlining the history of competition and collaboration between two empires in medieval Europe, a range of regional approaches, stretching from England to the Crusader kingdoms, o fer insights into the many aspects of Byzantine-Latin contact and exchange. Further sections explore patterns of mutual perception, linguistic and material dimensions of the contacts, as well as the role played by various groups of "cultural brokers" such as ambassadors, merchants, monks and Jewish communities.
The interaction between Byzantium and the Latin West was intimately connected to practically all the major events and developments which shaped the medieval world in the High and Late Middle Ages – for example, the rise of the ‘papal monarchy’, the launch of the crusades, the expansion of international and long-distance commerce, or the flowering of the Renaissance. The aim of the volume is to explore not only the actual avenues of interaction between the two sides (trade, political and diplomatic contacts, ecclesiastical dialogue, intellectual exchange, armed conflict), but also the image each side had of the other and the way perceptions evolved over this long period in the context of their manifold contact. The papers presented here offer new insights and original research on numerous aspects of this relationship, pooling together the expertise of an international group of scholars working on both sides of the Byzantine-western ‘divide’, on topics as diverse as identity formation, court ritual, ecclesiology, literary history, military technology and the economy, among others. The particular contribution of this research is the exploration of how cross-cultural interaction was shaped at the intersection of the thought-world of the historical agents and the material circumstances which circumscribed their actions.
Medieval Encounters 20, no.1
Armenian Involvement in the Latin-Mongol Crusade: Uses of the Magi and Prester John in Constable Smbat’s Letter and Hayton of Corycus’s “Flos historiarum terre orientis,” 1248–13072014 •
Tjurkologicheskie issledovanija=Turkological Studies
Western Missionaries and Merchants: an Example of Cooperation Within the Framework of the Mongol Empire2018 •
Research objectives: to consider the interaction between Italian merchants and representatives of the Dominican Order, and more importantly the Franciscans, in the territory of the Mongol Empire (mainly the Juchid and Chaghadaid uluses) in the first half of the 14th century. The author focuses on the circumstances of the wide distribution of Latin missionary work in Asia and especially on the invaluable financial support of Italian merchants, without which the missionary work of the Mendicants could hardly have achieved such an unprecedented scale. In addition, the author of this article attempts to clarify the reasons that Italian merchants donated large amounts of money to support the activities of Western missionaries. At the end of this study, the author tries to explain the reason for a special favor of the Mongol rulers toward the missionaries from Europe. Research materials: a number of synchronous Latin sources (including Papal bulls and missionary reports from the East) which provide information on the activities of European missionaries within the boundaries of the Mongol Empire. Research results and novelty: the sources examined in this study suggest that the Mongol rulers’ favor toward the Italian merchants was related to the patronage of the Papal curia to certain extent – something which the Avignon Popes insistently pointed out in their letters to the khans of the Golden Horde and Chaghadaid ulus. The same sources equally clearly indicate that the favorable attitude of the khans extended to the Western missionaries who carried out their activity in their territories. Probably this favor originated from a desire to please Italian merchants who brought significant revenues to the treasury of the Mongol rulers. At the same time, the khans’ favor emerged from the fact that Western missionaries were official representatives of the pontiffs in the territories. The Mongol rulers, in turn, sought to use the missionaries’ influence to maintain diplomatic relations with the Avignon curia. Thus, the Western missionaries’ presence in the East proved beneficial both for Italian merchants and the Mongol rulers. By this consideration one can explain the widespread presence of Dominican and especially Franciscan convents in the vast Mongol Empire
Zolotoordynskoe Obozrenie
Image of the Golden Horde Tatar-Mongols and Ilkhans in the Writings of Crusade Propagandists (late 13th – early 14th centuries) »2015 •
By the end of the 13th century, when the Tatar-Mongols were already well-known in Latin Europe, several experts in the Near East affairs tried to specify the real place of the Tatars of the Golden Horde and the Ilkhan Horde in the complicated geopolitical complex, related to the struggle for the liberation of the Holy Land and the Holy Sepulchre from the "yoke of the Saracens". The experts had to explain to the Western European elites how they should perceive the two Western uluses of the formerly united Mongol Empire of the Chinggisids. The relations with the Golden Horde and the Ilkhans of Iran appeared to be of crucial importance for the liberation and preservation of the Holy Land. Thus, two images of the Tatars took shape gradually: that of potential enemies in the case of the Golden Horde, and the possible allies in the case of the Ilkhans. This text is dedicated to several treatises of these propagandists, unified under the title and the slogan De Recuperatione Terr...
Seiyoshikennkyuukai-Symposium: Medieval Empires and their Networks, 17 November 2019 Tachikawa Memorial Hall, Ikebukuro Campus, Rikkyo University Johannes Preiser-Kapeller (Austrian Academy of Sciences; Johannes.Preiser-Kapeller@oeaw.ac.at) Outline of the presentation and main questions and arguments: • 1) Ideal and realities of imperial rule in 10th-11th century “Christendom”: emperors and the “dominant coalition”: Can the parallel crisis of the Roman (“Byzantine”) Empire of the East and the (“Holy”) Roman Empire of the West in mid-late 11th century CE be interpreted as a “decline” from the “apex” of these empires at the turn of the 1st Millennium CE or as the “poisoned heritage” of “autocratic” rulers (namely, Basil II [976-1025 CE] in Byzantium and Henry III [1039-1056 CE] in the German Kingdom? Both imperial offices were based on the election by and consultation “with those persons and groups of people without whom it was impossible to rule”, i. e. members of the secular and ecclesiastical elites; these groups and networks have been identified as “dominant coalition” of pre-modern states in works of institutional economics (North/Wallis/Weingast 2009). Both in Byzantium and in the Holy Roman Emperor, authors of the time diagnose a “deviation” from these patterns of rule by consultation by Henry III respectively Basil II. Furthermore, the fragility, but also flexibility of these power arrangements in both empires became especially visible during times of minority of heirs to the throne or of female claimants (in the Byzantine case). The beginnings of the climax of crisis in Germany and in Byzantium can be linked to such periods (Henry IV in the West, 1056-1066; Michael VII, 1067-1071, in the East). • 2) The crisis of the 11th century in the (Holy) Roman Empire and Byzantium: The “usual” fragility of power arrangements or new socio-economic dynamics? Based on these findings regarding the potential instability of political framework in both empires, one could ask if the crises of the 11th century were only periods of intensification of the system inherent risks of imperial rule or if they can be connected with underlying new socio-economic dynamics. For the Holy Roman Empire and entire Western Europe, the 10th-12th centuries have been identified as period of economic and demographic growth, favoured by the environmental conditions of the so-called “Medieval Climate Optimum”. The growth in the number of settlements and areas under cultivation, however, was also entangled with an intensification of secular and ecclesiastical lordship, often in competition with each other or with older rights on the use of the landscape. Furthermore, new “elites of function” (in the form of the servientes/ministeriales) and growing urban communities equally challenged the power and influence of the old-established nobilities. The conflict between King Henry IV and the nobility and peasants of Saxony due to the expansion of royal rights in the economically and strategically important Harz region thus can be understood as time of “crystallization” of these persistent changes of the socio-political framework. The entanglement of this conflict with the so-called “Investiture Controversy” with Pope Gregory VII (culminating in Canossa 1077) lead to the outbreak of full-scale civil war and the rise of Anti-Kings during the reign of Henry IV until his deposition by his son Henry V in 1106 CE. Also for the Byzantine Empire, research in the last decades has identified the 10th-12th centuries as time of demographic and economic growth. Already before, scholarship has observed the growth of the economic and political power of the “aristocratic” great families at the cost of the free peasantry (Ostrogorsky 1954 wrote about a “feudalisation” of Byzantium). In any case, similar to the Western Empire, new social mobilities and new urban educated and commercial elites become more visible during the 11th century, especially in the “mega-city” of Constantinople (for which there existed no counterpart in the West). Most recently, however, Anthony Kaldellis (2017) has put into question the “traditional” scenario of the conflict between landowning “magnates” and the imperial centre; he on the contrast claims, “the emperors were threatened not by landowners but by army officers. Some were no doubt landowners, but there is no evidence that they were dangerous because of their property. (…) Instead, they were dangerous because they could subvert the loyalty of the armies.” (p. 15). Kaldellis thus interprets the crisis of the 11th century as “systemic crisis” of the usual power arrangement of emperor, army and state apparatus. A close reading of the same sources as used by Kaldellis, however, allows us to illustrate the interplay between the traditional allocation of rank and wealth within the army and administration and the growth of landed property and their transmission within increasingly powerful noble clans. At the same time, the fragility of (non-hereditary) elite status in Byzantium may have aggravated during the 11th century both the competition over the access to the imperial office as well as tendencies toward alienation from the centre and autonomous power formation. Both trends then interlocked with the advance of Seljuk and other Turkish groups into Asia Minor before and after the Battle of Manzikert (1071 CE), leading to the loss of large areas within this former core region of the empire. In this regard, Byzantium also differed from the Holy Roman Empire in the West, whose territorial integrity despite the weakening of royal/imperial power was never threatened by the strengthened position of the leading princes, who regarded themselves “as the pillars of the empire and the guardians of its unity” (Borgolte 2002, p. 45). • 3) Geopolitical, environmental and socio-economic change across Afro-Eurasia: societies in trouble? These different outcomes of the 11th century crises in the Holy Roman Empire and Byzantium are of course equally connected to the different geopolitical positions of both polities. While the Western Empire faced a serious contender only at its margins with the Normans in Southern Italy and Sicily, who also several times intervened in the conflict between Henry IV and the Papacy, the Byzantine Empire was attacked not only by the Normans, but also by nomadic groups from the Steppes at the Danube (Pechenegs) and in the East (Seljuks and other Turkish formations). Ronnie Ellenblum in his monograph on the “Collapse of the Eastern Mediterranean” (2012) has connected these migration movements with environmental changes in Central Asia, most recently. He also claims, that at the same time climate-induced stress weakened the “sedentary” polities of the Middle East such as Byzantium, the Fatimid Caliphate and the Būyid dynasty, leading to their eventual downfall or almost-collapse. Based on proxy data and other evidence, however (see Preiser-Kapeller 2015), one can demonstrate a high regional diversity across the Eastern Mediterranean, with symptoms of economic growth both in Byzantine provinces and in Fatimid Egypt. The latter, however, was affected by a series of low Nile floods, which contributed to severe socio-political crises, but not necessarily as single or even prime factor. Furthermore, Ellenblum´ s claims have been refuted recently in three independent studies on Eastern Iran and Central Asia (Paul 2016; Tor 2018; Frenkel 2019). Ellenblum, on the contrast, has expanded his scenario to the Liao-Empire in Manchuria, Northern China and Mongolia (Li/Shelach-Lavi/Ellenblum 2019). While comments of experts on this study have to be awaited, data for the adjacent Northern Song-Empire even more than for Western Europe indicates a period of demographic and economic growth, although punctuated by natural calamities such as catastrophic floods of the Yellow River (Zhang 2016). Equally, for 11th century Japan studies such as Totman (2014) identify indicators for population and economic growth, however equally intertwined with increased competition over access to (shōen) land and to imperial power as in the German Kingdom, for instance. These “strange parallels” may lead us to identify the 11th century across Afro-Eurasia as a period of “crises of growth” of otherwise and despite environmental calamities increasingly affluent societies, as Thomas N. Bisson (2009) has done for Western Europe. This, however, can be also one starting point for discussion during the symposium.
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