Medieval Cyprus

This small article deals with the presence of medieval Cypriot icons and artifacts at the Aegean islands. The origin of one icon at Paros, three at Amorgos, an icon and a bema door from Patmos and one icon from Rhodes are discussed here, considering that the only indisputably Cypriot icon is a Deesis one, found after works of restoration at the church of the Dormition of the Virgin at Trianda (Ialysos), Rhodes. Finally, some remarks are made about the similarities and the connection between medieval Rhodian and Cypriot painting.

A brief linguistic and ideological analysis of the profanities addressed towards several racial groups in Leontios Machairas' "Chronicle".

This is the summary of a bigger paper I wrote in 2018, during my final undergraduate year. It is unrelated to my current main academic interests.

To understand Cyprus problem and founding out a sustainable solution we need to analyze and understand the role of religion on Cyprus issues in past and today. As it is known both Christian and Muslim cultures left their signs on island and have a strong impact on today's relationships. As a result of this differ¬ent effects in The Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus, referred to the Orthodox Christianity and Islam as constituent elements.
After division of Christianity, the conflicts between Catholic and Orthodox Churches, Ottomans and Cyprus Orthodox Church be¬came allies. The Ottomans, while trying to reduce Latin's influ¬ence, treated the Orthodox Cypriots with the consideration and gained their good will. In 1821 with the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence, the Greeks of Cyprus attempted to follow in the footsteps of those of Greece; such was the accusation, which Kuchuk Mehmed brought against the bishops and the leading Greek laymen of Cyprus. As a result of this the Archbishop and his archdeacon were hanged, the three Bishops beheaded and the notables dispatched by the Janissaries. This was the break point and beginning of political separation between Ottoman adminis¬tration and Cyprus Orthodox Church. In this article, I have tried to analyze the developments of relationships between Muslims and Christians under lights of history and give a right perspective to the future relationships.

Résumé

L’empire de Constantinople, après un siècle (969-1085) de domination sur de vastes portions de l’Orient (Cilicie, Chypre, Syrie du Nord et Djézireh), et de rayonnement au-delà jusqu’à Jérusalem, dut reconstituer sa présence dans cet espace à partir de la fin du XIe siècle. L’arrivée de nouveaux acteurs chrétiens autonomes, Francs et Arméniens, compliqua l’équation politique de l’Empire, qui ne devait plus uniquement reconstruire sa domination sur ses anciens sujets, mais aussi compter avec ces forces.  L’empire de Romanie vécut en Orient, parallèlement aux Croisades, une intense phase de redéfinition de sa réalité régionale, de ses modalités de fonctionnement et de son rôle politique. Cependant, cette expérience, qui se prolongea sur près de deux siècles, ne saurait se limiter à une simple projection de puissance de Constantinople sur cette périphérie.  Malgré les bouleversements qui frappèrent le cœur de l’Empire de 1081 à 1289, la référence impériale se maintint en Orient sous les Comnènes, les empereurs latins et nicéens, puis sous les premiers Paléologues.  Le processus ne fut durable que grâce à la redéfinition progressive de l’identité impériale locale. Ses contours varièrent par l’adjonction d’éléments hétérogènes, contribuant à complexifier l’empreinte de l’empire de Romanie en Orient.  La Romanie orientale fut une solution à l’équation politique des pouvoirs locaux (la principauté d’Antioche, le comté de Tripoli et les royaumes de Chypre et d’Arménie principalement) pour réussir leur intégration régionale en la conjuguant avec un héritage impérial constantinopolitain, incluant l’Orient helléno-arabe.


Abstract

The empire of Constantinople, after a century (969-1085) of domination over large part of oriental territories (Cilicia, Cyprus, North Syria and Djezireh) during which it exerted its influence over Jerusalem, had to restore its influence in this space from the end of the eleventh century. The arrival of new autonomous Christian players, Francs and Armenians, complicated the empire’s political equation, which had not just to rebuild his domination over its old subjects, but also had to allow for these forces. The empire of Romanie lived in the East, at the same time of the Crusades, an intense period of redefinition of its regional reality, of its modes of running and of its political role. However, this experience, which lasted for two centuries, can’t be confined to a simple projection of Constantinople’s powerful onto this periphery.  Despite the disruptions which hit the heart of the empire, from 1081 to 1289, the imperial reference persisted in the East under the Comneni, the Latin and Nicene emperors, and under the firsts Paleologues. The process was lasting because of the gradual redefinition of regional imperial identity. Its contours were varied by the addition of heterogenic elements, which contributed to complicate the imperial mark in the East. Oriental Romania was a solution to the political equation of local authorities (Principality of Antioch, the County of Tripoli and the kingdoms of Cyprus and Armenia mainly) to succeed in their regional integration, combined with an imperial Constantinopolitan heir, including the Hellenic and Arabic East.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions
Key words: mythological mosaic, House of Aion, Nea Paphos, Late Antiquity, Roman art, allegorical narrative, allusive language of mythological pictures, wordplay (Marsyas-Messias), Jesus Christ, anti-Christian polemic, Dionysos, Cassiopeia, Apollon, Nereides, Abstract Personifications, Greek Mythology, ΚΥΠΡΟΣ

The present paper deals with the mural decoration of the 14th century church of Agios Georgios Exorinos in Famagusta, Cyprus, traditionally considered to be a Nestorian-rite church. The remaining frescoes bear Syriac inscriptions and are characterized by a distinctive juxtaposition of Arab Christian, Byzantine Palaiologan, and Italianate Gothic features. They can be considered to be the work of different artists working between ca. 1300 and the last decades of the century for a community of either Maronite or Melkite Syrians connected with the Frankish family of the Gibelet, ancient lords of Jbail (Lebanon).

Cyprus which is the largest island of the Eastern Mediterranean and Antalya being one
of the most frequented regions of the Southern Anatolia have experienced settlement since
prehistoric times. The Island of Cyprus not only served as a station for the ships sailing
between the West and the East but acted as a base and a source of income for the dominant
powers of the region as well. And the island maintained her significant role throughout
history. As of 1096, when the call for the first crusade began, an incursion appeared from the
West to the East and it continued more than hundred years. This fact increased the strategic
position of the island. The kingdom established by the Lusignan dynasty in 1192 survived
nearly three hundred years and during this period Cyprus played a key role within the
Christians’ strategies in the East.
On the other hand, Antalya had been an essential part of the region since Ancient
times that coastal sailing was practiced. When Antalya was conquered by Seljuks in 1207, the
city improved both political and commercial terms, and it functioned as one of the doors of
Anatolia opening to Europe. After that, except for short intervals, Antalya stayed under the
hegemony of Turks and became one of the prominent points in the Eastern Mediterranean,
which lasted until the end of the medieval times.
This study examines the relations between Cyprus and Antalya, two key points of the
Eastern Mediterranean between the years 1192-1489 that the Lusignan dynasty was in power
on the island. Wars, treaties, commercial activities and social and cultural contacts which
were naturally brought by these close relations were handled.
Key Words: Cyprus, Antalya, the Lusignans, the Eastern Mediterranean.

Art history has often attempted to understand past cultures through an investigation of the most elaborate parts of their artistic legacy. However, in times of an increased interest in anthropological, socio-historical questions, the apprehension of the material legacy of past cultures in general becomes necessary. This fosters the exploration of previously unstudied corpuses of objects, buildings, which can provide us with most valuable insights into the functioning of past societies.
One of those corpuses, never comprehensively studied, are the over 300 Greek churches built or profoundly altered on the island of Cyprus under Latin/ Venetian rule between the early 14th century and the Ottoman conquest of 1571, so in a climate of multifaceted cultural encounters and exchanges. This material legacy was now for a first time systematically recorded and documented. The core of the present study is thus formed by the catalogue volume, presenting an in-depth analysis of construction phases and stylistic characteristics for 261 preserved churches, as well as commentaries on 54 further buildings only known through descriptions or pictorial sources. The text volume addresses the historical and artistic context by applying various methodologies to the studied material. After an introduction, disburdening the churches from previous biased or misleading scholarly verdicts, the foundations are set with a look at the development of local church architecture before the Latin conquest and a detailed chapter on typologies of plans, decorative elements or transformation processes. The next chapters focus on the analysis of stylistic developments – most importantly, the exchange between Western, Gothic and Eastern, Levantine architectural idioms and their formal impact on local Byzantine traditions. A recurring topic in the island’s architecture is the inclination to aesthetic regresses to periods long past, leading to the first of two keywords indicated already in the title: tradition. It is asked in which way a sense of tradition constructed, perpetuated, and multiplied through the design of churches. Ultimately this leads to the discussion of individual and collective identities and the way those were negotiated with the help of architectural works within the multicultural and multiconfessional Cypriot society. Thus, the study constitutes an important contribution to the apprehension of dynamics of cultural exchange in late medieval eastern Mediterranean.

The author analyzes the monumental topography of Paphos, a harbor town in western Cyprus, during the Lusignan (A.D. 1191/2-1474/89) and the Venetian periods (A.D. 1474/89-1570/1). The analysis was based on narrative sources (primarily travelogues and chronicles), as well as archaeological finds. These were used to record the activities reflecting its economy, character, and geographical range, its mariculture. The process highlighted the vulnerability of the medieval monuments and the importance of creating a Cultural Heritage Management plan. Potential cultural trails can highlight new areas of cultural interest, consider other under new light, and raise awareness among the public in order to safeguard them.

Abstract: The island of Cyprus was a meeting point in the Eastern Mediterranean in the
medieval period hosting many people from different places, including pilgrims, traders,
refugees, slaves, mercenaries, knights, adventurers and so on. When the Lusignan Kingdom
was established in 1192 during the third Crusade, the island had experienced the existence of
different civilizations throughout the ages including Greeks, Romans, the Byzantine Empire
and centuries of Muslim Christian co-habitation into the 10th c. which had contributed to the
rich complex cultural, religious and social identities of the island‟s varied inhabitants.
Established in such a culturally diversified place, the Lusignan Kingdom, the “French”
speaking Catholic rulers of an island mostly inhabited by “Greek” speaking Orthodox subjects
and surrounded mainly by “Arabic” speaking Muslim neighbours created a sophisticated
atmosphere. Apart from these dominant languages, different dialects and the languages of the
religious and social minorities were heard on the island. This paper aims at determining the
different languages that were spoken in the Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus between the 12th and
15th centuries and analyzing the relationship between trade, immigration and the diversity of
languages that occurred as a natural phenomenon consequent upon the connection of people
having different social and religious status passing through this frequented destination in the
Eastern Mediterranean. The accounts of the travellers, the memories of the pilgrims, the
contemporary chroniclers and secondary literary works are the primary sources employed in
this paper.

The Australian archaeological mission to Nea Paphos in Cyprus has begun exploring the remains of a structure to the rear of the cavea of the ancient theatre on the southeastern edge of the hill known as Fabrika. The preliminary results of this excavation suggest a significantly large post-medieval building constructed using stone taken from the former theatre. The building appears to have been used in some sort of industrial production, the precise nature of which is not yet determined, and is perhaps the source of the etymology of the name of the hill. This paper discusses a need for a reassessment of this area of the city of Nea Paphos in its more recent history, and discusses the needs for a better understanding of the urban relationship between Fabrika and the theatrical precinct during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Keywords: Hellenistic and Roman urbanism; medieval and post-medieval Cyprus; ancient theatre; the archaeology of post-medieval industrial architecture.

Medieval and Renaissance Cyprus was a fascinating place of ethnic, cultural, and religious encounters. Following almost nine centuries of Byzantine rule, Cyprus was conquered by the Crusaders in 1191, becoming (until 1571) the most important stronghold of Latin Christianity in the Eastern Mediterranean—first under the Frankish dynasty of the Lusignans, and later under the Venetians. Modern historiographical readings of Cypriot identity in medieval and early modern times have been colored by British colonialism, Greek nationalism, and Cyprocentric revisionism. Although these perspectives have offered valuable insights into the historical experience of Latin-ruled Cypriots, they have partially failed to capture the dynamics of noncoercive resistance to domination, and of identity preservation and adaptation. Orthodox Cyprus under the Latins, 1191–1571 readdresses the question of Cypriot identity by focusing on the Greek Cypriots, the island’s largest community during the medieval and early modern period. By bringing together theories from the fields of psychology, social anthropology, and sociology, this study explores continuities and discontinuities in the Byzantine culture and religious tradition of Cyprus, proposing a new methodological framework for a more comprehensive understanding of Cypriot Orthodoxy under Crusader and Venetian rule. A discussion of fresh evidence from hitherto unpublished primary sources enriches this examination, stressing the role of medieval and Renaissance Cyprus as cultural and religious province of the Byzantine and post-Byzantine Orthodox world.

This paper examines the extent to which the estates of the Hospitaller Order of St John on Cyprus came under Venetain control from the time of Quuen Catherine Corner (1473-1489) onwards, right up to the Ottoman conquest. Venetrian control was exercised in part through the appointment of Grand Commanders to the major Hospitaller Commandery of Kolossi, all originating from the Corner family throughout the Venetian period. Nevertheless, the Order resisted Venetian attempts to impose tithes on Hospitaller incomes from Cyprus and a compromise was reached in 1525, an dthe Order did continue to appoint its own commanders to the smaller Cypriot commanderies of Templos and Phoinikas. In 1547 the Hospitallers conducted a visitation of the Cypriot commanderies following complaints by Cypriot serfs who had come to Malta and continued to draw responsions fron Cyprus. Venetian control extended over Hospitaller estates in Cyprus was therefore partial, not complete.

Bu makale 14. yüzyılda Kıbrıs’ta görev yapmış Cenevizli noter Lamberto di Sambuceto’nun kayıtlarından yola çıkarak ortaçağ Mağusa’sındaki deniz aşırı köle ticaretini ve Türk köleleri örneklerle aktarmaktadır.

This paper tells about the examples of overseas slave trade and Turkish slaves in Medieval Famagusta through the notarial deeds of Genoese Lamberto di Sambuceto who had served as a notary in Cyprus in 14th century.

The present article deals with the dynamics of interaction between the different religious denominations living in the Cypriot port town of Famagusta in the 14th and early 15th centuries, as they are witnessed by extant monuments and their pictorial ornaments.

A series of seven epigrams from the Anthologia Marciana (MS Marc. gr. 524) sheds light on the life of John IX Merkouropoulos, patriarch of Jerusalem in exile (1157–before 1166). The evidence that comes to light reveals a thread of a monastic network that connected Jerusalem with Constantinople. According to the epigrams, John became a monk at Mar Saba – something further confirmed using evidence from the double vita of St John of Damascus and Kosmas of Maiouma that he composed [BHG 395]. After staying at the Koutsovendis monastery, he travelled to Constantinople, where Manuel I appointed him on the patriarchal see and also made him abbot of the monastery of St Diomedes/New Zion in Constantinople. Shortly before or after John’s departure from life, his disciple, the monk Clement, appeared to consider his spiritual father to be a holy man and had John’s portrait placed next to that of St James the brother of God. The fact that John was connected to Eastern monastic traditions makes his case particularly interesting for understanding the phenomenon of Holy Men in the twelfth century Constantinople.

The scarce information that we find in the Venetian sources concerning the social status of paroikoi (villeins, parici) during the Venetian occupation of Cyprus (15th-16th c.) paints a dark picture of the Venetian administration’s aims and measures for the island. It is an undisputed fact that the personal status of parici in Cyprus worsened in comparison to that of the former Luzinian period. This paper closely examines a compelling attempt by Cypriot villeins to point the finger at corrupted administrative officers and to press charges against the feudatari (feudatories). We discuss the social status of this group a few years before the war of 1570-1 and compare this status to that of small landholders on the Venetian mainland within the wider framework of contemporary religious disputes, revolts and the spread of Humanism. Furthermore, we examine the central government’s response alongside the measures taken to protect Venice’s second largest colony against Turkish threats, on the one hand and on the other, in relation to Spanish promises. Cyprus’ economic potential is discussed as well as the position taken by other Cypriot social groups on the villein matter.
This research focuses on the humiliating treatment of a social class forced into submission, a state that eventually became implicit for the villeins. This state was characterized by endless drudgery and humiliation based on an anachronistic sense of human life. However, enforced obedience proved inefficient in preventing individual defections to the enemy, the desertion of entire villages and, on occasion, even more violent reactions from the oppressed. Despite being confined to Europe’s corner, the social phenomenon of the human distress of Cyprus’ parici was analogous to similar events in the heart of the continent. In the end, this phenomenon bore the signs not only of a distress of the Venetian regime itself, but of the distress of a whole socio-political system based upon the human bondage.

During the 7th/13th – 8th/14th centuries, the Mamluks fought several enemies against whom they were victorious: they managed to resist the Mongol invasions obliging the Ilkhanids to be at the initiative of a peace proposal; to expel the Franks from Syria and conquer their territories; to weaken the kingdom of Armenia before conquering it throughout the 8th/14th century.
What about Cyprus? Except for the expedition that Baybars launched against the island in shawwāl 669/May 1271, an expedition that failed, and al-Ashraf Khalil’s declaration of wanting to conquer it, Cyprus did not constitute, according to the sources, a significant objective of the Mamluk Sultanate during the second half of the 7th/13th century. However, at the beginning of the 8th/14th century, and for obvious reasons of international politics, Cyprus attracted more attention of the Mamluks, as the examination of the sources confirms, in particular, the writings of Ibn Taymiyya. 
If the latter, in his Risāla al-qubruṣiyya, adopts a moderate tone, which is different from the one that usually characterises it in his other writings, it is to obtain the good treatment of the Muslim prisoners present in Cyprus and the opening of negotiations for their release. Nevertheless, the analysis of several passages of the text brings out indirect discourses that make it possible to identify, with other sources, Ibn Taymiyya’s perception of the Kingdom of Cyprus: a cross-power that represented a potential threat and against which the Sultanate must lead the jihad.
When he mentions the defeat of the Mongols and their Armenian allies, Ibn Taymiyya denounces, implicitly, the role of Cyprus and its participation in the war against the Sultanate, and the failure of plans for joint attacks between the Crusader forces crossed, of which Cyprus is a part and the Mongols. In addition, the praise of the military force of the Mamluk Sultanate by Ibn Taymiyya, who goes so far as to extol the Assassins’ ability to reach their target (despite his utter opposition to their belief that he considers as heretic), can be understood as a warning to the Cypriot authorities against potential retaliation by the Mamluks.
Finally, the memory of the Cyprus Muslim period reflects a certain nostalgia of Ibn Taymiyya and, consequently, his wish for a ‘reconquest’ by the Mamluks.
Based on Arabic sources, this submission proposes to shed light on Ibn Taymiyya’s perception of Cyprus as the next target of Mamluk strategy; on the one hand, by analysing his discourse and confronting it on the other hand to other sources.

The Museum of the Holy Monastery of Kykkos, in collaboration with the
Department of Antiquities, proceeded to archaeological excavations at the location «Avli», in the northwest of the community of Pyrgos Tillyrias, under the direction of Stylianos Perdikis.
The excavation lasted for four weeks, from the 6th until the 31st of October 2008. In the course of this excavation, part of a medieval building was uncovered, the main section of which was constructed solely of rectangular porous stones in an isodomic system; this evidence indicates a structure of particular importance.
In the southern part of the complex, three walls were discovered. The first one has a north-south axis, while the other two are perpendicular to the first, having an east-west axis. The thickness of the walls fluctuates around 70 cm., while the highest standing part reaches around 200 cm. Up to the moment, the excavation has uncovered part of the southern side of the structure, which includes at least one room of dimensions 700 X 600 cm., that has only been half-excavated. There is concrete evidence that the building extends towards the north, where lies, perhaps, its main section.
Based on part of the roof, which has been found overthrown, or in second use, and bears plaster with red or ochre pigmentation, we are led to the conclusion that the walls of the building were painted with red and ochre colour. In a later period, after a destruction, the resettled people extended the residential areas towards the west, while internal subdivisions were made to the pre-existing structure, with the
use of local volcanic stones mixed with rectangular porous stones, collected from the semi-demolished pre-existing building.
A particularly extended burnt layer, with ashes from carbonated wood, metal nails and many broken tiles, indicates a sloping roof, covered with flat fish-hook tiles, which was destroyed by fire. The pottery collected at the site extends chronologically from the 14th century to the late Ottoman period. It is mainly of Cypriot production, unpainted and glazed, while there is also a limited number of potsherds from imported faience pottery. Particularly noteworthy from among the moveable findings is a brass pectoral cross with a Christ in relief, a brass brooch and pins made of bone. The large number of sea-shells, mainly limpets and sea-urchins, indicates their alimentary use.