- Sydney, Australia
Michael Karadjis
University of Western Sydney College, Social Science, Faculty Member
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I have a PhD in Political Science and International Relations from The Australian National University, analysing link... moreI have a PhD in Political Science and International Relations from The Australian National University, analysing linkages between differing official views in Vietnam's political economy and the country’s socio-economic development, and a Master of Letters in a Modern History – International Relations theme from the University of New England. I have also conducted research for Oxfam Hong Kong, the Asia Development Bank and other funding bodies in projects related to trade liberalisation, poverty, health, gender, ethnicity and development in Vietnam and southeast Asia. I currently teach at the Western Sydney University College, and have taught a range of humanities and social science subjects at Sydney University and the Western Sydney University, and held a Lecturer position in International Development at the Australian Catholic University. I have also lectured in development studies in Vietnam, and have worked as an academic English teacher and examiner over the last 20 years, in Australia, Greece and Vietnam. edit
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Abstract The international occupation of the former Yugoslav province of Kosova continues, without clear signs of resolution. The UN, NATO and western powers are demanding'standards' from the Kosovar Albanian majority before they... more
Abstract The international occupation of the former Yugoslav province of Kosova continues, without clear signs of resolution. The UN, NATO and western powers are demanding'standards' from the Kosovar Albanian majority before they will allow'status' ...
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Following the 7.8 Richter earthquake of February 6, no disaster relief reached the people of northwest Syria, in the region under opposition control, from the United Nations or any country, in the crucial first week, meaning thousands... more
Following the 7.8 Richter earthquake of February 6, no disaster relief reached the people of northwest Syria, in the region under opposition control, from the United Nations or any country, in the crucial first week, meaning thousands died under the rubble. This was the part of Syria most heavily impacted by the quake. These people, who had already experienced the full brunt of years of horrific bombing by the Assad dictatorship and Imperial Russia with the full connivance of the “international community”, were yet again condemned to genocide by the world.
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By Michael Karadjis Time and time again, we have been told that 'the Global South'-ie, the developing world consisting largely of former colonies-does not support Ukraine's resistance to Russia's barbaric colonial invasion, or is even... more
By Michael Karadjis Time and time again, we have been told that 'the Global South'-ie, the developing world consisting largely of former colonies-does not support Ukraine's resistance to Russia's barbaric colonial invasion, or is even supportive of Russia. According to this rendition of reality, support for Ukraine is entirely a project of the imperial West, and this very fact is all the more reason that former colonies of western imperialist states do not want to be on the side of their former colonial masters.
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Interesting that in a 37-minute speech to justify Russia's brazen annexation of four regions of Ukraine, Putin didn't mention "Nazis" or "de-Nazification" once, these silly tropes that some gullible western lefties believed. Instead, it... more
Interesting that in a 37-minute speech to justify Russia's brazen annexation of four regions of Ukraine, Putin didn't mention "Nazis" or "de-Nazification" once, these silly tropes that some gullible western lefties believed. Instead, it was all about the glories of 1000 years Imperial Russia, while appealing to the most reactionary segments of western society with a lot of mystical, religious, traditionalist nonsense like the following:
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Cataclysmic destruction of Russian-speaking Ukrainian city Mariupol by Russian invasion; Putin claims, ironically, that his invasion aims to "liberate" these people from "genocide". We've all heard it time and time again. Whether it is an... more
Cataclysmic destruction of Russian-speaking Ukrainian city Mariupol by Russian invasion; Putin claims, ironically, that his invasion aims to "liberate" these people from "genocide". We've all heard it time and time again. Whether it is an argument in support of Putin's brutal invasion of Ukraine, or just as often, opposed to it but claiming both sides are equally at fault, we hear that that "the Ukrainian army killed 14,000 ethnic Russians in Donbas between 2014 and 2022." Here's just one example among thousands of examples regurgitated, with never a simple factcheck, all over the left and right media: According to pro-Putin writer Max Parry, "For what the late Edward S. Herman called the 'cruise missile Left,' the 14,000 ethnic Russians killed in Donbass by the Ukrainian army since 2014 are 'unworthy victims,' as Herman and Noam Chomsky defined the notion in Manufacturing Consent.
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As Ukraine continues to resist Russia’s horrific aggression and attempt to conquer and annex the south and east of the country, the quantity of arms being supplied to Ukraine by the United States and other western countries has steadily... more
As Ukraine continues to resist Russia’s horrific aggression and attempt to conquer and annex the south and east of the country, the quantity of arms being supplied to Ukraine by the United States and other western countries has steadily increased. As the country and people suffering from this naked imperialist aggression, the Ukrainians have every right to receive weapons from whoever wants to send them, regardless of the aims of those countries doing so, or the extraordinary hypocrisy of these imperialist powers.
However, much leftist commentary has increasingly seen this supply of arms as evidence of the war becoming a “proxy” war in which Ukraine, rather than fighting for its very existence, is essentially just acting as cat’s paw for an alleged US imperialist aim of waging “war against Russia,” perhaps even aiming to “Balkanise” Russia. A quick review of some left media just the last couple of days brings up an article that labels the Russian invasion of Ukraine a “U.S. war against Russia” which “threatens world peace;” while even in Socialist Worker, which strongly condemns the Russian invasion and certainly cannot be accused of softness on Putinism, we can read that “today any element of a war of liberation against Russian imperialism is wholly subsumed by, and subordinated to, Nato’s war on Russia.”
An important part of this discourse is the claim that supplying arms goes against the importance of “negotiations,”, which allegedly the US and western states are vetoing, along with the assertion that the US aim is to “weaken” Russia rather than just help Ukraine. Some of this is based on a number of ‘gotcha’ moments when one or another representative of the US ruling class said something a little out of line. Yet a serious analysis will demonstrate that these assumptions and alleged dichotomies have no basis in reality, and the more serious US imperial analysts highlight interests and fears that not only show the ‘gotcha’ moments have little to do with western policy, but ultimately state very similar fears to many of these leftist analysts regarding the potential for a dangerously destabilised Russia resulting from a loss of Russian ‘credibility’, and therefore advocate rather similar limits to US support and stress on negotiations.
However, much leftist commentary has increasingly seen this supply of arms as evidence of the war becoming a “proxy” war in which Ukraine, rather than fighting for its very existence, is essentially just acting as cat’s paw for an alleged US imperialist aim of waging “war against Russia,” perhaps even aiming to “Balkanise” Russia. A quick review of some left media just the last couple of days brings up an article that labels the Russian invasion of Ukraine a “U.S. war against Russia” which “threatens world peace;” while even in Socialist Worker, which strongly condemns the Russian invasion and certainly cannot be accused of softness on Putinism, we can read that “today any element of a war of liberation against Russian imperialism is wholly subsumed by, and subordinated to, Nato’s war on Russia.”
An important part of this discourse is the claim that supplying arms goes against the importance of “negotiations,”, which allegedly the US and western states are vetoing, along with the assertion that the US aim is to “weaken” Russia rather than just help Ukraine. Some of this is based on a number of ‘gotcha’ moments when one or another representative of the US ruling class said something a little out of line. Yet a serious analysis will demonstrate that these assumptions and alleged dichotomies have no basis in reality, and the more serious US imperial analysts highlight interests and fears that not only show the ‘gotcha’ moments have little to do with western policy, but ultimately state very similar fears to many of these leftist analysts regarding the potential for a dangerously destabilised Russia resulting from a loss of Russian ‘credibility’, and therefore advocate rather similar limits to US support and stress on negotiations.
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According to Russian president Vladimir Putin: "The United States continues to receive more and more immigrants, and, as far as I understand, the white, Christian population is already outnumbered … White Christians have become a... more
According to Russian president Vladimir Putin: "The United States continues to receive more and more immigrants, and, as far as I understand, the white, Christian population is already outnumbered … White Christians have become a minority, less than 50 percent now. … Russia is a vast territory, from its western to eastern borders, it is a Eurasian space. But as regards culture, even language group and history, this all is undoubtedly a European space, as it is inhabited by people of this culture. … we have to preserve all this to remain a significant centre in the world." Putin's appeal to "great replacement" theory, his dog-whistle to the "White Christian" world that must be "preserved" lest it become a minority, demonstrates the clear ideological basis of Putin's status as demi-God to the global far-right, fascist, Nazi and white supremacist movements. Here's what David Duke, former leader of the Ku Klux Klan, had to say when leaving Russia after his five-year sojourn there: "In this holy cause we must share one immutable principle: all people of European descent, no matter where they reside in the world, are brothers. … Russia has always been a bulwark to the East, the frontier of our race, and it is now on the frontline of our current struggle. It is my prayer that Mother Russia be strong and healthy, may Mother Russia be free; may she always be White. When a racially aware Russia and reawakened America become united in our cause, the world will change. Our race will survive and together we shall go to the stars!”
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AMID CHINA’S EMERGENCE AS A major economic power and an increasingly tense U.S.-China rivalry, the debate over whether China is now a full-fledged capitalist state, some kind of socialist state, or something in-between has become a major... more
AMID CHINA’S EMERGENCE AS A major economic power and an increasingly
tense U.S.-China rivalry, the debate over whether China is now a full-fledged capitalist state, some kind of socialist state, or something in-between has become a major issue within the global left, with important theoretical and political implications. Opinions, unsurprisingly, vary on this question, given the difficulty of establishing clear criteria on what constitutes a socialist or non-capitalist state.
In this essay, I engage with and critique the argument that China’s momentous social and economic achievements can be adequately explained by viewing it is a partially socialist or non-capitalist country. I do so by challenging the key assumptions underlying this argument both on empirical and theoretical grounds, and placing China in historical and comparative perspectives to better understand both its real achievements and many shortfalls.
tense U.S.-China rivalry, the debate over whether China is now a full-fledged capitalist state, some kind of socialist state, or something in-between has become a major issue within the global left, with important theoretical and political implications. Opinions, unsurprisingly, vary on this question, given the difficulty of establishing clear criteria on what constitutes a socialist or non-capitalist state.
In this essay, I engage with and critique the argument that China’s momentous social and economic achievements can be adequately explained by viewing it is a partially socialist or non-capitalist country. I do so by challenging the key assumptions underlying this argument both on empirical and theoretical grounds, and placing China in historical and comparative perspectives to better understand both its real achievements and many shortfalls.
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In this volume of interviews with an extraordinary range of people identifying with the political left or progressive social movements, Andy Heintz starts out seeking to answer a number of questions which are key to reconstructing a... more
In this volume of interviews with an extraordinary range of people identifying with the political left or progressive social movements, Andy Heintz starts out seeking to answer a number of questions which are key to reconstructing a viable and relevant left today.
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Vast numbers of responses to the conspiracy theories absolving the Assad regime of responsibility for the 2018 chemical massacre in Douma have been penned, some of which this article will list for reference. However, this article is not a... more
Vast numbers of responses to the conspiracy theories absolving the Assad regime of responsibility for the 2018 chemical massacre in Douma have been penned, some of which this article will list for reference. However, this article is not a repeat of this detective work; rather, the core of it is an examination of the absurdity of these assertions, precisely from the point of view of the questions of "who gains" and casus belli that these conspiracists evoke. On April 7, 2018, the Assad regime launched a chemical attack, dropping chlorine canisters, on the besieged town of Douma, the last remaining part of the opposition-held East Ghouta region which had been under a month-long massive attack by the regime, during which it had reconquered the rest of the region.
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Discussion of ‘economies in transition’ often assumes movement from socialist planning to free market capitalism. Vietnam has moved significantly in this direction, but the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) claims the long-term transition... more
Discussion of ‘economies in transition’ often assumes movement from socialist planning to free market capitalism. Vietnam has moved significantly in this direction, but the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) claims the long-term transition is to a higher form of socialism than in the past. CPV cadres list a variety of aspects that differentiate their ‘socialist-oriented market economy’ from a ‘capitalist market economy’. What this orientation consists of, and whether there is anything “socialist” about it, is however much debated. This dissertation focuses on the state-owned enterprises as one way to assess whether any authentic socialist orientation exists. It finds considerable complexity in state enterprises, so the assessment is not straight forward. But the complexity includes significant socialist substance. Their decisions regarding investment or profit distribution are not purely commercially driven, and their purported “inefficiency” is often connected to socially beneficial ...
With US elections approaching, Syrian people wanting to end the 50-year tyranny of the Assad dynasty are looking for any light from either candidate of the US ruling class. The fact that most conclude there is little to be excited about,... more
With US elections approaching, Syrian people wanting to end the 50-year tyranny of the Assad dynasty are looking for any light from either candidate of the US ruling class. The fact that most conclude there is little to be excited about, and search for the tiniest seeming advantage from either side, simply highlights the plain fact that the US rulers have never had any interest in supporting the Syrian struggle for freedom. Now that Assad has largely won the so-called 'civil war'-mostly a one-sided slaughter he waged against the Syrian people-the only real debate going on is whether a victorious, yet highly unstable, Assad regime can be pushed into some kind of political compromise via a "constitutional commission" process. Compared to the heady days of one of the vastest and most inspiring popular revolutionary uprisings of the 21 st century, having to ponder such questions is dull indeed. Nevertheless, reality being what it is, these questions can hardly be avoided. Assad's victory is no ordinary case of a dictatorship successfully cracking down on its people, not wanting to underestimate the terror involved even in such "simple" cases. In Syria, we need to consider the whole Syrian people, not only those forced to live under the dictatorship's heel in the regions it controls.
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A bizarre Trumpist ceremony in the White House on September 4 saw the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo signing two separate documents with the United States involving American-funded economic agreements between the two estranged countries.... more
A bizarre Trumpist ceremony in the White House on September 4 saw the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo signing two separate documents with the United States involving American-funded economic agreements between the two estranged countries. But while perhaps farcical now that Trump is gone, there are a number of significant underlying issues that point to the complexities involved as relations between smaller-scale would-be hierarchical systems compete among the larger imperial and sub-imperial powers for regional leadership. Post Cold-War global capitalism is as far distant from old established binaries as could be.
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On October 6, the Turkish regime of Tayyip Erdogan launched its long-heralded invasion of northeast Syria, aiming to expel the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) from a 30-kilometre border region, and then to dump some its 3.5... more
On October 6, the Turkish regime of Tayyip Erdogan launched its long-heralded invasion of northeast Syria, aiming to expel the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) from a 30-kilometre border region, and then to dump some its 3.5 million Syrian refugees into territory from which the local population has been expelled. Erdogan’s deal with Russian president Putin consecrates a victory for both Erdogan and Syrian tyrant Bashar Assad, who will divide SDF-held territories between them.
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A close examination of eight years of US policy in Syria shows Washington’s objective has never been "regime change," as is often claimed, but rather a modified form of regime preservation.
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While Trump’s initial “withdrawal” announcement may have been a mere personal whim, it happens that it is fully aligned with the trend of renewed opening to the Assad regime from the Gulf, with the strategy of these states which have been... more
While Trump’s initial “withdrawal” announcement may have been a mere personal whim, it happens that it is fully aligned with the trend of renewed opening to the Assad regime from the Gulf, with the strategy of these states which have been strongly allied with Trump since the onset of his presidency. Not coincidentally, all these states – UAE, Jordan, Egypt and Bahrain – also have close ties with Putin’s Russia, and first three welcomed the Russian invasion of Syria in 2015, as did Israel of course.
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When Donald Trump made his sudden announcement that the US was the leave Syria, it was no surprise that virtually none of the commentary on any side had anything to say about the Assad regime. Of course, the entire question of Assad is... more
When Donald Trump made his sudden announcement that the US was the leave Syria, it was no surprise that virtually none of the commentary on any side had anything to say about the Assad regime. Of course, the entire question of Assad is and always has been irrelevant to the question of the US either staying in or leaving Syria.
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As the forces of Bashar al-Assad, backed by the Russian air force, reconquered Daraa city, the birthplace of the Syrian revolution, an aid worker reported to Kareem Shaheen in The Guardian that “people have accepted the reality that the... more
As the forces of Bashar al-Assad, backed by the Russian air force, reconquered Daraa city, the birthplace of the Syrian revolution, an aid worker reported to Kareem Shaheen in The Guardian that “people have accepted the reality that the entire world is fighting against the revolution, and therefore it cannot continue.”
Shaheen is correct; the realisation however is late. The “the entire world” – all the major imperialist and regional reactionary powers – has been against the revolution since its outbreak in March 2011. Their differences have been entirely tactical.
The crushing of heroic Daraa involved an unwritten agreement between the Assad regime, Russia, the US and Israel. Four ‘heroes’ of today’s global ‘alt-right’ – Assad, Netanyahu, Trump and Putin – have emerged triumphant over the corpse of the Syrian revolution.
Much commentary proclaims that all global and regional powers are responsible for the catastrophe, backing “different sides” to pursue their “rival interests.” All these powers are indeed responsible, but the direct and massive Russian and Iranian intervention on the side of the regime contrasts sharply with the indirect role of the United States, the pretence of friendship to the anti-Assad opposition by neighbouring Arab regimes, and the cynical connivance of Israel, in bringing about the same goal. “Rivalry” and “different sides” had remarkably little to do with it.
The end game shows that inter-imperialist cooperation, rather than the much heralded “inter-imperialist rivalry,” was the major dimension of the foreign intervention in Syria. While it is understandable for beleaguered and outgunned revolutionary forces to take advantage of whatever tactical differences existed among the global and regional powers, there was never any real doubt that they were all ultimately on the same side, that of counterrevolution.
Shaheen is correct; the realisation however is late. The “the entire world” – all the major imperialist and regional reactionary powers – has been against the revolution since its outbreak in March 2011. Their differences have been entirely tactical.
The crushing of heroic Daraa involved an unwritten agreement between the Assad regime, Russia, the US and Israel. Four ‘heroes’ of today’s global ‘alt-right’ – Assad, Netanyahu, Trump and Putin – have emerged triumphant over the corpse of the Syrian revolution.
Much commentary proclaims that all global and regional powers are responsible for the catastrophe, backing “different sides” to pursue their “rival interests.” All these powers are indeed responsible, but the direct and massive Russian and Iranian intervention on the side of the regime contrasts sharply with the indirect role of the United States, the pretence of friendship to the anti-Assad opposition by neighbouring Arab regimes, and the cynical connivance of Israel, in bringing about the same goal. “Rivalry” and “different sides” had remarkably little to do with it.
The end game shows that inter-imperialist cooperation, rather than the much heralded “inter-imperialist rivalry,” was the major dimension of the foreign intervention in Syria. While it is understandable for beleaguered and outgunned revolutionary forces to take advantage of whatever tactical differences existed among the global and regional powers, there was never any real doubt that they were all ultimately on the same side, that of counterrevolution.
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In early April 2011, shortly after the start of the Syrian uprising on March 15, people poured into the streets in Ghouta, peacefully chanting “The people want the fall of the regime.” Watch this video, and see what happened next: this... more
In early April 2011, shortly after the start of the Syrian uprising on March 15, people poured into the streets in Ghouta, peacefully chanting “The people want the fall of the regime.” Watch this video, and see what happened next: this slaughter of peaceful protest throughout Syria continued for the next six months before some citizens began defending their protests with weapons, and some regime troops began to protect their brothers and sisters rather than kill them; thus was formed, organically from the struggle, the Free Syrian Army.
As the Assad regime, backed by Russian terror-bombing, today closes in on rebel-held East Ghouta, where 400,000 reside among the bombed-out ruins of this vast working-class district, it is important to consider what is at stake. As we will see, beyond the stick-figure style analysis in both the mainstream western media and, generally worse, in the woke “alternative” media, that speaks of a battle between the regime and “terrorists” or “militants” holding East Ghouta, the reality is that a powerful civil side to the revolution continues to exist, a Free Syrian Army also continues to exist alongside better-known Islamist brigades, and even the most odious of the Islamist brigades has been unable to completely dominate over the organs of the revolution, including the democratic local councils.
As we will see, what is at stake in the crushing of Ghouta are the hopes and dreams of millions of Syrians to live with basic freedoms without being saddled by one of the world’s most savage dictatorships.
As the Assad regime, backed by Russian terror-bombing, today closes in on rebel-held East Ghouta, where 400,000 reside among the bombed-out ruins of this vast working-class district, it is important to consider what is at stake. As we will see, beyond the stick-figure style analysis in both the mainstream western media and, generally worse, in the woke “alternative” media, that speaks of a battle between the regime and “terrorists” or “militants” holding East Ghouta, the reality is that a powerful civil side to the revolution continues to exist, a Free Syrian Army also continues to exist alongside better-known Islamist brigades, and even the most odious of the Islamist brigades has been unable to completely dominate over the organs of the revolution, including the democratic local councils.
As we will see, what is at stake in the crushing of Ghouta are the hopes and dreams of millions of Syrians to live with basic freedoms without being saddled by one of the world’s most savage dictatorships.
The deepening American intervention in Syria under the administration of president Donald Trump has been both far bloodier than that under Barack Obama, and also more openly on the side of the regime of Bashar Assad, as has been clarified... more
The deepening American intervention in Syria under the administration of president Donald Trump has been both far bloodier than that under Barack Obama, and also more openly on the side of the regime of Bashar Assad, as has been clarified by a number of recent official statements and changes.
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This article deals with a specific aspect of the US role in the Syrian conflict: its drive to co-opt the Free Syrian Army (FSA) into a proxy force to fight only the jihadist forces of Jabhat al-Nusra (now Jabhat Fatah al-Sham, or JFS) and... more
This article deals with a specific aspect of the US role in the Syrian conflict: its drive to co-opt the Free Syrian Army (FSA) into a proxy force to fight only the jihadist forces of Jabhat al-Nusra (now Jabhat Fatah al-Sham, or JFS) and the Islamic State (ISIS/Daesh), while giving up their fight against the Assad regime.
This reality sharply contrasts with the comic-book view widely expressed in tabloid journals of the mainstream, left and right, that alleges the Syrian rebellion against the dictatorship of Bashar Assad is a conspiracy involving both the US and al-Qaida, along with the Gulf states, Turkey, Israel, George Soros and many others.
In reality, the US and the al-Qaida spin-offs have been involved in Syria on opposite sides from the outset. It is a particularly bad case of “alternative news” when the US is depicted as “supporting” the forces it bombs in Syria – the Islamic State and Nusra/JFS (and often mainstream rebel groups[2]) – while supposedly “trying to overthrow” the Assad regime which is untouched by US bombing.
Both the US and Nusra/JFS are enemies of the Syrian revolution and the FSA; yet both act to undermine it through maintaining some kind of relationship with it. In this they play a different tactical role to the direct counterrevolutionary role of Russian imperialism and Iran, and also of the Islamic State.
But in this process of “soft” undermining of the revolution from within, the US and Nusra/JFS have been in radical conflict with each other, forcing the FSA and other rebels to walk a fine line, given the overwhelming military superiority of their enemy.
This reality sharply contrasts with the comic-book view widely expressed in tabloid journals of the mainstream, left and right, that alleges the Syrian rebellion against the dictatorship of Bashar Assad is a conspiracy involving both the US and al-Qaida, along with the Gulf states, Turkey, Israel, George Soros and many others.
In reality, the US and the al-Qaida spin-offs have been involved in Syria on opposite sides from the outset. It is a particularly bad case of “alternative news” when the US is depicted as “supporting” the forces it bombs in Syria – the Islamic State and Nusra/JFS (and often mainstream rebel groups[2]) – while supposedly “trying to overthrow” the Assad regime which is untouched by US bombing.
Both the US and Nusra/JFS are enemies of the Syrian revolution and the FSA; yet both act to undermine it through maintaining some kind of relationship with it. In this they play a different tactical role to the direct counterrevolutionary role of Russian imperialism and Iran, and also of the Islamic State.
But in this process of “soft” undermining of the revolution from within, the US and Nusra/JFS have been in radical conflict with each other, forcing the FSA and other rebels to walk a fine line, given the overwhelming military superiority of their enemy.
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For the first time in the 6-year Syrian war, the US shot down an Assadist warplane on June 18, in defence of its allies in the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the US-backed military and political front dominated by the Kurdish-led... more
For the first time in the 6-year Syrian war, the US shot down an Assadist warplane on June 18, in defence of its allies in the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the US-backed military and political front dominated by the Kurdish-led People's Protection Units (YPG). Assadist warplanes had carried out the highly unusual act of bombing the SDF in the town of Ja'Din, near Tabqa in Raqqa Province. For most of the war, the Assad regime and the YPG/SDF have largely avoided militarily confronting each other. While not allies, neither are they enemies, and have at times collaborated in parts of the country when it suited, including the YPG's assistance to Assad in the recent siege of rebel Aleppo. In contrast, the YPG/SDF has become the largest and most strategic US ally in the conflict, as both the US and the SDF are focused entirely on defeating the Islamic State (ISIS) in eastern Syria. As neither have any interest in supporting the rebellion against the Assad dictatorship, a phenomenon overwhelmingly taking place in the more populated west of the country, they can get on with what is largely a parallel war elsewhere.
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Qatar-a tiny piece of fabulously wealthy real estate run by an emir as an absolute monarchy, relying even more than most of the other Gulf states on the large-scale exploitation of migrant labour - an icon of revolution in the Middle... more
Qatar-a tiny piece of fabulously wealthy real estate run by an emir as an absolute monarchy, relying even more than most of the other Gulf states on the large-scale exploitation of migrant labour - an icon of revolution in the Middle East? Hardly. Yet that doesn't alter the fact that it is now the fall guy for the regional counterrevolution. It is an unfortunate reality that, in today's Middle East, calling a particular state " reactionary " is mere tautology, and within that context, it is possible for some to push ahead here or there in a slightly more progressive direction than others.
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A revolution that for many is nothing but a “sectarian” clash is in reality the sharpest class against class clash in the Arab Spring, thus its extraordinary tenacity and ferocity; its sectarian element is, at base, an overlay of this.
One week the United States rushed to the defence of its Kurdish allies, People’s Protection Units (YPG), when the Assad regime bombed them in Hasake; the following week many pro-YPG voices were accusing the same US of betrayal, for... more
One week the United States rushed to the defence of its Kurdish allies, People’s Protection Units (YPG), when the Assad regime bombed them in Hasake; the following week many pro-YPG voices were accusing the same US of betrayal, for supporting Turkey’s intervention into Syria, with up to 5000 Free Syrian Army (FSA) troops, to expel ISIS from the border town of Jarabulus.
However, fickleness would not be a useful explanation of US behaviour. Rather, both events suggest that the outlines of a regional understanding on a reactionary solution to the Syrian crisis may be in the making.
However, fickleness would not be a useful explanation of US behaviour. Rather, both events suggest that the outlines of a regional understanding on a reactionary solution to the Syrian crisis may be in the making.
Comment: A regional counter-revolutionary understanding appears to be emerging in northern Syria, one which is facilitated by Arab and Kurdish rebels' dependence on outside powers. A week after the United States rushed to defend its... more
Comment: A regional counter-revolutionary understanding appears to be emerging in northern Syria, one which is facilitated by Arab and Kurdish rebels' dependence on outside powers. A week after the United States rushed to defend its Kurdish allies, the People's Protection Units (YPG), against the Assad regime in Hassakeh, Washington supported the intervention of the Kurds' Turkish nemesis to expel IS from the border town of Jarabulus. These events suggest the outlines of a regional understanding over a reactionary solution in northern Syria.
The idea that Syria's Assad regime has ever been a supporter of the Palestinian struggle is one of the oddest reasons given by some to defend the regime even as it massacres its own people. The reality couldn't be further from the truth.
Syrian rebels are frequently portrayed as US-armed western stooges. The truth couldn't be more different, as Washington denies opposition fighters the weapons needed to protect lives.
The US has used its attack on ISIS to go on the offensive against non-ISIS rebels who are currently allied to the Free Syrian Army in their joint fight against both Assad and ISIS. This has led to furious condemnation of the US... more
The US has used its attack on ISIS to go on the offensive against non-ISIS rebels who are currently allied to the Free Syrian Army in their joint fight against both Assad and ISIS. This has led to furious condemnation of the US intervention by the bulk of FSA and other rebel groups.
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While making a transition to market-based operations, Vietnam has nonetheless retained a substantial state-managed and owned industrial sector. Michael Karadjis's chapter on state enterprise workers explores their circumstances. Though... more
While making a transition to market-based operations, Vietnam has nonetheless retained a substantial state-managed and owned industrial sector. Michael Karadjis's chapter on state enterprise workers explores their circumstances. Though this sector shrank in the earlier Doi Moi period, as of 1996 state-owned enterprises (SOEs) still accounted for half of the industrial output, though their share declined to 34 per cent by 2004 (Beresford 2008, p. 228), since when the percentage has stabilized. The party-state has continued to support and reform the state-owned sector, which influences the labour conditions of SOE employees. Using documentation and field research findings at two state enterprises, Karadjis convincingly argues in his chapter that "while Vietnamese workers were never absolute 'masters', their traditional participation in the workplace has continued to have a role in the state enterprises' decision-making and this has prevented them from becoming commodities in the post-Doi Moi period." The survival of socialist ideology in SOEs allows for the continued existence of workplace institutions such as the workers' congress, trade union, youth league, and the war veterans' groups, which have some participatory rights in management. Despite never having been able to fully exercise these rights; these bodies are avenues through which informal pressure can be exerted on management. Most tellingly, state enterprise workers earn more than workers who are employed in the FDI factories in Vietnam, even though the minimum wage set for the state sector is lower than for the FDI sector. When welfare benefits and shorter work hours are taken into consideration, state workers are much better-off. As a result, state enterprise profits are lower than domestic non-state enterprises and FDI enterprises. This has aroused criticism from some quarters that state enterprises are inefficient and overstaffed, but from Karadjis's perspective, the evidence is that state workers are less exploited.
from Anita Chan, Introduction, Labour in Vietnam
from Anita Chan, Introduction, Labour in Vietnam