Constitutional Courts

The Constitution of Kenya of 2010 adopts a bicameral legislative structure, within a
devolved system of governance, consisting of the National Assembly and the Senate. In
keeping with the devolved structure of government, the Senate’s legislative mandate is to
a large extent confined to considering, debating and approving Bills concerning counties
as well as determining the allocation of national revenue among counties and providing
oversight over the national revenue allocated to the 47 county governments. Over the last
ten years, Kenya has witnessed a great consolidation of power by the National Assembly
at the expense of the Senate especially with regards to the roles of the chambers over the
process of enacting the Division of Revenue Bill. Such consolidation of power attempts
to relegate the Senate to a peripheral role within the bicameral legislative institutional
structure. Consequently, the Supreme Court has asserted its advisory power and the High
Court its judicial review power to mete out this inter-institutional conflict between the
National Assembly and the Senate. This paper interrogates the manner Kenyan courts
have discharged the contested role of serving as guardians of a legislative institution in
a conflict within the bicameral legislative system. It makes the point that while courts
have the authority to intervene in inter-cameral conflicts, judicial intervention should be
exercised as an option of last resort, only utilised after exhaustion of the constitutionally
ordained intra-parliament mediation process.

"Weimar Cumhuriyeti’nin çarpıcı bir özelliği, dönemin yetkin kamu hukukçularının, karşılaştıkları güncel sorunlara yoğun bir ilgi göstermeleri ve bu çerçevede kapsamlı tartışmalar yürütmeleridir. Kelsen ve Schmitt arasındaki tartışmayı özel kılan, kamu hukukunun pek çok temel kavramına dair iki farklı görüşü içermesidir. Her şeyden önce, korunacak olan anayasanın anlamı, bir koruyucu arayışına yol açan tehlikenin kaynağı, koruyucunun kim olacağı ve tüm bu sorunların arka planında yer alan başlıca mesele olarak demokrasi kavramı... Fakat tartışma konuları ve karşıtlıklar bunlarla da sınırlı kalmaz; devletin niteliği, kuvvetler ayrılığının anlamı, parlamentarizmin özellikleri ve sorunları, siyasi partilerin işlevi, yargısal kararın ayırt edici özellikleri ve tabii Rousseau’nun demokrasi kuramının yorumu konusunda da aynı keskinlikle devam eder."

Weimar döneminde yaşanan bir kamu hukuku tartışmasının bugün bir güncelliği var mıdır? Dünyanın popülist sağ siyasetlerin eksenine kaydığı, anayasanın ve kamu tarifinin “kişisel ihtiyaçlara” göre sündürüldüğü, demokrasinin pekâlâ siyasal “mugalata” olarak ele alınabildiği bir dönemde kuşkusuz bu sorunun yanıtı “evet”tir! Berke Özenç Demokrasiyi ve Anayasayı Korumak’ta içinde yaşadığımız çağın siyasal tartışma başlıklarından -belki de- en önemlisini, Weimar döneminin ışığında kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alıyor.

Հոդվածի շրջանակներում ուսումնասիրվում են սահմանադրական վեճերի հաղթահարման իրավական կառուցակարգերի առնչությամբ հարցերը, ներկայացվում է հեղինակային տեսակետ դրանց հասկացության եւ բովանդակության վերաբերյալ։ Հեղինակը հիմնավորում է, որ նման վեճերի լուծման քաղաքակիրթ տարբերակը դրանց հաղթահարումն է իրավական հարթությունում։ Այդ հանգամանքն, իր հերթին, ենթադրում է Սահմանադրական դատարանում նշված գործերի քննության համապատասխան կառուցակարգերի ամրագրում եւ իրացում։

This monograph aims to examine the doctrine of democracy, issues of
constitutional stability and constitutional developments, legal mechanisms for settlement of constitutional disputes, peculiarities of the official interpretation and direct application of the Constitution, issues of the development of Constitutional Court legal positions, as well as the notion “constitutional identity” and its axiological characteristics. In the result of the study the author draws a number of theoretical conclusions, develops new theoretical concepts on the mentioned issues and presents various practical proposals on the improvement of legislation and law implementation practice.
The monograph can be useful for a wide scope of readers interested in the
issues of constitutional law, theory and philosophy of law, sociology, politics.

Цель этого труда - обозрение правовой природы Конституционного
суда -  специального органа конституционного контроля, проблематика, связаная с его определением, также проанализирование статуса конституционного суда и  того положения, которое он занимает среди высших органов власти, а также его функции в классической концепции разделения власти.

DOI 10.13140/RG.2.1.4084.5682
MARIANO SILVA, Jeferson. (2016), Jurisdição constitucional em Espanha (1981-1992) e Brasil (1988-1997. Tese de doutorado (Ciência política). Rio de Janeiro: IESP-UERJ.
O trabalho apresenta um método de análise descritiva das jurisdições constitucionais, pensado como uma ferramenta que permita ampliar os estudos sobre comportamento judicial comparado e especialmente voltado à análise (a) das circunstâncias históricas particulares em que as jurisdições constitucionais são praticadas; (b) do significado político dos discursos que elas produzem; e (c) dos dissensos e consensos jurisdicionais que as constituem. Os procedimentos metodológicos apresentados são aplicados a dois conjuntos de decisões judiciais: as sentenças prolatadas nos julgamentos de Recursos de Inconstitucionalidade, realizados pelo Tribunal Constitucional de Espanha, entre 1981 e 1992, e as prolatadas nos julgamentos de Ações Diretas de Inconstitucionalidade, realizados pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, entre 1988 e 1997. Os resultados decorrentes desses ensaios de aplicação do método inicialmente proposto indicam duas conclusões gerais. De uma parte, é possível distinguir, no comportamento dos juízes constitucionais, divergências consistentemente associadas à natureza política de suas indicações. De outra parte, as clivagens do comportamento judicial, mais ou menos coincidentes com as clivagens políticas presentes no momento de formação das composições dos tribunais constitucionais, não atrelam, necessariamente, o comportamento dos juízes constitucionais às preferências atuais dos atores políticos que os indicaram. Ou seja, as divisões mais gerais do espaço político se propagam no espaço da jurisdição constitucional, porém sofrem, neste último espaço, uma refração, por meio da qual os juízes constitucionais indicados por um grupo político agem, muitas vezes, diversamente dos – e mesmo contrariamente aos – interesses desse grupo.

Bodnár, E.: Open Justice in the Digital Age – How Can ICT Enhance the Transparency of Constitutional Courts? (2016) In: Balthasar, A. et al: Central and Eastern European e|Dem and e|Gov Days 2016. Multi-Level (e)Governance. Vienna, Austrian Computer Society, 53-64.

The  concept  of  open  government  usually  focuses  on  the  transparency  and  publicity  of  the legislative and executive power. However, the role of judiciary is increasing in contemporary democracies. The  third  branch  of  government  is  also  subjected  to  the  principle  of  publicity and transparency; nevertheless, it has special features that demand a different approach.  The  paper  first  intends  to  identify  theoretical  arguments  for  and  against  the  publicity  and transparency of highest courts. Second, through a comparative analysis of the regulations and practice  of  constitutional  courts  in  Europe  and  the  US  Supreme  Court,  it  tries  to  find  best practices  for  how  publicity  and  transparency  can  be  enhanced through  the  use  of  ICT  in  the judiciary. The paper covers all levels of publicity (from the parties of the procedure through NGOs and academics until the general public) and the several possible means as among others access to information on the administration of the  courts; access to information on the operation of the courts; accessibility of the case files and decisions; public hearings’ transmission; ‘follow-up’publicity of cases.

The article substantiates the necessity of studying the nature of human dignity in contemporary European constitutions and case-law of constitutional courts.
The texts of the constitutions concerning the structural placing of the term "dignity" in them — the preamble, separate articles, the first articles, and its independent formulation are analyzed. The following aspects of the nature of human dignity
are highlighted as whether it is only a constitutional value, a principle, or also an independent constitutional right; its definition and abstract features; absolute or relative nature; universality, equality or differentiation; its owners — a living person, or also unborn or dead human; its interaction with the negative and positive obligations
of the state; as the ground for restricting human rights and freedoms. It is stated that in relation to these problematic aspects of the nature of human dignity different positions and approaches in the case law of European constitutional courts have been formed. Attention is drawn to the necessity of its taking into account by the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and the development of its own unified and non-contradictory positions regarding the nature of human dignity.
Key words: human dignity, human rights, case law practice.

Mahkamah Konstitusi mempunyai fungsi untuk mengawal konstitusi agar dilaksanakan dan dihormati baik penyelenggara kekuasaan negara maupun warga negara. Tak ayal, reformasi hukum di Indonesia menjadi prasyarat untuk menjadi negara hukum yang demokratis. Salah satu bentuk reformasi hukum dalam institusi kekuasan kehakiman adalah gagasan mengadopsi mekanisme constitusional question kedalam sistem peradilan konstitusi. Constitutional question merujuk pada suatu mekanisme pengujian konstitusionalitas undangundang, yaitu dalam hal seorang hakim yang sedang mengadili suatu perkara ragu-ragu mengenai konstitusionalitas undang-undang yang berlaku untuk perkara tersebut. Oleh karena itu, skripsi ini ingin membahas mengenai urgensi penerapan kewenangan constitutional question di Indonesia dan alternatif penerapan constitutional question di Indonesia. Metode penulisan yang digunakan adalah penulisan yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan menggunakan bahan kepustakaan serta wawancara. Dari hasil riset didapati bahwa terdapat urgensi untuk menambahkan kewenangan constitutional question di Indonesia. Diadopsinya mekanisme constitutional question adalah bentuk pemberian perlindungan maksimum terhadap hak konstitusional warga negara. Dengan adanya mekanisme tersebut, dapat dihindari adanya putusan hakim yang bertentangan dengan konstitusi dan melanggar hak konstitusional warga negara; ruang pengujian terhadap peraturan perundang-undangan semakin luas; dan dapat dihindari adanya pelanggaran hak konstitusional yang tidak diperlukan. Bila diterapkan di Indonesia, dasar kewenangan constitutional question dapat diatur melalui amandemen konstitusi, revisi Undang-Undang Mahkamah Konstitusi, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, ataupun perluasan legal standing lembaga negara sebagai salah satu pemohon constitutional review. Dalam pelaksanaannya, pemohon constitutional question, baik hanya hakim peradilan umum maupun dibuka peluang bagi pihak yang berperkara, mengajukan permohonannya melalui kepaniteraan pengadilan tersebut untuk selanjutnya diolah oleh Ketua Pengadilan dan diajukan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam bentuk serupa dengan constitutional review. Selain itu, perlu diatur mengenai kualifikasi pemohon constitutional question dan pembatasan waktu penanganan perkara constitutional question oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi.

This article seeks to give a brief discussion on the entire judicial system in regards to the court structure of Bangladesh. The purpose of this discussion is to visualise mostly every court of the country. It has tried to outline the jurisdiction of the proceedings of the courts. The aim is to show the transformation from the very early period including the British era and the Pakistan era to the concurrent court system of Bangladesh, with reference to the independence of judiciary. In present days, after two landmark decisions by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh in Secretary, Ministry of Finance vs. Md Masdar Hossain & Ors 52 DLR (AD) 82 and Government of Bangladesh & Ors vs. Advocate Asaduzzaman Siddique & Ors 2017 CLR (SpL), we have reasons to believe that the judiciary is independent, not only in theory but in practice as well

This paper investigates and advocates for the potentials of a direct engagement with the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) by constitutional courts through a comparative analysis encompassing six Western European countries. It first shows that, although it does not generally enjoy constitutional rank, the Convention serves as a standard for constitutional review, as constitutional courts have incorporated it into their constitutional yardsticks through various techniques. It then stresses that this has not molded constitutional courts into mere agents of the Strasbourg court, because they have also developed a series of limitations to avoid a mechanical transposition of Strasbourg case-law into the domestic legal order. Finally, it highlights the benefits of the Convention's integration into the constitutional yardstick by arguing that this enhances domestic compliance with the Convention, strengthens the legitimacy of the Convention system, and fosters judicial dialogue. Overall, by directly engaging with the ECHR and with Stras

Մենագրության շրջանակներում հետազոտվել են «Սահմանադրության կայունություն ու զարգացում» հասկացությունները, Սահմանադրության զարգացման եղանակները, Սահմանադրության պաշտոնական մեկնաբանության առանձնահատկությունները, Սահմանադրական դատարանի որոշումների տեղը իրավունքի աղբյուրների համակարգում, ինչպես նաեւ հիշյալ մարմնի իրավական դիրքորոշումների հատկանիշներն ու որոշումների կատարման առանձնահատկությունները։ Նշված հիմնախնդիրների ուսումնասիրության արդյունքում հեղինակի կողմից կատարվել են բազմաթիվ տեսական եզրահանգումներ, ներկայացվել են օրենսդրության ու Սահմանադրական դատարանի պրակտիկայի կատարելագործման մի շարք գործնական առաջարկություններ։

Die Einführung von Einheitsverpackungen (Plain Packaging) für Zigaretten ist derzeit in aller Munde. Von Australien über die EU bis hin zu mehreren südamerikanischen Staaten erwägt man die Einführung einer neutralen Verpackung für Tabakprodukte, die keinerlei Marke trägt und lediglich Warnhinweise enthält. Der nachfolgende Beitrag widmet sich der damit verbundenen verfassungsrechtlichen Problematik und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Einführung von Einheitsverpackungen, vor allem vor dem Hintergrund des Schutzes der Jugend und der Gesundheit der Bevölkerung, mit dem Grundgesetz vereinbar ist.

W obliczu wydania przez Trybunał Konstytucyjny orzeczenia w sprawie K 1/20, dotyczącej dopuszczalności przerywania ciąży na podstawie przesłanek embriopatologicznych, dotychczas pojawiające się wątpliwości odnośnie do legitymacji Trybunału osiągnęły punkt kulminacyjny. Napięcie społeczne z niego wynikające objawiło się przede wszystkim w postaci masowych ogólnopolskich strajków. Ze względu na palącą problematykę, która bezpośrednio dotyczy praw jednostki, w dyskursie publicznym brakuje rzetelnych analiz formalnoprawnych zapadłego orzeczenia. Oczywistym jest, że abstrahowanie od względów materialnoprawnych, ze skutkami społecznymi na czele, nie jest wskazane w przypadku analizy orzecznictwa sądów konstytucyjnych. Wydaje się jednak, że wnioski, które mogą płynąć z zastosowania kategorii filozofii języka i filozofii prawa do zapadłego orzeczenia, mogą wpłynąć na zmianę jego postrzegania, a także na dostrzeżenie potencjalnych konsekwencji uznania, tudzież nieuznania, legalności orzeczenia. Celem artykułu jest przede wszystkim wskazanie kolejnej perspektywy spojrzenia na orzeczenie K 1/20, która po pierwsze, doprowadzić mogłaby do złagodzenia dyskursu, a po drugie, przynieść wymierne skutki na przyszłość.

Das grundlegende Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Populismus und Konstitutionalismus wurde in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur schon oft diskutiert. Seltener finden sich aber theoretische Überlegungen, die die vielfältigen Kontakt-und Friktionspunkte zwischen populistischen Par-teien und den Strukturen und Institutionen der konstitutionellen Demokratie eingehend beach-ten. Dieser Beitrag zielt darauf, eine Systematik zu entwickeln, mit derer Hilfe die Interaktion zwischen populistischen Parteien und Verfassungsgerichten sowie die Widerstandsfähigkeit von Verfassungsgerichten gegenüber populistischen Angriffen untersucht werden können.

Although much academic writing on constitutional courts makes explicit and implicit use of the term 'role', this term has not been structured hitherto from a theoretical perspective. On closer examination, the imprecise use of the term is readily obvious. In many publications that make explicit or implicit use of the term 'role', the expression could be substituted with 'function'. Indeed, in many cases the terms are used interchangeably. The chapter proposes that the terms 'role' and 'function' should be used in a more deliberate and systematic manner. It argues that a theory of institutional roles is helpful for a better understanding of how constitutional courts have developed in different countries. One reason for this lies in the threefold nature of the term 'role'. First, it refers to the court's self-image and presentation. Second, it reflects the expectations and ascriptions conferred by its target publics (the legal system , politics, civil society and an international public). Third, it alludes to the function of the institution in the 'play as it is performed'. Finally, three ideal types of court role – guardian, arbiter and founder – are examined.

On the background of the existential tension between democracy and constitutionalism, the article addresses the limits of the exercise of constitutional power in the Slovak Republic. In doing so, it maps out both explicit and implicit limits of the constitutional process. First, it analyses internal, i.e. national restrictions resulting from the Slovak constitutional order and then focuses on limits, the existence of which is implicitly shaped by external legal orders. Some of these restrictions on the exercise of constitutional power are quite unequivocal, others represent so far unapplied, rather hypothetical limits. The submitted text defends the need for the existence of inherent limits of the exercise of constitutional power. They are an expression of the restriction on the exercise of any power, which is the basic postulate of democratic constitutionalism. At the end of the article, the author calls for the establishment of system balance in the exercise of the constitutional power of the National Council. Such approach namely supports the possibility of democratic constitutional modification and will ensure accentuation of principles of constitutionalism, without the need of fixation of the constitution to any form (implicit or explicit) of inviolability.

The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), has developed into the superior authority in the legal order within the European Union (EU). One of the main aspects that factored into accomplishing that mission, was the Courts instrumentally use of “meta-principles of political morality”, like e.g. the principles of rule of law and/or democracy. This paper claims that the fundamental rights doctrine of the CJEU is also used as such a meta-principle of political morality and highlights several reasons for its development.

I diritti umani appaiono ormai oggetto di una tutela frammentata e diffusa tra Carte e Corti nello scenario internazionale. Sul piano formale, infatti, da una parte la tutela “rigida” delle Costituzioni nazionali dovrebbe garantire il “nucleo duro” di principi e diritti fondamentali vigenti negli Stati. Dall’altra, con una forza normativa variabile nei diversi sistemi, le Carte sovra e inter-nazionali corroborano, indeboliscono o espandono la tutela costituzionale di quelle stesse situazioni giuridiche, in un’ottica di omogeneizzazione dei diversi ordinamenti nazionali.
Il compito di dare “sostanza” a tali operazioni spetta naturalmente alle giurisdizioni. Il formante giurisprudenziale, che piaccia o no, sembra difatti l’unico capace di garantire, caso per caso, le incessanti istanze di giustizia provenienti dalla realtà sociale. Istanze, queste, tese a dare concretamente senso e significato ai diritti umani sempre più “contaminati” dagli approdi della ricerca scientifica.
In questo scenario a “dialogare” di certo sono le Corti, ma non sempre le Carte. I giusdicenti appaiono infatti i protagonisti principali delle integrazioni ordinamentali nello scenario c.d. multilevel, mentre, paradossalmente, gli “antagonisti” sembrano essere, non di rado, proprio i legislatori. In tema di tutela dei diritti umani, dunque, l’impressione è che nei fatti sia la politica del diritto (dei legislatori nazionali) a creare attriti all’espansione del diritto (politico) formato dai giudici in conformità al diritto sovranazionale.
Partendo dall’assunto che nella realtà della dimensione giuridico-costituzionale il diritto è frutto di questo fisiologico dialogo/scontro tra legislatori e giudici (quella che, in altre occasioni, si è avuto modo di definire co-produzione normativa), nel paper si proverà a spiegare tale fenomeno prendendo come oggetto di studio la metamorfosi della “famiglia” a seguito del progressivo riconoscimento dei diritti vantati dalle coppie omoaffettive.

The principle of separation of powers in the Republic of Azerbaijan (hereinafter, AR) is reflected in the Constitution of AR, which is the main source of law. The separation of powers prevents the concentration of power in the hands of a single structure in a democratic state. The implementation of this principle has various elements: the mechanism of deterrence and balancing, the unity and the interaction of government authorities. Our Constitution seeks to achieve both control and independence of the executive, legislative and judicial branches by making maximum use of these tools.

In this submission to NSW Law Reform Commission Open Justice Review , I argue that to fully appreciate the impact of technology on the principle of open justice, consideration of technology issues must go beyond social media and remote hearings to cover technology assisted decision-support and decision-making systems used by the courts and tribunals. It presents novel challenges for open justice. Lack of transparency in how automation tools operate, often cemented through ‘trade secrecy’ doctrines, is not compatible with the principle of open justice. If technology is to assist courts and tribunals, open-source software should be used. Even then, many challenges remain, and they must be considered in law reform process on open justice.

O voto do relator da ADPF 347, ministro Marco Aurélio, faz clara opção pela via dialógica do instituto: propôs que o STF interfira na formulação e implementação de políticas públicas e em escolhas orçamentárias, mas mediante ordens flexíveis seguidas de monitoramento da execução das medidas. A proposta não lança o Tribunal a um “estado de arrogância institucional”, muito ao contrário, a opção é pelo caminho da interação institucional em torno de um objetivo comum. Optou, portanto, pela forma de atuação que deu certo, e não a que fracassou. É o que se espera de uma corte constitucional em casos que apresentam quadro tão acentuado de violações de direitos fundamentais, mas, ao mesmo tempo, de soluções tão complexas: que não seja inerte, mas que também não tente resolver tudo sozinha.

It has long been contended that the Indian Constitution of 1950, a document in English created by elite consensus, has had little influence on India’s greater population. Drawing upon the previously unexplored records of the Supreme Court of India, A People’s Constitution upends this narrative and shows how the Constitution actually transformed the daily lives of citizens in profound and lasting ways. This remarkable legal process was led by individuals on the margins of society, and Rohit De looks at how drinkers, smugglers, petty vendors, butchers, and prostitutes—all despised minorities—shaped the constitutional culture.

The Constitution came alive in the popular imagination so much that ordinary people attributed meaning to its existence, took recourse to it, and argued with it. Focusing on the use of constitutional remedies by citizens against new state regulations seeking to reshape the society and economy, De illustrates how laws and policies were frequently undone or renegotiated from below using the state’s own procedures. De examines four important cases that set legal precedents: a Parsi journalist’s contestation of new alcohol prohibition laws, Marwari petty traders’ challenge to the system of commodity control, Muslim butchers’ petition against cow protection laws, and sex workers’ battle to protect their right to practice prostitution.

Exploring how the Indian Constitution of 1950 enfranchised the largest population in the world, A People’s Constitution considers the ways that ordinary citizens produced, through litigation, alternative ethical models of citizenship.

DISCOUNT CODE: P045
https://press.princeton.edu/titles/13286.html

A evolução das técnicas de decisão no âmbito do Direito Processual Constitucional encontrou nas sentenças manipulativas aditivas momento especial de sofisticação. O uso de pronunciamentos judiciais, por meio dos quais lacunas e omissões legislativas são supridas, atende a anseios de efetividade da Constituição e de direitos fundamentais. Essa técnica recebeu seu primeiro desenvolvimento relevante com a Corte Constitucional italiana, tornando-se, pelo trabalho de outras Cortes, como a Constitucional da África do Sul, instrumento importante de diálogo institucional. A prática decisória do STF ainda carece de padronizar o uso desse instrumento de controle da omissão legislativa inconstitucional.

THE TRIAL COURT,  JUDGE LON E. FARRIS  FROM THE 31ST VIRGINIA JUDICIAL CIRCUIT (JUDGE FARRIS OR TRIAL COURT), ERRED WHEN JUDGE FARRIS APPEARED WITHOUT AUTHORITY ON MARCH 8, 2022, PRESIDED OVER PRETRIAL MATTERS, AND ENTERED AN ORDER TO DISMISS DANIEL'S COMPLAINT WITH PREJUDICE.

IV. THE TRIAL COURT, JUDGE LON E. FARRIS, ERRED IN RULING THAT THE CIRCUIT COURT LACKED SUBJECT MATTER JURISDICTION TO HOLD A JURY TRIAL TO DETERMINE WHETHER THE DEFENDANTS HAD ENGAGED IN MISCONDUCT UNDER THE VIRGINIA SUPREME COURT RULES OF PROFESSIONAL CONDUCT CITED IN THE UNDERLYING CASE ON APPEAL.

Дээд шүүхийн шүүгч болон Цэцийн гишүүний тусгай саналыг нийтлэх зохицуулалтыг Цэц хүчингүй болгосон нь Цэцийн хамгийн муу шийдвэрүүдэд хамаарна. Эдгээр шүүгчид хүсвэл бусад шүүгчид, олон нийтэд хүргэхийн тулд л тусгай саналыг бичдэг. Тусгай саналаа олон нийтэд хүргэхийг хүсэхгүй бол бичихгүй байх бүрэн боломжтой. Тусгай санал нь шүүгч олонхоос бие даан боддог, өөрийн үндэслэлтэй байр суурьтай гэдгийг харуулах боломж олгодог учраас шүүгчийн хараат бус байдалд халдах бус бэхжүүлдэг. Түүнчлэн, тусгай саналыг нийтлэх нь хувь шүүгч хэр зэрэг Үндсэн хууль эсхүл хуульд үнэнч вэ, хэр зэрэг зарчимч вэ гэдгийг харуулах, илэрхийлэх боломж олгодог. Мөн, цөөнх тусгай саналаа бичдэг болсноор олонх болон цөөнхийн үндэслэлийг харьцуулах, шүүмжлэх боломжтой болдог, улмаар шийдвэрийн үндэслэл сайжирдаг, чанарждаг, илүү ойлгомжтой, ил тод болдог, улмаар шүүхэд итгэх олон нийтийн итгэл нэмэгддэг.

En este trabajo se aborda el problema de la legitimidad de la jurisdicción constitucional y la tendencia de judicialización de la política por la expansión de la actividad de los tribunales constitucionales. Para ello, se recurre a dos metáforas relacionadas con el concepto del tiempo que tenian los griegos (Kronos y Kairos), mediante el examen de los supuestos de teoría democrática utilizados por quienes debaten los posibles conflictos entre el constitucionalista y la democracia. Por último, se analizan los argumentos presentados por el jurista español Juan Carlos Bayón en respuesta a la teoría procedimentalista de Jheremy Waldron, expuesta en la obra “Law and Disagreement”, concluyendo por la necesidad de la prevalencia de la política y de la auto-restricción de la actividad de los tribunales constitucionales.

El presente ensayo analiza la interpretación que ha realizado la Corte Constitucional ecuatoriana sobre la consulta pre-legislativa. En ese sentido, realiza el análisis de este derecho a partir de la revisión de sentencias de dicha Corte y de sus expedientes. Se concluye que el referido órgano de justicia constitucional ha aportado en la construcción de este derecho que se reguló por primera vez en la Constitución del 2008.

Шүүхийн шийдвэрт анализ хийх нь чухал боловч үүнд зохих арга зүйтэй хандах нь анализыг илүү тодорхой, логиктой, алдаагүй, цэгцтэй болгодог. Тиймээс, энэ өгүүллийн хүрээнд АНУ-д шүүхийн шийдвэрт анализ хийхэд хэрэглэдэг энгийн нэгэн аргачлалыг танилцуулж, Үндсэн хуулийн цэцийн шийдвэрийн онцлогт тохируулан уг аргачлалыг хэрхэн хэрэглэж болох вэ гэдгийг тайлбарлана. Мөн, УИХ-ын гишүүний сонгуулийн тойргийн хөрөнгө оруулалтыг үндсэн хууль зөрчсөн хэмээн хүчингүй болгосон Цэцийн шийдвэрүүдэд жишээ болгон анализ хийж үзүүлнэ