Globalization and New World Order

Baha’u’llah’s Bishārāt (Glad-Tidings):
A Proclamation to Scholars and Statesmen
Christopher Buck and Youli A. Ioannesyan
Baha’i Studies Review 16 (2010): 3–28.

This article is a historical and textual study of the one of the major writings of Baha’u’llah: the Lawḥ-i Bishārāt (‘Tablet of Glad-Tidings’), revealed circa 1891, and advances new theories as to its provenance and purpose. The ‘Tablet of Glad-Tidings’ is a selective compendium of Baha’u’llah’s laws and principles, sequentially presented in a series of fifteen ‘Glad-Tidings.’ As the Arabic term, bishārāt, suggests, these ‘Glad-Tidings’ were a public announcement of some of the essential teachings of the new Baha’i religion. The ‘Glad-Tidings’ is the most extensive of several ‘Tablets’ by Baha’u’llah that present key teachings in a numbered structure. The Glad-Tidings may, in part, be regarded as serially articulated ‘world reforms’ intermixed with religious reforms emanating from Baha’u’llah in his professed role as ‘World Reformer.’ The ‘Glad-Tidings’ also functioned analogously (albeit anachronistically) to a press release, serving not only as a public proclamation, but to rectify the inaccuracies and gross misrepresentations that had previously circulated in print. Intended for widespread translation and publication, the Glad-Tidings was sent to scholars — notably Russian orientalist, Baron Viktor Rosen (1849–1908) and Cambridge Orientalist, Edward Granville Browne (1862–1926) — and possibly pre-revolutionary Russian statesmen as well. As a ‘Proclamatory Aqdas,’ the Tablet of Glad-Tidings was part of a much broader proclamation by Baha’u’llah, who proclaimed his mission to the political and religious leaders of the world. This study will argue that the Baha’u’llah may have revealed the Tablet of Glad-Tidings for E.G. Browne — or rather through him, since Baha’u’llah evidently intended that Browne should translate and publish the Bishārāt in order to make the nature of the Baha'i teachings more widely known. This would then correct the distortions that had previously been published regarding Baha’u’llah's purpose and the nature of the religion that he founded, thereby, promoting a public awareness that a new world religion was on the horizon of modernity.

Resumen: Hegemonía y orden internacional hegemónico son ontologías clave para la disciplina y la teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales, y por ello, se trata de conceptos en permanente disputa académica. En un escenario mundial caracterizado por la crisis de la globalización, que puede interpretarse como crisis de hegemonía, vuelve a ser oportuna la revisión de estos conceptos. Este capítulo reexamina el concepto de hegemonía a partir tanto de las aproximaciones clásicas, como de una teorización crítica que se basa en la sociología histórica. Desde el concepto de hegemonía de Antonio Gramsci, se examina la aportación de la escuela neogramsciana de Relaciones Internacionales, que, frente a conceptos como primacía o polaridad, propone una visión estructural y socio-histórica de la hegemonía y de la globalización como un orden internacional hegemónico específico de esta etapa histórica. 

Abstract: Hegemony and international hegemonic order are key ontologies for both the discipline and the theory of International Relations, and therefore, these are concepts in permanent academic dispute. In a global scenario characterized by the crisis of globalization, which can be interpreted as a crisis of hegemony, the revision of these concepts is timely again. This chapter re-examines the concept of hegemony from both the classical approaches and critical theorizations based on historical sociology. Grounded on Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony, the contribution of the Neogramscian school of International Relations is examined, which, in the face of concepts such as primacy or polarity, proposes a structural and socio-historical vision of hegemony, and of globalization as a specific hegemonic international order in this historical stage.

An account of the negative aliens' relatively recent agendas with respect to, once again, resorting to bio-viral weaponization and bio-warfare using a viral agent such as the so-called coronavirus as to try to depopulate Earth with the underlying mission to establish a so-called New World Order to create a completely docile human race that could be readily controlled via the advent of artificial intelligence through such technologies as transhumanism and alien hybridization, has been presented, herein. It should be emphasized that such tactics for effecting genetic mutation and hybridization are not new by any stretch of imagination, as they go as far back in the history of human enslavement by the negative aliens, the more recent accounts of which that go back to WWI and WWII in order to depopulate and create genocide in human population, has been alluded to in the present paper. In a companion paper, much deeper root of negative aliens' interference in human consciousness affairs, that set the precedence for 'human consciousness reversal' through distorting human bioenergetics-genetics, has been explicated. Although the more devastating result of the present virus is devised to be as to incite anxiety, fear, and pandemonium in the humanity by threating human population with fear of survival through genocide, countless

Undoubtedly, the type of world we lived during the pre-COVID-19 era would not hang on for long. During the last six months, indications of structural changes in the global power hierarchy can clearly be perceived. The world may gradually inch towards a new world order with new set of power equations and structural adjustments. Though there is no unanimity on the ushering of new world order post-pandemic, the upshot of the COVID-19 would certainly be consequential for the current world order which at first has started to reshape and will fully transform to its new avatar at once. When will it fully usher, and what would be the
exact contours of the post-COVID-19 world order, is too early to conclude. But one must ponder if such a systemic alteration is to occur, some fracture in the global governance structure would too emerge. Has any irreparable fracture among the current global ruling elites emerged? Will the wrangling centered round the pandemic will prompt any fresh alignments and counter-alignments culminating in a new polarity at the global level?

This is a republish of the NASSCOM Emerge blog: A Macro economy view point by Shrikrishna Prakash, Saravu prior to September 2008 market collapse & USD 700B bailout. It has played out.

Scenario
Around 80% of foreign exchange/trade transactions is denominated in US dollars(USD) and a majority of these in crude oil import export. Crude being a lever to control USD flow (back to US), its rise impacts balance of payment for net crude oil importers, inflation and increase in cost of capital for business. Hence stocks discovering its prices to the re-adjusted EPS. In December 2007 realized time was not far off for business to chase funds and Private Equity (PE) and not the other way round.

Wall Street Outcomes
The heady day’s perceived profits in instruments, are now ill-liquid assets. To improve liquidity, earlier banks sought petro USD’s, some consolidated within Wall Street and others are filing for bankruptcy. About USD 450 billion of illiquid assets from various banks crept into Freddie Mac & Fannie Mae. Freddie & Fannie had to be bailed out by the US Federal Reserve(Fed). Fed released more than USD 250 billion in emergency funding. Fed has to clean up its balance sheet. New laws are being enacted giving treasury powers to create market for ill-liquid assets, buy and sell assets to tune of USD 700 billion.

OTC USD derivatives as an enabler ?
Most of USD’s are derivative positions and are traded on secretive OTC. As one of the steps to arrest the USD decline, central banks led by Fed in a synchronized manner went long on USD to the point of triggering short covering and shoring up USD. Central banks long positions were/are in the money. Globally, institutional investors who went long USD post the short squeeze upsurge, will feel the long squeeze when the intervention impact reduces and USD starts depreciating. This will make them square off and take on losses. (Read from central banks, as the coordinated entities would have booked profits at USD highs and positioned to buy at lower levels).

USA’s borrowings are denominated in home currency and the above process will assist in shoring up current assets in Fed’s balance sheet helping even out the ill-liquid assets. The reduction in OTC leveraged USD and a better Fed balance sheet enables printing USD in large quantity, controlling inflationary pressures- strategic in the world order. The consumption story will continue.

Possibilities
As the effect of coordinated intervention reduces, the USD is expected to weaken. If countries consume more USD’s, it will help ease the equation, else crude will continue to remain as a lever.

If Fed’s balance sheet gets cleaned up with no great inflationary effect, USD could get stronger. However to reach that state, the implementation of new monetary framework will have the affect of a “Manthan”, a sanskrit word for churning of the ocean to obtain nectar, when consumed attains immortality.

India over the next 18–24 months is expected to reduce crude import to an extent of 40%, a result of increasing production from KG-D6 block. On this materializing, equivalent USD’s will find its way back, assuming India’s orders for importing nuclear reactors & ancillaries will not off-set the reduction. Industrialist Mr. Godrej believes India has the potential to be a net exporter aswell. All these means the RBI may build USD reserves helping maintain USD 80–20 balance. The rupee’s (INR) movement depends on above equation, ECB, FII money flows and the existing flow dynamics.

Closing Comments
USA on its part will manoeuvre back to maintain world order and invent new “alpha seeking opportunities”. “Manthan’s” impact on India, its domestic story in healthcare, materials, industrial’s, infrastructure, financial services and software product space will be keenly watched.

Disclaimer: Views expressed here are personal.

La Globalización en Transición

Resumen (Español)
Este artículo se corresponde con la conferencia que pronuncié el 5 de mayo de 2021 como Lección Magistral de Apertura del Curso 2021 de la Real Academia Gallega de Ciencias:
La primera parte (“Introducción”), describe las características esenciales de los dos tipos de globalización que se desarrollaron en los tiempos modernos: la llamada “globalización de la Belle Époque” (1870-1914) y la reciente hiperglobalización (1970-2008).
La segunda parte (“Hacia una globalización diferente”) se destina al análisis de las cuatro grandes tendencias principales que actualmente están transformando la globalización hacia un modelo diferente:
 Ralentización de su ritmo
 Mayor regionalización
 Cambios estructurales en el contenido de los flujos internacionales y en la relevancia de los actores (gobiernos, países y empresas)
 Multipolaridad

La tercera parte (“Factores de Perturbación”) se centra en el examen del posicionamiento de los dos principales actores en la pugna por la hegemonía en el nuevo orden mundial, USA y China, respecto de las tres formas básicas de poder: poder militar, poder económico y soft power.
La parte final (“La cooperación necesaria”), advierte que los esfuerzos de los países, especialmente las superpotencias, para mantener o mejorar su posicionamiento en la jerarquía internacional, con una utilización intensa de su poder militar, económico y soft, es fuente de posibles perturbaciones que pueden derivar en peligrosas influencias sobre el curso de la globalización. Además, muestra como la debilidad de los sistemas amortiguadores de que actualmente dispone la economía mundial puede exacerbar este riesgo.

Finalmente recomienda afrontar este problema mediante el fortalecimiento de organismos multilaterales que representen adecuadamente el peso de los distintos países (cosa que hoy no sucede) y que, por ello, puedan facilitar la resolución de los conflictos, la eficaz canalización de los esfuerzos para resolver los grandes problemas globales y, finalmente, la promoción de unas relaciones internacionales basadas en reglas.


Globalization in Transition

The English version of this article is available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3866650 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3866650

Abstract

This article corresponds to the Opening Magisterial Lecture of the 2021 Course of the Royal Galician Academy of Science which I gave on May 5th, 2021.
The first part (“Introduction”) describes the essential features of the two types of globalization seen in modern times: the so-called “Belle Époque globalization” (1870-1914) and the recent “hyper globalization” (1970-2008).
The second part ("Towards a different globalization") is devoted to the analysis of the four main trends that are currently transforming globalization towards a different model:
 A Slowdown in pace
 Increasing regionalization
 Structural changes to the content and actors (governments, countries, and companies) of international flows
 Multipolarity
The third part (“Disturbance Factors”) focuses on the relative position of the two main actors in the struggle for hegemony in the new world order, the USA and China, with respect to the three basic forms of power: military power, economic power, and soft power.
The final part ("The necessary cooperation"), warns that the efforts of individual countries, especially the superpowers, to maintain or improve their position in the international hierarchy, with an intense use of their military, economic and soft power, is a source of possible disturbances that can alter the course of globalization in dangerous ways.
It further shows how the depleted “buffer systems” currently available to the world economy can exacerbate this risk.
Finally, it provides recommendations on how to deal with this problem, in particular through the strengthening of multilateral organizations that adequately represent the weight of the different countries (not the case today). These institutions can facilitate the resolution of conflicts, the effective channelling of efforts to resolve major global problems and, finally, the promotion of rules-based international relations.

Trademarks, or brands, are symbols whose initial purpose is providing information about the source of a product. Yet, with the course of time, high-end brands have developed into symbols providing information about their owner's status rather than about the sold goods. This phenomenon naturally attracts imitation and status cheating, offering new challenges to established trademark doctrines. This chapter outlines the different legal perceptions of imitation in the U.S. and Continental Europe, while placing these perceptions into broader cultural contexts. It then focuses on the U.S. legal view on imitation of trademarks that serve as status symbols, pointing out that this view is “non-traditional” in American context, in the sense that it is inconsistent with U.S. traditional cultural values.

The main issues addressed in this article will be how the current pandemic will conclude, what the consequences will be for the world and Turkish politics, and how will the pandemic will affect government actions as well as any changes caused. The article will argue that states, national and international organizations, and individuals will inevitably change their hierarchy of priorities eventually in search of a new normal. Moreover, although the outbreak does not necessarily have to lead to a new era, the article forecasts that a new era will begin characterized by an increase in public authority in politics and authoritarian tendencies. The influence of COVID-19 on the international system, global governance and cooperation, the rise of the nation-state, globalization, and strategic priorities will be discussed within the framework of these claims and axioms.

During the 1980s and 1990s, many developing countries removed regulations and restrictions on international trade and international investment flows. Most of the liberalization trend of commercial and capital accounts among the "emerging markets" countries have been explained under the lens of the “open-economy politics” approach. Alternatively, constructivist theories provide a more convincing explanation of why developing countries opened themselves up to the global economy in that period – one that goes far beyond the interplay of domestic interest groups.

When and why do powerful countries seek to enact major changes to international order, the broad set of rules that condition behavior in world politics? This question is particularly important today, as Donald Trump's apparent disregard for the liberal international order and uncertainty over what China might seek to replace it with mean that queries about great power motives vis-à-vis order will remain at the forefront of debates over the future of world politics. In seeking to explain this phenomenon, prior studies have focused on the consensus-driven and inclusive origins of international orders. By contrast, I argue in this book that the propelling motivation for great power order building at important historical junctures has most often been exclusionary, centered around combatting other actors rather than cooperatively engaging with them. My core contention is that dominant actors pursue fundamental changes to order only when they perceive a major new threat on the horizon, a threat to their security or to their enduring primacy. When these actors-the great powers of world politics-seek to enact fundamentally new order principles, they do so for the purpose of targeting this perceived threat, be it another powerful state, a contrary alliance or a foreboding ideological movement. The goal of order building, then, is weakening, opposing and above all excluding that threatening entity from amassing further influence in world politics. Far from falling outside the bounds of traditional statecraft, order building is, to paraphrase Clausewitz, the continuation of power politics by other means.

Background to the Study
The Cold War was essentially a period of time that was characterized by political, military and economic tensions between the major powers of the Eastern Bloc and the Western Bloc following the end of World War II. The Eastern powers were the Soviet Union and other powers in the Warsaw Pact. The Western Bloc, on the other hand, consisted of the United States of America (US) and its NATO allies (Fousek, 2000).
It is not clearly known when the Cold War officially started; and different dates have been given. However, the most commonly cited date for the commencement of the Cold War is 1947. The War ended in 1991. This happened following the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The Cold War was simply a period of intense political and military tensions between the world’s major powers; but did not involve any direct military confrontations. Instead, the confrontations often took place in the form of proxy wars fought in other countries and places. The Vietnam War, the Korean War, and the first Afghanistan War are notable proxy wars between these two sides. The Eastern Bloc and the Western Bloc supported different sides in these wars; and this was the closest that they came to confronting each other (Gaddis, 1989).
The Cold War, therefore, can be said to have been a supremacy and hegemonic battle to determine the greatest power in the world after the end of World War II and the devastating defeat of Japan and East Germany (Gaddis, 1997). Although the US and the Soviet Union had been allies against Nazi Germany during World War II, they were split by the Cold War. This split would prove to be quite disastrous for both sides both economically and politically. The major differences were that the Soviet Union pursued a Marxist-Leninist political ideology while the US and its allies pursued a capitalist ideology (Fousek, 2000).
Although there was no full-scale armed combat between the two superpowers, they nonetheless armed themselves heavily in anticipation for a possible real war. With both sides owning nuclear and other lethal weapons, there was an expectation that a worldwide nuclear war might erupt (Grenville, 2005; Nalebuff, 1988). However, it was largely because of their possession of nuclear weapons that each side was able to deter the other. Both the US and the Soviet Union were not willing to initiate a direct nuclear confrontation for fear that the nuclear weapons held by the other would be used. The state of tension between two continued until 1991 when the Soviet Union disintegrated (Freedman, 2004).

publiziert in: Rubikon 13.08.2020

https://www.rubikon.news/artikel/das-ende-der-demokratie-3

Die Schaffung einer „neuen Weltordnung“ ist ein reales, politisches Ziel — digitale Technologien sollen dabei die Bevölkerung überwachen, kontrollieren, ruhigstellen und entmündigen.

Zahlreiche international bekannte Politiker und Mitglieder der Elite fordern seit Jahrzehnten eine neue Weltordnung beziehungsweise eine Weltregierung. Beide Begriffe werden synonym verwendet. Warum steht selbst im Koalitionsvertrag vom 12. März 2018 zwischen CDU, CSU und SPD, dass ein Europäischer Rat für globale Verantwortung (European Council on Global Responsibilities) bei der Gestaltung einer neuen Weltordnung mitwirken soll (1)? Die Antwort auf diese Frage ist so ungeheuerlich, dass sie nur angedeutet werden kann.

The contemporary international system is passing through a period of transition because the power is not only shifting from the established to the rising powers but also diffusing from state to non-state actors. This redistribution of power has generated uncertainty about the future of the international order. Amidst the uncertainty, Amitav Acharya (2014) speculates the coming international order as a ‘multiplex theatre’, where different movies run at the same time and same place, while Charles Kupchan (2012) conceives it as ‘no one’s world’, a world where not one superpower will dominate the system. Despite divergence, there is an agreement among scholars that the future of the international order, to a large extent, will depend on how the established powers react to the emergence of rising powers and how the rising powers respond to the established power’s reaction. T. V. Paul’s Accommodating Rising Powers investigates ‘whether, and when, peaceful accommodation of rising powers works against the conditions that generate intense rivalry and conflict’ (p. 4) and the range of strategies do the established, and rising powers have available. It argues that ‘though structural conditions can lead to conflict, proper synchronisation of strategies for peaceful change by established
and rising powers can mitigate the possibilities of violent conflicts’ (p. 4).

Ключевые слова: теории мирового развития, национальные школы, исследовательские традиции, геополитика и геоэкономика, типы международного порядка, модели внешней политики, глобальное сетевое общество.
Пособие по учебной дисциплине «Политические теории мирового развития», разработанное в Республике Беларусь впервые, призвано дать студентам магистратуры полное и всестороннее представление об основных современных теоретических подходах к изучению мирового развития, его закономерностей и тенденций, ведущих национальных школах и характерных для них исследовательских традициях, актуальных задачах и проблемах, связанных с осмыслением глобальных процессов, их влияния на современные международные отношения. Для магистрантов учреждений высшего образования, обучающихся по специальности 1-23 80 06 «История международных отношений и внешней политики».
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Keywords: theories of global development, national schools, research traditions, geopolitics and geo-economics, types of world order, models of foreign policy, global network society.
A book “Political Theories of Global Development” is published for a new master studies’ academic discipline, which was taught for the first time in the Faculty of International Relations of the Belarusian State University. Its content aims at achievement of a complete and comprehensive understanding of the most relevant theoretical approaches to the study of current global development, its patterns and trends, as well as the leading national schools, their research traditions and topical issues associated with comprehension of global processes, which predetermine the current development of the International Relations.

This study, first published by the Academy of Athens in 1998, subsequently formed a chapter in the book: Exopolitics (Nova, N.Y. 1999).
The excerpt here focuses on the effects of the classical theories of Plato and Aristotle relating to war and peace. The Greek philosophers searched for the root causes of war and the conditions of peace, including power politics, natural law, and world order. Thus, we shall describe and explain their conclusions about the causes for large scale organized violence, as well as their proposals of the way to establish a more lasting peace.
Although they only know their microcosm twenty-five centuries ago, their philosophic ideas are so fundamental as to be still pertinent and may help us resolve or attenuate these perennial problems in our global world.

Although information is nothing new to war or confl ict, the speed at which it reaches a much wider target audience, and thus its potential impact and consequences, is changing due to the rapid development of information and communications technology. Regime change and information warfare have been around for a very long time in the history of organised human societies. An undertaken review of academic literature demonstrates a great interest today to these concepts in academic, policymaking and practical terms. The present article attempts to track the evolution of the Western conceptual and theoretical thinking on the use of regime change and information warfare, seeking to understand the factors that precipitate it. In the paper I address the following, what is the relationship between information warfare and regime change? The high level of information and communications technology development and persisting leadership globally have allowed the United States to engage in regime change and information warfare more eff ective, although not without risks. The author considers the most illustrative examples of such engagement and, based on them, concludes that we have seen a shift in motivation from an off ensive stance (the desire to spread infl uence) to a defensive one (the desire to prevent other international actors from gaining infl uence and power) on the global level. The theoretical method chosen for the analysis is phenomenology, as a means of the reading and analysis of a lived experience as well as a qualitative method will be used to analyse the data, where the goal is to capture the complexity of the object of study. KEYWORDS hybrid warfare, information warfare, political warfare, regime change, evolving global order, information operations

The Illuminati (plural of Latin illuminatus, 'enlightened') is a name given to several groups, both real and fictitious.
Historically, the name usually refers to the Bavarian Illuminati, an Enlightenment-era secret society founded on 1 May 1776 in Bavaria, today part of Germany.
The society's goals were to oppose superstition, obscurantism, religious influence over public life, and abuses of state power. "The order of the day," they wrote in their general statutes, "is to put an end to the machinations of the purveyors of injustice, to control them without dominating them." The Illuminati—along with Freemasonry and other secret societies—were outlawed through edict by Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria with the encouragement of the Catholic Church, in 1784, 1785, 1787, and 1790.
In the following several years, the group was vilified by conservative and religious critics who claimed that they continued underground and were responsible for the French Revolution.

Many influential intellectuals and progressive politicians counted themselves as members, including Ferdinand of Brunswick and the diplomat Franz Xaver von Zwackh [de], who was the Order's second-in-command. It attracted literary men such as Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Johann Gottfried Herder and the reigning Duke of Gotha and of Weimar.

In subsequent use, "Illuminati" has referred to various organisations which have claimed or have been claimed to be connected to the original Bavarian Illuminati or similar secret societies, though these links have been unsubstantiated. These organisations have often been alleged to conspire to control world affairs, by masterminding events and planting agents in government and corporations, in order to gain political power and influence and to establish a New World Order. Central to some of the more widely known and elaborate conspiracy theories, the Illuminati have been depicted as lurking in the shadows and pulling the strings and levers of power in dozens of novels, films, television shows, comics, video games, and music videos.

Publiziert in:

Rubikon, 15.07.2021

https://www.rubikon.news/artikel/willkommen-in-der-neuen-weltordnung

In der alten Normalität war häufig von einer „Neuen
Weltordnung“ die Rede. Was damals noch etwas
abstrakt schien, nimmt nun während des Corona-
Ausnahmezustandes Gestalt an. Was neu zu sein
scheint, ist im Grunde genommen eine Verschärfung
und Zuspitzung der tiefenstaatlichen Aktivitäten und
Psy-Ops der letzten Jahrzehnte. Sah man in der alten
Normalität nur sporadisch die spitzen Flossen,
springen die gierigen Haifische des Raubtierkapitalismus nun unverhüllt aus dem Wasser.
Sie sind sich ihrer Macht so sicher, dass sie gar nicht
mehr groß Anstalten machen, im Verborgenen zu
operieren. Der Politologe Ullrich Mies skizzierte diese
düsteren Entwicklungen bei einer Rede in Bochum.

Are rising authoritarian powers such as China and Russia converging towards or challenging the normative structures of the liberal international order? This article argues that scholarship on norm contestation provides a fruitful theoretical avenue for addressing this question. It finds, however, that this literature has problematically tended to either overlook or externalize power dynamics from norm contestation. The article therefore proposes and develops a power political approach to norm contestation that, informed by a realpolitik sensibility, more explicitly and consistently makes power central to the analysis. A power political perspective conceptualizes norm contestation as the expression of battles for influence in world politics that take place at the ideational level and through symbolic instruments. It understands these struggles as occurring in the context of an international system profoundly marked by conflicting interests, cultural pluralism, hierarchical structures, and power asymmetries. This power political lens is then used to identify four modes of contestation Russian and Chinese actors are engaged in: liberal performance, liberal mimicry, civilizational essentialization, and counter-norm entrepreneurship. It empirically explores how these contestatory practices express themselves at different intensity levels-applicatory, meaning, and validity-and display specific power political logics-fragmenting and integrative-with the goal of undermining the ideational hegemony of liberal Western-based actors and structures in world politics, and advancing alternative non-liberal visions of domestic and international order. Along with contributing to the literature on norms, this paper also makes a broader intervention in current debates about rising powers and the future of the liberal international order

Cartas Illuminatis del juego Illuminati NWO Cards de 1994-1995 de Steve Jackson donde se aprecia el plan de la élite para la dominación mundial (Nuevo Orden Mundial/Reinado del Anticristo) a través de la manipulación de la economía con los Bancos Mundiales, los medios de comunicación (desinformación), la medicina, tecnología, pandemias, desastres naturales, control mental, orgnizaciones (ONU, OTAN, OMS, FMI, FEMA, CIA, FBI, NSA, NASA Reserva Federal, etc), terroristas, milicia, gobiernos, etc, etc, etc.

Galtung, J. & Vincent, R. C. (1992).  Global Glasnost: Toward a New International Information/Communication Order?  Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press, Inc. [ISBN 0-881303-331-4 (cloth) — ISBN 0-881303-332-2 (pbk.); P96.I5G35 1992]


                            Abstract


This book is about a major process of our times:  the New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO).  The authors contend that the process was formally derailed because of First World resistance and an inability of Third World nations to agree on a common set of objectives and implementation methods.  The book is an effort to look into the background for the process, as it has unfolded.  It is also an effort to spell out what NWICO might mean, in concrete terms, in four major international news communication themes—peace, development, ecology and war—in a quest for a new global journalism which is problem-conscious, socially conscious, and at home in the world as a whole.
Global Glasnost begins by examining global cause-effect chains, and then attempts to locate some of them on a world political map.  The many possible relationships of such a classificatory scheme, and the associated possibilities for change in news communication within the old or new world information and communication order (NWICO), are the subjects of the first chapter.  It is concluded that there is little doubt that a quantitative transformation has been taking place, with somewhat less relative emphasis on the former Center and somewhat more on the former Periphery.  It is difficult to tell, however, whether this is being accompanied by a similar qualitative transformation, changing the character of what is regarded as news itself.  Furthermore, while communication has become more relevant to global problems than ever before, it may also have become increasingly counter-productive.  A vast array of detached space/time events or "atoms" have been seemingly presented as news constitutes a set of events, not a set of problems.  These notions are developed and explored.

The book then turns to a detailed exploration of the research environment in which news flow and international news content has been examined via both qualita-tive and quantitative research techniques.  Prior research is criticized for its failure to look beyond the superficial "flow" of news items, and instead examine deeper themes and messages.  The authors argue that through newer approaches to news analysis, our understanding of international news would benefit.  Another feature is an expanded discussion of the news structure paradigm first introduced by Professor Galtung in 1961.

Global Glasnost goes on to examine the NWICO concept, as it has unfolded.  This is done by thoroughly reviewing U.N./UNESCO conferences, assemblies, discussions and symposia, and various non-aligned movement, government and media organization actions as they pertain to communication from 1946 to the present.  We can see some of the complexities, at the macro level, of the relationship between economics and information-communication within the new international order.

The final chapters of the book are an effort to say something concrete about a new global and human journalism for four major issue-areas: peace, development, environment, and war reporting, with the latter including major discussion of the Persian Gulf War.  The authors explore various trends found in reporting on these topics, and provide a journalistic agenda for future newswriting.  A "high quality" news media, it is argued, would give more attention to periphery people in periphery countries, to how structures operate day in and day out, and to reporting positive factors.  Also included in the complex and comprehensive analysis are many observations on the state of journalism, its relationship with elites, and the education of journalists.

Professors Galtung and Vincent conclude that whereas the old interna¬tional order was grounded in much economic exchange—with exploita¬tion, and not much dialogue—an attractive alternative may be greater dialogue with less economic exchange.  Yet a new global journalism is still far away.  The most likely "development" will be based on much rhetoric that sounds like dialogue and on the structure of the old international economic order, only located at new places.  In short, little progress will be made toward global and human journalism.  The structure of news has been sliding and jumping all over the globe, but the product has remained basically the same.

ID2020 and partners launch program to provide digital ID with vaccines
The ID2020 Alliance has launched a new digital identity program at its annual summit in New York, in collaboration with the Government of Bangladesh, vaccine alliance Gavi, and new partners in government, academia, and humanitarian relief.
The program to leverage immunization as an opportunity to establish digital identity was unveiled by ID2020 in partnership with the Bangladesh Government’s Access to Information (a2i) Program, the Directorate General of Health Services, and Gavi, according to the announcement.
“We are implementing a forward-looking approach to digital identity that gives individuals control over their own personal information, while still building off existing systems and programs,” says Anir Chowdhury, policy advisor at a2i. “The Government of Bangladesh recognizes that the design of digital identity systems carries far-reaching implications for individuals’ access to services and livelihoods, and we are eager to pioneer this approach.”
Gavi CEO Seth Berkley says that 89 percent of children and adolescents who do not have identification live in countries where the organization is active. “We are enthusiastic about the potential impact of this program not just in Bangladesh, but as something we can replicate across Gavi-eligible countries, providing a viable route to closing the identity gap,” he says.
A partnership was also formed earlier this year between Gavi, NEC, and Simprints to use biometrics to improve vaccine coverage in developing nations.
“Digital ID is being defined and implemented today, and we recognize the importance of swift action to close the identity gap,” comments ID2020 Executive Director Dakota Gruener. “Now is the time for bold commitments to ensure that we respond both quickly and responsibly. We and our ID2020 Alliance partners, both present and future, are committed to rising to this challenge.”
ID2020 also announced new partnerships and provided progress reports on initiatives launched last year. Since last year’s summit, the ID2020 Alliance has been joined by the City of Austin, UC Berkeley’s CITRIS Policy Lab and Care USA.
The City of Austin, ID2020, and several other partners are working together with homeless people and the service providers who engage with them to develop a blockchain-enabled digital identity platform called MyPass to empower homeless people with their own identity data.
A pair of inaugural pilot programs launched last year in partnership with iRespond and Everest have each made progress, ID2020 says. The iRespond program has improved continuity of care for more than 3,000 refugees receiving treatment for chronic conditions from the International Rescue Committee in Thailand, according to the announcement, while Everest has assisted with the provision of access to critical energy subsidies and a range of additional services with secure and user-centric digital identities without relying on a smartphone.

A tanulmány a Kínai Népköztársaság internet adta nyitottságra adott válaszaival foglalkozik, kitérve a politikai vezetés pragmatikusságára és azokra a politikákra és lépésekre, melyeken keresztül egyre inkább képes lett a Párt ellenőrizni társadalmát. Nem csupán az internet blokkolásáról, hanem a világ legnagyobb méretű tűzfaláról, az állampolgárokat a nap 24 órájában figyelő kamerákról, ellenőrzött közösségi média oldalakról és egy olyan kreditrendszerről kell beszélnünk a kelet-ázsiai óriás kapcsán, melyeken keresztül az orwelli világ valósággá válhat. Az állam/párt nem csupán a közösségi-társadalmi folyamatokat, hanem az állampolgárok magánéletét is képes lehet befolyásolni, könnyíteni, avagy nehezíteni, attól függően, hogy megbízható tagjai a társadalomnak, avagy veszélyes elemként lettek minősítve. A kínai folyamatok azért is jelentősek és fontosak, mert a technológia fejlődésével elérhetővé vált/váló rendszer népszerű lehet más térségekben is – világszerte.

Un libro excelente es este del Autor Milton William Cooper, que nos muestra en este título una gama estupenda de información relacionada a todas las herramientas y armas que el Gobierno en las sombras encabezado por los Illuminatis han establecido en el mundo a través de mentiras, engaños, manipulaciones, enfermedades, OVNIS, "alienígenas", proyectos negros, tecnología de "ciencia ficción" y muchas otras cosas más.
El autor nos habla claramente de todas en su mayoría de las tramas que estos seres han implantando en el mundo a través de los años donde las personas pasan totalmente desapercibidas en medio de un mundo totalmente opuesto al que todos están habituados a conocer y donde las mentiras, el engaño y la manipulación han creado un mundo totalmente en peligro que se expande aún más cada día, y que traerá como consecuencia actos terribles que no tendrán forma de corregirse llevando a la raza humana a su total esclavitud si no despiertan a la realidad!

It is a truth that song exists as the crystallization of human's feelings. This content can be seen from the part of the song which people call as lyric. Through lyric, the singer or the songwriter can express what s/he feels and what kind of idea s/he wants to share to the others. Sometimes, the songwriter implicitly puts in a hidden message that actually functions as the real idea of the song. In this case, people should take a closer examination upon the lyric to understand the songwriter's real idea or purpose. Imagine is the example of it. Many people believe that this song is the representation of a hope for the realization of peaceful future world. However, through this study, I found different appraisal regarding to what was described in Imagine. By applying descriptive qualitative research using Michael Riffaterre's semiotics approach, I tried to decipher the other side of Imagine song lyric meaning. The first step of this research was applying heuristic reading. This step was aimed to get the first order of semiotics system. First order semiotics system is a word meaning that follows the rule of the normative language system. In simple way, the meaning obtained was only dictionary meanings. Then after finishing this phase, the next step done was hermeneutic reading. This phase was aimed to get an integrated signification of the text meaning. After separating the signs from the overall lyric and analyzing it one by one, the significance found was that the song did not talk about peace but it was about world domination. At the same time, the phrase " world domination " became the matrix of Imagine because it reflected the whole idea of the lyric. In conclusion, Imagine does not express the hope for a peaceful future world. Imagine implicitly expresses the idea of word domination through the doctrine of atheism belief as the starting point.

Aggiornamento gennaio  2022….. oltre lo lasciamo all’Immaginazione Intuitiva
Postfazione: iniziamo dalla fine, poi -chi lo desidera- potrà approfondire, valutare, giudicare. Questo documento, redatto a partire dall 2021,  è stato scritto non tanto per i contemporanei, quanto per i posteri. E’ un contributo per la Storia, quando si analizzeranno gli eventi da un’ottica distaccata dalle passioni profane e dai condizionamenti di vario ordine del momento.
I contemporanei potranno utilizzarlo come esercizio di libero arbitrio basato sulla verifica puntuale dei dati e delle fonti citate.
Due sole certezze, a due anni dallo scatenamento di questa ‘strana’ pandemia annunciata’:
Non abbiamo ancora certezza e prove definitive, verificabili  ed inoppugnabili, di ‘dove e come’ il covid-19 abbia avuto l’effettiva genesi e le cause di essa.
Non abbiamo ancora certezza e prove definitive dell’esistenza di una ‘cura’ efficace, risolutiva, condivisibile che rispetti il comandamento fondamentale: ‘primum non nocere’.

Covid-19, Delta, Omicron, (πεῖ, ῥῶ, σῖγμα…. Ὦμέγα?). Green-pass (?) And Freedom.
Beyond Orwell… Great Reset and New World Order: A Disturbing Future?
Afterword: let's start from the end, then - whoever wishes - will be able to deepen, evaluate, judge. This document, drawn up in 2021, was written not so much for contemporaries as for posterity. It is a contribution to history, when events are analyzed from a perspective detached from the profane passions and conditioning of various orders of the moment.
Contemporaries will be able to use it as an exercise of free will based on the timely verification of the data and sources cited.
Only two certainties, two years after the unleashing of this' strange 'pandemic announced':
We still do not have certainty and definitive, verifiable and incontrovertible proofs of 'where and how' covid-19 had its actual genesis and causes.
We still do not have certainty and definitive proofs of the existence of an effective, decisive, shareable 'cure' that respects the fundamental commandment: 'primum non nocere'.

Covid-19, Delta, Omicron, (πεῖ, ῥῶ, …. Ὦμέγα?). Green-pass (?) Et Liberté.
Au-delà d'Orwell Grande réinitialisation et nouvel ordre mondial : un avenir inquiétant ?
Postface : commençons par la fin, puis - qui voudra - pourra approfondir, évaluer, juger. Ce document, rédigé en 2021, a été écrit moins pour les contemporains que pour la postérité. C'est une contribution à l'histoire, lorsque les événements sont analysés dans une perspective détachée des passions et des conditionnements profanes des divers ordres du moment.
Les contemporains pourront l'utiliser comme un exercice de libre arbitre basé sur la vérification en temps opportun des données et des sources citées.
Seulement deux certitudes, deux ans après le déclenchement de cette 'étrange' pandémie annoncée' :
Nous n'avons toujours pas de certitude et de preuves définitives, vérifiables et incontestables de « où et comment » covid-19 a eu sa genèse et ses causes réelles.
Nous n'avons toujours pas de certitudes et de preuves définitives de l'existence d'une « cure » efficace, décisive, partageable qui respecte le commandement fondamental : « primum non nocere ».


Covid-19, Delta, Omicron, (πεῖ, ῥῶ, σῖγμα…. Ὦμέγα?). Green-pass (?) Y Libertad.
Más allá de Orwell ... Gran reinicio y nuevo orden mundial: ¿un futuro inquietante?Epílogo: empecemos por el final, entonces, quien quiera, podrá profundizar, evaluar, juzgar. Este documento, elaborado en 2021, no fue escrito tanto para los contemporáneos como para la posteridad. Es un aporte a la historia, cuando los hechos se analizan desde una perspectiva desvinculada de las pasiones profanas y condicionamientos de diversos órdenes del momento.
Los contemporáneos podrán utilizarlo como un ejercicio de libre albedrío basado en la verificación oportuna de los datos y fuentes citadas.
Solo dos certezas, dos años después del desencadenamiento de esta 'extraña' pandemia anunciada ':
Todavía no tenemos certeza y pruebas definitivas, verificables e incontrovertibles de 'dónde y cómo' covid-19 tuvo su génesis y causas reales.
Aún no tenemos certezas y pruebas definitivas de la existencia de una 'cura' eficaz, decisiva, compartible que respete el mandamiento fundamental: 'primum non nocere'.

In the early twentieth century, Spanish bureaucrat and writer Julían Juderías coined the term " black legend " to describe a supposed denigration of Spain and its colonial legacy. Juderías and his intellectual inheritors focused their critique on Theodore de Bry (1528-1598), a Flemish engraver who illustrated Bartolomé de las Casas' A Very Brief Account of the Destruction of the Indies (1552) as well as de las Casas himself, for having exaggerated brutalities in the Spanish New World. But comparative analysis of de Bry's illustrations for A Very Brief Account and the America series of colonial narratives indicate that he used one visual aesthetic for all the texts, inflammatory or otherwise. De Bry thus could not have been culpable in the Black Legend—to the extent that the Black Legend is even a valid historical concept.

The paper attempts to analyse how Aravind Adiga " s The White Tiger juxtaposes the two contrasting faces of present Indian society and polity through a unique character Balram Halwai. It intends to explore to what extent Balram is able to escape from the Darkness and enter into the Light, to what extent he is controlled by social hierarchies and functions of power when he wants to unshackle the chain of servitude, to what extent the world of Light illuminates his persona, and to what extent he is able to resist the system and go beyond the so-called Dark-Light binary. The article brings about issues of the New World Order such as multinational capitalism, global imperialism, dynamics of deprivation and discrimination, caste, class-consciousness, the myth of India shining or sinking and so on. Regarding the process of individual identity formation in the web of power apparatuses, it mainly focuses on two aspects throughout the analysis— the predicament of the third-world subalterns in the grip of neo-colonialists and their chances of resistance to the neo-colonial hegemony formulated mainly through the conditions of global capitalism in postcolonial societies.

In this thesis, a synthetic analysis of historical and archaeological material from slave sites across the Americas is used to identify the cultural role of the slave holder in transforming African-American societies. Using a comparative approach, I have
reviewed patterns associated with each European colonial power. It is generally believed that environmental conditions determined much in the way of slave architecture and foodways. However, I will show that ther are specific patterns in slave related architecture, foodways, religion and laws that are linked to Euro-ethinic cultural patterns in English, French, Spanish, Dutch and Danish colonies during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. I have also identified the temporal changes in the treatment of
slaves during the pre-emancipation period that have specific material cultural patterns associated with the Euro-ethnic identity of each colonial power.
Using St. Eustatius in the Netherlands Antilles as a case study, I demonstrate the efficacy of comparative analyses in identifying Euro-ethnic cultural trends that guided and affected enslaved African’s lives and are reflected in material cultural remains.
These cultural markers can be classified within three thematic catagories that will provide common threads thoughout the thesis. First, ethnicity, comprising the Euroethnic origins of masters, Native American communities, and diverse African cultural
legacies, influenced slaves’ lives. Second, slave roles as agricultural labourers, skilled tradesmen, soldiers, watchmen and then as natives of the various colonies clearly affected their sense of identity. Third, power relations between masters and slaves
influenced aspects of slaves’ daily life to varying degrees in each colony.
On St. Eustatius the comparisons are articulated on two levels. First, slave involvement in the colonial economy on St. Eustatius was unlike that found in the other colonies in that slaves were much more active actors within it. The Statian economy
was not based upon plantation monoculture but on providing a free trade port that was then unequalled in the West Indies. In this economy, slaves were not commodities but also direct participants as merchants and traders themselves to a degree not found
anywhere else. No previous researcher has attempted to reconstruct how slaves worked in this trade economy. Second, this involvement of slaves in the economy led to a unique position in the cultural and economic landscape as perceived by their masters on the island. This is reflected in the location of slave housing, laws governing slave participation in economic activities, slave religion, and in opportunities for escape and
resistence.
As part of this comparative analysis, I have also conducted a thin-section analysis of slave produced ceramics or Afro-Caribbean ware from St. Eustatius, Nevis, St. Lucia, Antigua, St. Croix and Barbuda. The goal was to examine any island specific
differences in clay types to provide evidence for possible circum-Caribbean trade networks for these ceramics. I have determined that each island produced unique ceramic types and that there may have been some exchange of these vessels among
islands.
The conclusion reveals that only a comparative analysis on a global scale can identify the unique parameters impacting slave material culture under each European power. It is hoped that this thesis will encourage further comparative research, particularly in French, Spanish and Portuguese colonial areas.