International Refugee Law

This book aims to address ‘boat migration’ with a holistic approach. The different chapters consider the multiple facets of the phenomenon and the complex challenges they pose, bringing together knowledge from several disciplines and regions of the world within a single collection. Together, they provide an integrated picture of transnational movements of people by sea with a view to making a decisive contribution to our understanding of current trends and future perspectives and their treatment from legal-doctrinal, legal-theoretical, and non-legal angles. The final goal is to unpack the tension that exists between security concerns and individual rights in this context and identify tools and strategies to adequately manage its various components, garnering an inter-regional / multi-disciplinary dialogue, including input from international law, law of the sea, maritime security, migration and refugee studies, and human rights, to address the position of ‘migrants at sea’ thoroughly.

Europe is currently experiencing a "refugee crisis", demonstrated by millions of displaced people unseen since World War II. This book examines the interface between the EU's response to irregular flows, in particular the main extraterritorial border and migration controls taken by the Member States, and the rights asylum seekers acquire from EU law.

"Remote control" techniques, such as the imposition of visas, fines on carriers transporting unsatisfactorily documented third-country nationals, and interception at sea are investigated in detail in a bid to assess the impact these measures have on access to asylum in the EU. The book also thoroughly analyses the rights recognised by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights to persons in need of international protection, inclusive of the principle of non-refoulement, the right to leave any country including one's own, the right to asylum, and the right to remedies and effective judicial protection.

The fundamental focus of the book is the relationship between the aforementioned border and migration controls and the rights of asylum seekers and, most importantly, how these rights (should) limit the scope of such measures and the ways in which they are implemented. The ultimate goal is to conclude whether the current series of extraterritorial mechanisms of pre-entry vetting is compatible in EU law with the EU rights of forced migrants.

Ne diktaturen staliniste, emigracioni  konisderohej  si nje rruge infektimi me viruse lirie, qe binte ndesh me politiken izoluese te Enver Hoxhes, duke rezikuar kupolen e kohes dhe vete regjimin komunist. Perfundimi I L2b perkoi me levizje demografike ne Europe. Miliona gjermane lane toka ne Evropen Qendrore e Lindore, hebrenjte lane vendet e vuajtjes per vende me te te sigurta, dhe jo komuniste iknin, qe ti shpetonin regjimeve te dhunshme komuniste qe sapo u vendosen ne vendet e tyre .  Nga Shqiperia po ashtu pati ikje te rreth 14,000 personave. Disa qindra u vrane ne tentative per kalim kufiri. Pas kapjes se vendeve te Europes qendrore e lindore nga komunistet, ata I rezistuan ri-atdhesimit ne nje mase te madhe, duke tentuar te udhetonin ne USA.  Familjet e te arratisurve u perndoqen egersisht, qe te ulnin nivelin e aktivitetit politik te te vete arratisurve. Per vete te arratisurit Partia-shtet  dhe Sigurimi i shtetit, permes propagandes dhe me menyre te fshehte  gjeneroi  stigma si kolaboracionist, armik, tradhetar, dhe agjent, Historia e tyre akoma mbetet per tu studiuar me qellim qe te kuptojme me mire ngjarjet, sepse ato  perbejne nje pjese te rendesishme te shoqerise, qe kane qene aktore te historise vete.

The question of whether arbitrary deprivation of nationality constitutes persecution for the purposes of a determination of refugee status has received increased attention in recent jurisprudence. However, no systematic argument has been made to date on the ordinary meaning of words, context, object and purpose of Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees as it applies to stateless refugees. This is an important question because the absence of determination procedures and a protection regime specifically for stateless persons in many jurisdictions makes refugee and/or complementary protection the only options. This article examines existing landmark judicial decisions worldwide, relevant UN documents , and academic writing on whether arbitrary deprivation of nationality, either on its own or when taken with other forms of harm, amounts to persecution within the meaning of Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Refugee Convention, and if so on what grounds. It concludes by suggesting when (arbitrary) deprivation of nationality should lead to a finding of persecution, based on good practice, and points to a global consensus on a new rights perspective concerning nationality.

States have increasingly moved away from refugee protection, intensifying the vulnerability of refugees and asylum-seekers. Drawing on theories of norm dynamics within International Relations (IR), this article argues that departures from refugee protection can be partly explained by the weakness of the normative principles governing the treatment of individuals fleeing persecution. Ambiguities, diverging interpretations, and varying levels of codification complicate efforts to hold states accountable to a complex bundle of human rights standards surrounding refugee and asylum protection. These weaknesses in the international refugee regime bolster norm-evading behavior wherein governments deliberately minimize their obligations while claiming technical compliance. Drawing on an analysis of US refugee and asylum policies under the Trump administration, the article reveals how norm evasion and accountability challenges emerge in the context of ambiguous standards vis-à-vis non-refoulement, non-detention, non-penalization, non-discrimination, and refugee responsibility-sharing. In response to global forced displacement-including an estimated 25 million refugees-governments have increasingly closed borders, detained and repatriated asylum-seekers against their will, developed 'deterrence' and 'repulsion' techniques to prevent asylum-seekers from reaching their territories, and engaged in other practices undermining human rights principles regarding the treatment of individuals fleeing persecution and conflict. 1 The denial of entry by European ports to asylum-seekers-including sick children-stranded for weeks in the Mediterranean, the deaths of children detained along the US southern border, and drastic cuts to third-country refugee resettlement prompt challenging questions about the status of the international refugee and asylum regime. 2 Given the barrage of state practices contravening human rights principles governing the treatment of refugees and asylum-seekers, it is reasonable to question whether refugee protection norms are in crisis.

Facilitating access to asylum and other forms of refugee protection for the millions displaced by mass atrocities in Syria and Iraq is essential to the implementation of the international norm of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). This responsibility, however, has been disproportionately shouldered by several states in the Middle East and Europe. This article explores the challenges associated with refugee responsibility-sharing in the context of RtoP and draws on work in climate justice and political realism to articulate a framework for integrating culpability as a key criterion in allocating states' responsibilities to protect refugees. An empirical and normative assessment of U.S. responsibilities to protect refugees in the cases of conflict-induced displacement in Syria and Iraq outlines several potential paths of culpability. The article ultimately argues for greater attention to culpability, equity, and legitimacy within the discourse surrounding RtoP and refugee protection. The article also advocates linking the benefits of refugee responsibility-sharing with states' national interests and highlights several such links with regard to U.S. responsibilities in Syria and Iraq.

Tomando como fio condutor eventos relativos ao programa de
Reassentamento Solidário de refugiados no Brasil, o artigo procura analisar como os princípios da solidariedade e da responsabilidade elaborados no âmbito de acordos internacionais são interpretados e ressignificados por atores situados em diferentes escalas de influência e participação na implementação das políticas de proteção e assistência a refugiados.

Voluntary returns of asylum seekers from Europe have increased in past years. Iraqi refugees appear to be one of the largest groups, which have sought asylum, and appear to be one of the largest groups of people, which return voluntarily to their country of origin, either on the basis of rejection or by withdrawing their asylum case. Issues related to voluntary returns are often associated with how and under what circumstances returning asylum seekers manage to re-establish themselves upon return to their country of origin. Growing numbers of Internally Displaced People (IDPs) is a pressing issue in Iraq. Limited resources to host IDPs give incentive to examine how and under what circumstances voluntary returnees with Kurdish-Iraqi origins (who in this research will be referred to as Iraqi asylum seekers) manage to re-establish themselves sustainably in their country of origin. Personal threats, as well as a lack of job opportunities and housing are commonly expressed concerns which Iraqi asylum seekers experience. The purpose of this research is to draw attention to how voluntary returnees of Iraqi asylum seekers from the Nordic countries manage to re-establish themselves upon return to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq; herein Erbil and Sulaymaniyah. Moreover, the research seeks to uncover what the conditions are for successful return by examining existing voluntary return programmes under the International Organization for Migration’s Assisted Voluntary Return Programmes.

Keywords: Voluntary return, voluntariness, assisted voluntary return and reintegration, re-establishment, reintegration, rejected asylum seeker, withdrawing asylum seeker, asylum seeker, migration, migratory journey

Europe's Transforming Identity. Part 1 of the book Islam and Tolerance in Wider Europe (ed. Pamela Kilpadi) including the articles:
* 'What Values for Europe?' by Michael Emerson
* 'The Role of Islam in Europe: Multiple Crises?' by Amel Boubekeur and Samir Amghar
* 'The Southern Gate to Fortress Europe' by Rutvica Andrijasevic

In 2001 vierde het Verdrag betreffende de status van vluchtelingen zijn 50ste verjaardag: een ideale gelegenheid om de balans op te maken. Welke bijdrage heeft het Vluchtelingenverdrag geleverd tot de bescherming van vluchtelingen, en hoe ziet de toekomst eruit? Hoewel het Vluchtelingenverdrag wereldwijd beschouwd wordt als het fundament voor de internationale bescherming van vluchtelingen, is de balans niet onverdeeld positief. De laatste jaren is het Vluchtelingenverdrag het middelpunt geweest van hevige kritiek: het Verdrag zou verouderd zijn en niet geschikt om de huidige vluchtelingencrisissen aan te pakken. In deze paper heb ik geprobeerd het belang van het Vluchtelingenverdrag aan te tonen, maar ook de oorzaken van voormelde kritiek te verduidelijken en een aantal voorstellen te formuleren naar de
toekomst toe.

The article attempts a comprehensive review of the human security concept in order to question its utility for both research and policy-making. It notes the term’s interdisciplinary and extensively normative content that have facilitated its evolution into a successful security discourse. On the other hand, human security’s wide appeal has as a side-effect an extended conceptual polysemy inhibiting the cumulation of knowledge and the development of a relevant theory. Absence of conceptual clarity has also complicated its policy implementation. The article attempts to break the deadlock and move the debate forward by using the work of John Gerring and Paul A. Barresi on concept formation as an organizing device.

This article will argue that there are three related issues of concern regarding the Rohingya crisis: (1) a singular focus on persecution and nationality in Myanmar; (2) statelessness and displacement in the region; and (3) grave human rights violations amounting to international crimes including genocide and crimes against humanity. This article will discuss active steps that asean should take. To ensure that Myan-mar will willingly accept the responsibility to address the source of the problem, the international community, particularly asean, has to stand firm against Myanmar's gross violation of human rights. At the same time, asean must deal with the refugee crisis by formulating a workable regional framework. This article will deal with the underlying conflict paradigm in all refugee issues: how to reconcile state sovereignty vis-á-vis responsibility and how to ensure protection of both human rights and state security. Keywords Rohingya – genocide – human rights – statelessness – refugee – asean

Come nasce il termine rifugiato? Come si è giunti all'attuale definizione di tale categoria migratoria? Il presente articolo ripercorre la storia della sua evoluzione, analizzando processi e avvenimenti che hanno reso questa figura ciò che è oggi. Frutto di un cortocircuito del sistema politico westfaliano, lo sviluppo del suo profilo contemporaneo rappresenta per certi aspetti il "negativo" dell'idea occidentale di libera circolazione. Ripercorrere tali vicende, contribuisce a mettere in luce le debolezze alla base delle distinzioni fra categorie migratorie.

How the term refugee was born? How did this migration category become what it is today? This article retraces the history of its evolution, analysing processes and events that contributed to shape this figure as we know it. The refugee's contemporary figure emerged from a breakdown in Westphalian international political system and then it developed to some extent in opposition to the western idea of freedom of circulation. The historical path of this type of migration highlights how weak are migrants categories' distinctions.

This paper provides an in-depth analysis of the Refugee Act of Korea, enacted in 2012. The act, which went into effect in July 2013, is the first standalone refugee law in East Asia. This paper assesses the role of Korean civil society in creating the new law. According to the findings of this case study, civil activists played a major part in the creation of Refugee Act, but had less influence on its actual contents. Civil society groups first brought attention to the need for increased refugee  protections through separate regulations, and then formed a coalition of groups to write a draft bill. However, the law that passed in 2011 is significantly different from that draft bill. Much to the disappointment and frustration of refugee activists, it was altered to suit Ministry of Justice interests. Overall, civil society groups served as little more than catalysts, and their influence on the final, legislated version of the Refugee Act was limited.

This article addresses the concern that decision-making in sexual orientation or gender identity (SOGI) asylum claims in Europe is often unfair, and that one way to remedy this is by improving the guidance provided to decision-makers when interpreting the Refugee Convention in respect of these claims. We begin by interrogating a number of different decision-making guidelines and models to assess whether they contribute to a fairer asylum system. We show that, for claims based on SOGI, success invariably depends on the decision-maker's assessment as to whether a claimant is, or would be perceived in their home country to be, a member of a SOGI minority, and so belongs to a Particular Social Group. Such focus risks neglecting analysis of the actual risk of persecution. We set out our own recommendation for a fairer approach based on prioritising SOGI-specific Country of Origin Information (COI) and the risk of persecution, rather than focusing on whether applicants are 'genuinely' members of a SOGI minority. We argue that this will lead to fairer outcomes that are less likely to be overturned on appeal and more consistent with the Refugee Convention's spirit and letter.

This Article examines the recent proliferation of walls and fences in Europe, fueled by the Dublin Regulation’s failure to distribute responsibility for asylum seekers equitably among European states. Legal scholarship does not lack literature bemoaning the failures of the E.U.’s Dublin Regulation — which dictates, generally, that the country where an asylum seeker first enters the E.U. is responsible for processing his or her claim for protection. Yet scholarship on border walls and fences, and what induces European states to construct them, is not prominent in the literature. The critiques lodged against the Dublin Regulation have primarily focused on its futility and unworkability. This Article argues that Dublin has failed asylum seekers in a more insidious way — by catalyzing the construction of Fortress Europe. The actions of European states during the contemporary refugee “crisis” illustrate this phenomenon particularly well.

Section II of this Article examines the contours of the international principle of responsibility-sharing; a principle that is supported throughout the history of refugee law as an ideal modality for managing refugee flows. Section III provides an overview of the Dublin Regulation and how it distorts the international responsibility-sharing principle and violates E.U. law requiring “solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility” among member states. Section IV traces the proliferation of border walls and fences in Europe around the height of the recent refugee crisis, arguing that the Dublin Regulation’s failure fueled European states to erect physical border barriers. It also explores the formidable combination of physical and legal barriers and how these mechanisms violate member states’ non-refoulement obligation. Section V analyzes proposals for improving Dublin, including efforts to better protect refugee rights and achieve a more equitable sharing of responsibility for protection seekers. This Article concludes by questioning how the E.U. can move forward and uphold the right of all persons fleeing persecution to seek and enjoy asylum in Europe.

Keywords: border wall, border fence, 1951 convention, 1951 refugee convention, asylum seeker, european union, eu law, nonrefoulement, border walls, dublin regulation, international responsibility-sharing, refugee law

Resumen: En este trabajo se analiza la existencia de un derecho a solicitar asilo tanto en el territorio del Estado como en frontera. Para ello se toman en consideración la normativa internacional sobre la materia, y la normativa de la Unión Europea, concretamente la Carta de Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión Europea y la Directiva de Procedimiento. El objetivo es determinar si Hungría mediante el rechazo en frontera de los refugiados, así como mediante la imposición de sanciones penales por el cruce ilegal, según la normativa húngara, de frontera, vendría a estar violando dicho de derecho a solicitar asilo. La confirmación de dicha violación, junto con la posible confirmación de las violaciones relativas a los procedimientos de asilo señaladas por la Comisión Europea en la carta de emplazamiento enviada a Hungría en 2015, planteamos podría permitir considerar a Hungría como país " no seguro " siendo de aplicación el artículo 3.2 del Reglamento de Dublín. Summary: This paper analyzes the existence of a right to seek asylum both, in the territory of the State and in the border of the State. For this purpose the international regulations on the matter, and the regulations of the European Union (namely the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the Directive of Procedure) are taken into consideration. The aim is to determine whether Hungary through the border rejection of refugees, as well as by imposing criminal penalties for the illegal crossing, according to the Hungarian legislation, would violate the right to seek asylum. The confirmation of such a violation, along with the possible confirmation of violations concerning asylum procedures outlined by the European Commission in the letter of formal notice sent to Hungary in 2015, could allow considering Hungary as a " non-safe " country and applying article 3.2 of the Dublin Regulation.

Nella Gazzetta Ufficiale, Serie generale, n. 281 del 3 dicembre u.s. è stata pubblicata la legge 1° dicembre 2018, n. 132, di conversione, con modificazioni, del decreto-legge 4 ottobre 2018, n. 113, recante “Disposizioni urgenti in materia di protezione internazionale e immigrazione, sicurezza pubblica, nonché misure per la funzionalità del Ministero dell’interno e l’organizzazione e il funzionamento dell’Agenzia nazionale per l’amministrazione e la destinazione dei beni sequestrati e confiscati alla criminalità organizzata”.

Il volume, introdotto da due saggi sui profili generali di incostituzionalità e sugli effetti criminogeni del suddetto provvedimento legislativo, raccoglie i commenti ai singoli articoli, che si dipanano a partire dal Titolo I, riguardante il rilascio di speciali permessi di soggiorno temporanei, la protezione internazionale, e più in generale questioni attinenti all’immigrazione; passando attraverso il Titolo II, contenente disposizioni relative alla sicurezza pubblica; per finire con il Titolo III, riguardante gli interventi per la funzionalità del Ministero dell’Interno.

Nell'ambito di tale lavoro collettaneo l'Avv. Dario Belluccio  ha curato il capitolo dal titolo "L’abrogazione della protezione umanitaria, i permessi di soggiorno per protezione speciale ed i nuovi titoli di soggiorno" relativo all'analisi ed al commento dell'art. 1 del d.l. 4 ottobre 2018, n.113, conv. con mod. in legge 1 dicembre 2018, n. 132.

The contemporary concept of place rests on a paradox: in order to move seamlessly within and between places (real and virtual), one must possess a secure—primarily, legal and economic—connection to a place. Without this secure connection, being-in-the-world means being displaced. By drawing on examples in literature, anthropology, and the testimonies of displaced persons, this chapter illustrates that an over-insistence on the ontological primordiality of place potentially aligns phenomenology with the exclusionary dimension of place in the globalized 21st century. In response, I construct a critical phenomenology of forced displacement that is at once critical of the phenomenology of place, but also views phenomenology as critical to overcoming the contemporary paradox of place.

The study aims to observe the impacts caused by the Covid-19 pandemic on the lives of migrants and  asylum  seekers  and  to  analyze  the  migration  policy  and  the commitment  that  Brazil  has  to  protect refugees from the chaotic scenarios from which they left.The study is exploratory and quantitative in nature and therefore uses documentary and bibliographic research to support the analysis. As sources, it uses the current  legislation,  the  Interministerial  Ordinances  issued  in  2020  and  data  provided  by  CONARE  (National Committee  for  Refugees)  and  UNHCR  (United  Nations  High  Commissioner  for  Refugees).As  preliminary results, there are a number of difficulties that migrants and refugees confront, including the delay in processing the “Refuge Protocol”, the restrictions of the new inter-ministerial guidelines that contradict the principle of non-refoulement  (non-return)  and  the  establishment  of  a  globalization  of  indifference  towards migrants/refugees, which relegates them to a state of vulnerability, insecurity and uncertainty.

RESUMO: A crise humanitária vivenciada na Venezuela tem causado o aumento do número de solicitações de refúgio no Brasil. Nesse âmbito, o objetivo geral do trabalho é analisar a concepção histórica do Direito Internacional dos Refugiados e das atuais legislações nacionais sobre direitos desse grupo de pessoas, propondo uma reflexão a respeito de alguns desafios enfrentados para a aplicação das normativas no contexto atual dos refugiados venezuelanos que chegam ao Brasil. A incursão metodológica que possibilita a realização desta investigação é direcionada por abordagens de pesquisa qualitativa e por método indutivo. O procedimento metodológico é bibliográfico e documental. Como considerações finais, verifica-se que, apesar de haver uma política migratória de defesa aos direitos humanos dos refugiados, algumas adversidades ainda estão presentes, como a efetivação das legislações, o que impacta diretamente a vida dessas pessoas.

This report is about “The Influx of Illegal Immigrants in Tanzania: The Question of Effective Border Control and the Appropriateness of the Law” the objective of it was to assess the law of Tanzania on the problem of the influx of illegal immigrants in Tanzania and the appropriateness of the legal framework governing the same, by taking into consideration the issue of effective border control in Tanzania and the possible challenges.

This study further, attempted to look at the law and enforcement practical aspects on curbing the influx of illegal immigrants in Tanzania. In the course of discussion, an overview of historical development and background of immigration issues and laws in Tanzania were traced. The study also made an appraisal of the law and administrative measures such as National Identity Cards and “Operesheni Kimbunga” and their effectiveness in curbing the influx of illegal immigrants.

The data which are primary data were collected through interview and questionnaire methods, secondary data was collected by using books, report presentations, internet source and articles. The findings show that the legal framework governing migration issues suffers from some inherent. Hence the paper at the end makes some recommendations in order to remedy the situation. The recommendations are aimed to call for the restructuring and facilitating enforcement of the established legal mechanisms, and to inspire new rules and amendment of the current law to cater for the prevailing problem of influx of illegal immigrants in Tanzania.

Resumo: Este artigo analisa a capacidade da União Europeia de acolher os pedidos de asilo que recebeu nos últimos anos, bem como suas políticas e ações desenvolvidas, especialmente entre 2015 e 2016. Será explorado como a UE lida com o grande contingente imigratório, com foco no auge da Crise de Refugiados de 2015/2016. Diante desta conjuntura, a União Europeia adotou medidas que demandaram solidariedade e união, tais como a realocação dos requerentes de asilo, a reinstalação de pessoas necessitadas de países vizinhos, a suspensão temporária do Regulamento de Dublin, o Acordo com a Turquia, entre outras. Tais medidas, no entanto, geraram reflexos no panorama interno dos Estados-membros do bloco. O trabalho propõe, portanto, uma análise sobre a capacidade da União Europeia de atender satisfatoriamente as demandas dos pedidos de asilo feitos em seu território em razão da crise de refugiados.

Palavras-Chave: União Europeia. Refugiados. Migração. Segurança. Fronteiras.



Abstract: This article’s intent is to analyze the European Union's ability to host the asylum applications it has received in recent years, as well as its policies and actions, especially between 2015 and 2016. Thus, it will be explored how this economic and monetary union deals with the large immigrant contingent, focusing on the height of the refugee crisis where there has been a significant increase in immigration towards its territory. Given this situation, the European Union adopted measures that demanded solidarity and unity, such as the relocation of asylum seekers, resettlement of people in need from neighboring countries, temporary suspension of the Dublin Regulation, agreement with Turkey, and others. This essay proposes to analyze whether the European Union was able to satisfactorily meet the demands of asylum applications in its territory due to the refugee crisis.

Keywords: European Union. Refugees. Migration. Security. Borders.

Recebido em: 03/07/2019  – Aceito em 31/07/2019

O Direito Internacional dos Refugiados, em sentido tradicional, assenta ainda no sistema da Convenção de Genebra, e no conceito do refugiado perseguido. Não obstante, outros instrumentos vieram enriquecer este ramo do direito, alargando a proteção a outras categorias de pessoas, em função de diferentes razões, e com novas garantias. Ainda assim, o futuro dos movimentos migratórios reclama por evoluções neste ramo do direito, que cada vez mais passará a ser um “direito da proteção internacional”, abarcando um número diferenciado de “imigrantes forçados”, e reclamando novos deveres estaduais. O caminho passará, julgamos, pelo reconhecimento da incapacidade de os Estados conseguirem responder isoladamente às futuras necessidades de proteção internacional, impondo-se uma verdadeira mudança de paradigma assente numa ideia de “governança global” das migrações forçadas.

Suriye’de şiddetini hala koruyarak devam eden savaş sonucu ülkelerinden zorunlu olarak göç etmek  mecburiyetinde kalmış milyonlarca insan bulunmaktadır. Yaklaşık olarak üç milyon Suriyeli ise bu göç akımında Türkiye’ye yerleşmiştir. Birleşmiş Milletler Mülteciler Yüksek Komiserliği’nin güncel verilerine göre 2,814,631 kayıtlı Suriyeli mülteci Türkiye’de bulunmaktadır. Suriye’den yayılıp özellikle Orta Doğu ve Avrupa başta olmak üzere tüm dünyayı etkisi altına almış olan bu göç akımından sayısal olarak en çok etkilenmiş olan ülke Türkiye olarak gözükmektedir. Kısa bir aralık içinde ülkeye gelmiş olan bu sayıdaki mülteci akımının ülkenin göçmen ve sosyal haklar politikalarını güncel ve gelecekte beklenen durumlara göre ivedi bir şekilde sürdürülebilir olmasını sağlayarak geliştirilmelidir. Bu bilgiler ışığında Türkiye’nin Suriyeli Mülteciler özelinde yürütmüş olduğu eğitim politikası üstüne düşülmesi ve incelikle işlenmesi gereken başlıca konulardan biridir.

Num contexto em que, na ordem jurídica portuguesa se assiste a um crescimento exponencial do contencioso de asilo, o presente artigo visa reflectir sobre a importância do papel do advogado na defesa dos direitos das pessoas carecidas de proteção internacional. Em primeiro lugar, procede-se a uma breve panorâmica dos conceitos gerais deste ramo do Direito, antes de se enumerar alguns casos de violação de direitos em que o advogado pode ser chamado a intervir. Tais direitos podem ser direitos gerais, i.e., direitos que são titulados por todos, mas que podem revestir alguma especificidade quando estão em causa pessoas carecidas de proteção internacional, bem como direitos específicos, i.e., direitos especialmente destinados à proteção destas categorias de pessoas. Finalmente, procederemos à análise dos vários meios de efetivação destes direitos a que o advogado pode recorrer, os quais decorrem das garantias de um procedimento justo e de tutela jurisdicional efetiva. Abstract In a context where the Portuguese legal system witnesses an exponential growth in asylum litigation, this article aims to analyse the importance of the lawyer's role on defending the refugees' and asylum seekers' rights. First, we provide a brief overview of the general concepts of this branch of law, and we illustrate some cases in which the lawyer may be called upon to intervene. These cases may be arise for the protection of several types of rights: general rights, i.e. rights which are recognized to every person but that may have some specificity in the case of persons lacking international protection, and specific rights, i.e. rights which are specially aimed at protecting these categories of persons. Finally, we will analyze several guarantees that can be claimed by the lawyer for the enforcement of these rights. These guarantees arise from the right to a fair procedure and to an effective judicial remedy.

Refugees and other distinct migrant populations often travel together. The policy concept of “mixed migration” arose to describe this migration phenomenon. However, the term has various meanings. These can be divided into two categories: on the one hand are understandings that focus solely on the complex composition of migration flows; on the other are meanings that consider both complexity and individuals’ mixed motivations for moving. Because of this, “mixed migration” has contributed less to thinking around, and humanitarian action in relation to, migration than it might otherwise have. This article describes these diverse understandings and harnesses relevant legal principles − drawn from refugee, human rights, humanitarian, and transnational criminal law, as well as from the law of the sea − in support of one understanding of the term. It argues that international law augurs in favour of an understanding focused solely on complexity, because the legal principles applicable in mixed migration situations apply regardless of individual motivations. Including such motivations within the policy concept only serves to divorce “mixed migration” from its legal underpinnings. Moreover, understanding “mixed migration” in terms of varied individual motivations for moving might fuel populist anti-immigration sentiment. A complexity-based understanding of mixed migration would enhance the concept’s utility.

The contours of Canadian refugee policies have in recent years fluctuated from a narrative of 'bogus' refugees requiring a tough approach of interdiction to one of urgent humanitarian assistance. These rapid discursive shifts highlight the fragility of how Canada's humanitarian responses, and its place in the world, are conceptualized. Using the case study of Canada's responses to the Syrian conflict, this short paper argues that state responses must be critically interrogated in order to move away from homogenizing narratives grounded in tropes such as 'fear', 'floods' and 'crisis', which continue to impact how state, media, and public discourse handle the influx of refugees. Examining how the Canadian state performs its sovereignty in response to the Syrian conflict is instructive to reveal its broader nation-building projects, ones which utilize particular tropes of fear to justify suspicion and exclusion of bodies that have been cast as dangerous and uncontrollable. While Canada is once again presenting itself as a global leader in refugee and human rights issues, it remains to be seen whether these more humane policies can withstand the continuing millennial border anxieties of the West when facing the prospect of resettling increasingly large numbers of refugees.

The Evaluation, carried out from 31 October 2017 –2 March 2018, concerns the European Union’s (EU) Financing Decision "Access to basic services for the vulnerable population in Lebanon– Education & Health” (Financing Decision N° C (2014)9115 adopted on 4 December 2014). This includes Delegation Agreements with UNICEF, UNHCR and WHO.

This report demonstrates that the response did not focus enough on integrated and whole-system based approaches. For example, enrolment must be coupled with retention and retention is related to barriers to education, quality of teaching, and
socio-economic pressures on refugees. Protection plans must be matched with on the ground service levels, reach, and referral systems. Medical supply chains must be matched with forecasting systems, training of medical professionals, and strict governance and oversight structures.

By being more reactive than proactive, by focusing on tangible results rather than a sufficiently funded holistic approach to education, protection and health, many outcome level results have been elusive, and this has led to a palatable level of frustration and recrimination amongst the international and government actors committed to the most vulnerable people living in Lebanon.

Practical cooperation has passed from the margins to the center of the migration and asylum policies. The operationalisation of the hotspot approach to migration management points to the emergence of an increasingly integrated European administration. We are witnessing patterns of joint implementation, with experts deployed by EU AFSJ agencies involved in search and rescue operations, the registration and referral stages, as well as in the processing of asylum claims. However, less attention has been dedicated to a parallel development, that of the expansion of the mandate of EU JHA agencies, and specifically the revamped FRONTEX and EASO agencies, to include monitoring-like functions, as well as functions which have the potential to steer policy implementation. This creates obvious tensions with the agencies’ internal governance structures which are largely intergovernmental. In this contribution, I first outline some of the novel (envisaged) functions, while critically assessing the challenge of independence. I then open the question whether social accountability arrangements could act as a counterbalance.

This Article makes a procedural review of the Convention on Right Persons with Disabilities (hereafter CRPD) in light the prevailing issues of refugee crisis by reviewing Article 11 CRPD in relation to the Optional Protocol to the CRPD (hereafter CRPD-OP), Article (1) para. 1 and 2, Article (2). The issues of forced migration are covered under the CRPD’s obligations to State parties as situations of manmade or humanitarian emergencies. Those situations of emergencies have produced refugees some of whom are persons with disabilities at least under Article 1 of the CRPD. The humanity, dignity and integrity of refugees as persons with disabilities has hardly be respected and protected when State actors are receiving and planning for them in their respective jurisdiction. This raises legal issues under Articles 1, in conjunction with Article 11, 24, 25, 26, 9(2) of the CRPD. In addition to duties of CRPD Committee under CRPD-OP Article 1 and 2 (a)-(f)