Kurdish Question in Turkey

Using a nationally representative dataset from Turkey, we examined the effects of national identity, religious identity, religious practice, and intergroup contact on social distance towards disliked groups along ethnic (Turks vs. Kurds), religious (Sunnis vs. Alevis) and ideological divides (supporters vs. opponents of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). We used structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine two mechanisms (via perceived threat and empathy) through which ingroup identification and intergroup contact influence social distance toward disliked groups. Perceived threat, but not empathy, mediated the effect of national identification on higher social distance towards Kurds, AKP supporters and AKP opponents. Both perceived threat and empathy mediated the effects of religious practice on distance towards Alevis. Intergroup contact had both direct and indirect effects (via threat and empathy) on social distance. Multigroup SEM showed that contact's effects did not vary across outgroup targets. By contrast, the effects of national and religious identity on social distance varied depending on the outgroup target. The findings highlight the importance of considering identity content and meaning attached to social categories in making predictions about the influence of identification with different social categories. The study of intergroup relations in social and political psychology has contributed to our understanding of societal conflict by shedding light on the drivers of intergroup conflict and tensions. A growing body of literature has examined the consequences of ingroup identification with groups at different levels of inclusiveness (e.g., Wohl & Branscombe, 2005) and of intergroup contact (e.g., Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006) in predicting attitudes toward outgroups in conflict. Typically, this research has examined one set of intergroup relations or conflict at a time, often in a context or a target group chosen by the researchers. Intergroup tensions, however, exist across multiple social groups simultaneously, such as ethnic, religious, or ideological divides. Such contexts raise questions about the implications of identification with different groups, and of intergroup contact, for societal polarization (e.g., social exclusion). When conflict exists along different fault lines, the same group (e.g., religious) can serve as a superordinate, a cross-cutting, or an exclusive identity. Importantly, the meaning attached to social groups also matters. Some groups are judged positively, while others are seen as threatening. Therefore, ingroup identification should have different implications depending on both the boundaries and the content of group identity. In the present research, we examined the influence of identification with two important groups-national and religious-as well as the level of intergroup contact social distance along three main societal divisions in Turkey: the ethnic divide (Turks vs. Kurds), the religious divide (Sunni vs. Alevis), and the ideological divide (supporters vs. opponents of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP)-Justice

Oil corruption in Iraqi Kurdistan arose from US/UK and Turkish patronage systems and clientalism. This investigative paper examines how IOCs and other businesses began preparing the ground in northern Iraq to benefit themselves long before Saddam Hussein was overthrown in 2003. The people of the region have not benefited from the wealth generated by their own natural resources. The swindling has created 5000 new millionaires in Erbil and bolstered the pockets of US and UK politicians, ex-military and SAS personnel and corporate criminals.

This study explores who Turkish citizens view as the Other, their perceptions, evaluations, and the degree of Othering of these groups in the private and public spheres. Drawing from varied political science and social psychology literature, it also examines the role of social contact, perceived threat, and the strength of national and religious identification in predicting levels of Othering. Using a national representative sample, the findings reveal that Kurds are the most Othered group in the private sphere, while both Kurds and AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – Justice and Development Party) supporters are the most Othered groups in the public sphere. Regardless of who the Other is, lower social contact and higher levels of perceived threat are associated with higher levels of Othering of Kurds, Alevis, AKP supporters, and AKP opponents in both the private and public spheres.

Keywords: Othering, Turkey, polarisation, ethnicity, sectarianism, ideological divide

Following the neoliberal restructuration of the Turkish welfare and banking systems in the 2000s, many veterans of Turkey’s Kurdish war faced debt enforcement due to failed payments for prosthetic limbs. Veterans responded to debt collection by turning their own bodies into spectacles of debt and sacrifice by publicly removing and showcasing their debt-ridden prostheses. The media interest in these prosthetic spectacles further amplified the visceral threat of dismemberment evoked by veterans’ embodied performances. The public debates surrounding “prosthesis repossession” cases extended well beyond veteran welfare issues, inscribing all sorts of social and political anxieties on the amputee veteran body, such as anxieties around the incommensurability between the value regimes of nationalism and neoliberalism or around the Syrian refugees. Providing a window into larger questions about the interconnections between disability, gender, nationalism, and neoliberal capitalism, prosthesis repossession cases show us how debt and disability coproduce each other at the nexus of consumer debt and nationalist welfare in Turkey. By homing in on the prosthetic re-membering and dismembering of veteran bodies in a rapidly changing health milieu, we see how the political economy of violence and the violence of political economy become complicit in the production of debt, dismemberment, and prosthetic rehabilitation.

Türkiye, uzun yıllardan beridir çeşitli ideolojilerde ve yapılarda terör örgütleriyle çeşitli yoğunluklarda mücadele etmiş ve etmeye devam eden bir ülkedir. Kürdistan İşçi Partisinin de (PKK- Partîya Karkerên Kurdistanê) bu terör örgütlerinin başında geldiği bilinmektedir. Ayrıca ülkeye maddi ve manevi anlamda verdiği zararlar çok büyük boyutlara ulaşmıştır. Bir terör örgütü olarak PKK, eylemlerinde silahlı yöntemlerin yanı sıra bu eylemleri ge-niş kitlelere ulaştırma, meşruiyet iddiasını sağlamlaştırma ve ele-man temini amacıyla yoğun biçimde propaganda faaliyetleri de yürütmektedir. Özellikle XXI. yüzyıl bağlamında terör örgütleri-nin propagandayı bir mücadele yöntemi olarak benimseme eğili-minin gün geçtikçe artış göstermesiyle PKK da propaganda uygu-lamalarını sürekli genişletmiş ve çeşitlendirmiştir.
Çalışmanın sonucunda hem Türkiye‟nin
hem de PKK‟nın propaganda dili, söylemi ve uygulamalarının
2000‟li yıllarda değişim gösterdiği, propagandanın giderek iki taraf
için de önem kazandığı savlanmaktadır. Son olarak da çalışmada,
Türkiye‟nin terörle mücadelede benimsediği propaganda yöntemleri
ve uygulamalarıyla PKK‟nın propaganda uygulamaları karşılaştırılmakta,
tespit ve önerilere yer verilmektedir.

Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey tackles a  theoretical puzzle in understanding the state policy changes toward minorities and  nationhood, first by placing the state in the historical context of the international system and second by unpacking the state through analysis of intra-elite competition in relation to the counter-discourses by minority groups within the context of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey.
What explains the persistence and change in state policies toward  minorities and nationhood? Under what conditions do states change their policies toward minorities? Why do the state elites reconsider the state- minority relations and change government policies toward nationhood? Adopting a comparative-historical analysis, the book unpacks these  research questions and builds a theoretical framework by looking at three paradigmatic policy changes: Ottomanism in the mid-19th century, Turkish nationalism in the early 1920s, and multiculturalism in Turkey in the early 2000s. While the book reveals the role of international context, intrastate elite competition, and non-state actors in such policy changes, it argues that state elites adopt either exclusionary or inclusionary policies based on the idea of “survival of the state.”

Öz
Kürt kadınlarının, modernleşmenin/demokratikleşmenin bir tezahürü olarak gösterilmesi hem
aile, hem din/dindarlık hem de çocuk yetiştirilme tarzına uygun bir sosyolojik yapıyı
barındırmaz. Çünkü Kürtlerin kadim tarihinden beri İslamiyet ile olan alakaları bilinmesi ile
Kürt annelerinin başlarının örtülü olmasına ve hemen her evde bir Kur’an-ı Kerim bulunmasına
rağmen şu an tarih tersinden işletilmektedir. Farklı sosyalist ve seküler merkezlerden alınan
komutlarla kadınların siyasileştirilmesi şimdi olmasa dahi ileriki dönemlerde olumludan çok
olumsuz bir etki yaratacak gibidir. Din anlamında yaşanan dezenformasyonun Kürt gençliği –
(YDG-H gençliği bunun en bariz örneğidir)- üzerinde yaratacağı tahribatlar ise Kürt siyaseti ve
ülkemiz açısından da önlenemeyecek aşamalara gelebilir. İşte bu makale de bizim üzerinde
duracağımız konu Kürt kadınlarının siyasileştirilmesi ve bu siyasileştirmenin Kürt ailesine ve
de dindarlığa verdiği tahribat ve Kürt aile geleneğinin geleceği konusunda duyduğumuz
endişeyi dile getirmek amacı taşıyacaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Annelik, Aile, Kürt Siyaseti, Çocuk, Sekülerleşme.


Abstract
Kurdish women as a manifestation of modernization/democratization, does not have a
sociological structure that is suitable for family, religion/religiosity and child-rearing style.
Because; despite the fact that the Kurds have been familiar with Islam since immemorial times
and that, the heads of Kurdish mothers have been covered and a Qur'an has been found in
almost every house, the history is now reversed. The politicization of women with the
commands taken from different socialist and secular centers is likely to have very negative
impact on future periods, even if not today. The destructive effects of the disinformation
regarding religion on the Kurdish youth (YDG-H youth is the most obvious example of this)
(YDG-H: Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement Turkish: Yurtsever Devrimci Gençlik Hareketi) may
come at a stage that cannot be prevented for Kurdish politics and our country. Moreover, in this
article, we will aim to express our concerns about the politicization of Kurdish women, its
destruction of the Kurdish family structure and religiosity, and the future of the Kurdish family
tradition.
Keywords: Maternity, Family, Kurdish Politics, Secularization, Child.


Diviso tra Turchia, Siria, Iraq e Iran, il Kurdistan rappresenta probabilmente uno degli scenari geopolitici più caldi del Medio Oriente. È il territorio di un popolo, i curdi, che vanta più di trenta milioni di persone la più grande "nazione" senza Stato - e che si sta rivelando un attore cruciale della regione. Nelle recenti crisi mediorientali, infatti, il "fattore curdo" si è rivelato una costante fondamentale: dalle guerre in Iraq sotto Saddam Hussein alla lotta contro il cosiddetto Stato Islamico, dal ruolo nei delicati equilibri politici turchi al conflitto siriano. Senza dimenticare che il Kurdistan è una delle regioni più ricche di petrolio. Conoscere i curdi, distinguere le loro istanze autonomiste o indipendentiste, le priorità che ne guidano l'operato nei diversi contesti statali in cui si trovano a vivere, è quindi fondamentale per comprendere cosa stia avvenendo oggi. In questo volume si offre un primo approccio globale alla "questione curda" grazie all'apporto di studiosi internazionali e alla curatela dell'lSPl, uno dei più importanti istituti di ricerca europei.

In the world, most governments are faced with tough problems arising out cultural variation in their territories. The term Nationalism is quite modern, but it was play crucial role in the last century of human history. Nationalism is kind of a belief, political ideology that it considers to five major principles; “a) a process of formation, or growth, of nations , b) a sentiment or consciousness of belonging to the nation, c) a language and symbolism of the nation, d) a social and political movement on behalf of the nation, e) a doctrine and/or ideology of nation, both general and particular” (Smith, 2010, pp.5-6). Another an important definition to define is racism because racism and nationalism are parallel theories. Also, ‘racism’ just leads to a categorization peoples from some properties such as gender, ethnicity, religious beliefs etc., but it focuses mainly external differences. 
In Turkey, the race issue starts the quest for Turkish national identity after the breakup of the Ottoman Empire, a secular Turkish national identity emerged with the revolution of M. Kemal Ataturk who the founder of modern Turkish Republic. By the consequence of Kemalism, in the conditions beginnings of 1920-1930s, represented a modernist political agenda based on establishing a secular Turkish nation-state is not contested. Kemalist policies, converted Turkey as a secularist-nationalist country for construction of a nation; however, some ethnic and religious racist or nationalist issues was seen in history of Turkey. “According to Andrews there are 49 identifiable ethnic groups in Turkey” (Trans: Kirişçi, K. and Winrow, G., 1997, p.119).  This article, examines to Kurdish ethnicity problems in some areas especially; in their political and cultural lives, and then some ethnic groups who are exposed to religious discriminations of Alevis.

In-group and superordinate identities are key predictors for intergroup forgiveness, albeit with opposite effects. To investigate the identity-forgiveness relationship, we included perceived compatibility between in-group and superordinate identities as a predictor; and tested in-group bias and outgroup attributions of responsibility as mediators. As respective parties of an armed conflict in Turkey, Turkish majority and Kurdish minority respondents (N = 227) were interviewed in Turkey and Belgium. The results supported the path through in-group bias for all groups: in-group (Turkish/Kurdish) identity was associated with more bias and in turn less forgiveness; superordinate (Turkish citizenship) identity was associated with less bias and in turn more forgiveness. Compatibility, however, was associated with less bias only for the Kurdish minority. The path through outgroup blame was significant only for the Turkish majority: in-group identity predicted more outgroup blame and in turn less forgiveness. Theoretical and practical implications of these pathways to forgiveness are discussed.

This article critically examines the role of Islamist state discourse
and policies in the Kurdish region of Turkey. Academic works on
Islamism often address settings where Islamist movements and
political parties operate as anti-colonial and oppositional entities.
However, this article discusses how Islamist ideology has become
an instrument of governmentality to maintain and legitimize colonial
rule in the Kurdish region of Turkey under the Adalet ve
Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP). After contextualizing
the Kurdish issue as an internal colonization process
since the beginning of the Turkish Republic, the paper focuses on
the AKP period to analyse the use of an Islamic discourse of unity
and brotherhood and attempts to foster the rise of a loyal conservative
civil society among the Kurds. Thus, it argues that the
internal colonial paradigm remains fully relevant to analysis of the
Kurdish issue during the last decade and that neoliberal Islamist
governmentality should be understood as a strategy complementary
to repression, to increase popular support for the government
and marginalize opposition.

Conflict resolution features strongly as an objective of the European Union's foreign policy. In promoting this aim, the EU's geographical focus has rested primarily in its beleaguered backyard to the south and to the east. Taking a strong comparative approach, Nathalie Tocci explores the principal determinants of conflict dynamics in Cyprus, Turkey, Serbia-Montenegro, Israel-Palestine and Georgia in order to assess the impact of EU contractual ties on them. The volume includes topical analyzis based on first-hand experience, in-depth interviews with all the relevant actors and photography in ongoing conflict areas in the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Balkans and the Caucasus. This revealing study shows that the gap between EU potential and effectiveness often rests in the specific manner in which the EU collectively chooses to conduct its contractual relations.

Türkiye'de neoliberal hegemonyanın inşası, diğer unsurların yanı sıra, tabandaki grupların desteğini seferber etmek için birbiriyle yarışan siyasi aktörler arasındaki mücadelelerin yönü ve kapsamına bağlı olmuştur. 1980'lerde başlayan neoliberal dönem boyunca, İslamcı siyasi hareket ve Kürt siyasi hareketi, neoliberal projeye karşı tabandan gelen muhalefeti harekete geçirmeyi başaran ana siyasi aktörler oldular. 1990'lardan bu yana, tabandan gelen siyasetin merkezindeki formel proletaryanın yerini bir enformel proletarya almış ve neoliberal politikaları gayrimeşrulaştırma mücadelesinde bu enformel proletaryanın desteğini almak temel hegemonik mücadele haline gelmiştir. Birbiriyle yarışan siyasi partilerin rekabetinin ana hedefi hem rekabet halindeki siyasi partilere verilebilecek çok geniş bir halk desteğini barındıran hem de İslamcı ve Kürt radikal grupların etkisi nedeniyle devlete yönelik temel siyasi tehdidi oluşturan Türkiye'nin varoşlarındaki enformel proletaryanın desteğini almak olmuştur. Bu bölümde, formel ve enformel proletaryanın toplumsal iktidarını hem genişleten hem de zayıflatan yapısal süreçlerden bahsedeceğim; buna ilâveten, tabandan gelen bu gücü harekete geçiren ve kontrol altında tutan gerek ana akım gerekse radikal siyasi aktörler üzerine tartışacağım. Bilhassa, neoliberal ihracata dönük politikalar, Kürtlerin tabi tutulduğu zorunlu göç ve İslamcı hareket ile Kürt hareketinin enformel proletaryayı hangi yollarla seferber ettiği (mobilize) konuları üzerinde duracağım. Bu analizden yola çıkarak, 1990'lı yıllarda neoliberalizm karşıtı rahatsızlıkları harekete dönüştürenlerin İslamcılar olduğunu; diğer taraftan, İslamcı hareket radikallikten çıkıp ana akım hale geldiği ve bu nedenle Türkiye'ye neoliberal hegemonyanın empoze edilmesi mümkün kılındığı için, 2000'li yıllarda hegemonik düzene direnen temel gücün Kürt hareketinin radikalleşmesi olduğunu öne süreceğim. Başka bir deyişle, sol Kürt hareketi, enformel proletaryayı hedef alarak İslamcı hareketi neoliberalizm karşıtı seferberliğin merkezinden çıkarmış ve onun yerine geçmiştir. Söz konusu siyasi seferberliklerin neoliberal hegemonyanın inşa edilmesinde esas olduğunu; bu yüzden Türkiye'deki iktidar partilerinin, özellikle Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin (AKP), enformel proletarya tarafından hükümet politikalarına rıza gösterildiği sürece hegemonyasını

Der vorliegende Text behandelt das Phänomen der sozialen Ungleichheit im Bildungssystem - also des Abschneidens je nach Herkunft - unter den Bedingungen von hoher Vielsprachigkeit. Ein solcher Blick auf Ungleichheit verbindet die traditionell sozialwissenschaftliche mit einer sprachwissenschaftlichen Herangehensweise: Einerseits wird versucht, größere gesellschaftliche Phänomene (z.B. ungleiche Zugänge zu Bildung) in ihren individuellen Folgen nachzuzeichnen; und andererseits wird versucht, mittels individueller Verläufe (z.B. Sprach-, Bildungs-und Lehrbiographien) wiederum die Genese größerer gesellschaftlicher Phänomene zu verstehen.
Die Wechselwirkung zwischen großflächiger gesellschaftlicher Ungleichheit und lokalen, individuellen Strategien für oder gegen Ungleichheit ist es also, was hier besonders interessiert.

Der Beitrag stellt dies am Beispiel von Ausschnitten aus autobiographischen Erzählungen dar und bezieht dabei sowohl die Eltern-als auch die Kindergeneration sowie die Klassenlehrkräfte mit ein.

Die Daten und Analysen, die hier vorgestellt werden, entstammen einer mehrjährigen soziolinguistischen Studie, durchgeführt in den Städten Wien und Istanbul. Der Fokus des Artikels liegt auf den Sprachen Romani und Kurdisch.

ABSTRACT


This dissertation is concerned with the sufistic hermeneutics of mahwi’s poem. It is an attempt to read his Kurdish poems, amid theoretical reading of Islamic interpretation and western. Thus some unclear textual meaning can be interpreted. Because of that, the study is divided in to an introduction and three chapters.
The introduction deals with the relation between the term hermeneutics and Islamic interpretation, rhetoric, and aesthetic interpretations.
Chapter one is entitled to” The Text between pleasure and hermeneutics” This chapter is classified into two sections. The first section is about Ghazal as a Sufistic inheritance for the interpretations means. It sheds a light on the query of heavenly and earthly love and the relation to hermeneutic text as well as feminization of text and conceiving pregnancy by beauty query from gracefulness, perfection, lordliness of God to human being.
Whereas the second section studies wine as a source of sufistic hermeneutics. It also deals about hermeneutic reading of wine, its problems of interpretation reasons behind using wine in sufistic texts, its relation with glow, presence or absence of love partner, flute, house of perfection, and features of moral wine.
Chapter two focuses on hermenutic phenomenology, where  phenomenology has become source or means for hermeneutics to find unclear textual meanings. The first section of chapter two describes the intentions of poet text, and the experience of poet’s life. It studies the ways to understand mahwi’s intentions, It also explains that through phenomenology there is hermeneutic reading for the indications of existence, freedom, nothingness, passing away, murdering, and cessation of being.
Chapter three is devoted to hermeneutic semiology, where semiology as a science that studies signs and symbols has become a source and means so as to make hermeneutic reading for some signifiers and where by obtain different meanings. For this purpose, the first section is about the query of selfness, selfishness, and poets attention for the use of first person pronoun(I) as a signifier that an device different meanings. Later, this signifier were read hermeneutically, furthermore, they were textually, and terminologically used as hermeneutic source. In the second section logic is studied as a source for semiology and its changing meanings to hermeneutic and later there are hermeneutic reading for some signifiers.
Finally the thesis studies sufistic essaying, and  hermeneutic problems. In these chapter, it is attempted to have different reading for Mahwi’s Kurdish texts while considering sufistic essaying. Finally, the paper ends with a conclusion and results. 

ملخص الأطروحة

هذه الأطروحة الموسومة بـ (هرمنيوطيقا شعر محوى الصوفي) تعدّ محاولة لقراءة الأشعار الصوفية للشاعر الكوردي الشهير بـ(محوى)، إذ إنّها تركّز على الجوانب التأويلية لهذه الاشعار، في ظلّ النظريات التأويليّة الإسلامية، والهرمنيوطيقا الغربية، والغرض من ذلك: كشفُ أبعاد خفية كثيرة للنصوص، وإدراك المعاني والدلالات التي يتضمنها، ولا يمكن التوصل إليها إلا بالتأويل.
وتكوّنت الأطروحة من: مقدمة، وتمهيد، وثلاثة فصول، مع نتائج مهمة توصل إليها البحث.
ففي المقدمة تناول البحثُ تعريف الموضوع-والعنوان محددا- مختصراً، وتطرقَ إلى أسباب اختياره وأهميته، وحدوده، وذكر الصعوبات والعوائق التي واجهت طريقه، ومن ثَمَّ بيان خطة العمل فيه.
وفي التمهيد: تناول البحثُ تعريفَ مصطلح (الهرمنيوطيقا) قديماً وحديثاً، وبيانَ صلتها بالتأويل الإسلامي، وعلم البلاغة، وفن الجمال، ثم توضيح علاقة الهرمنيوطيقا بمناهج ما بعد البُنيوية.
وقد خصّص الفصل الأول لـ(النص بين اللذة والهرمنيوطيقا)، وذلك ضمن مبحثين، فجعل المبحث الأول للغزل كميراث للتصوف وألية للتأويل الشعري، واشتمل ذلك على: الحديث عن مسألة الحُبّ والعشق السماوي والأرضي، وعلاقتهما بتأويلية النصّ، ومن ثمّ أنوثية النصّ وما تحمله من مسائل الجمال في (الجمال والكمال والجلال الإلهية)، إلى جمالية الإنسان. أما المبحث الثاني فجعل لمسألة الشراب كمصدر للهرمنيوطيقا الصوفية، وفيه قراءة تأويلية لمفهوم الشراب، وتباين وجهات نظر المؤولين فيه، وذكرُ أسباب استعماله في نصوص الصوفية، وعلاقة هذا المصطلح بالنور والنار، وحضور المعشوق وغيابه، وأهل الكمال، وكذلك صلته بالني، والتطرق أيضاً إلى بعض سمات الشراب المعنوى في أشعار محوى الصوفية. 
و خصّصت الفصل الثاني للكلام عن الهرمنيوطيقا الظاهراتية، إذ إنّ الظاهراتية النقدية تعدّ أداة مهمة للتأويل، فإنها تكشف فجوات معانية في النصوص ومسافات دلالية في الخطاب، ومن هنا تضمن هذا الفصل مبحثين: فجعل في المبحث الأول لمفهوم قصدية الشعر والنص، وتجربة الحياة، وذكر الوسائل والقرائن التي لها دور كبير لفهم قصدية شعر محوى الصوفي. وفي المبحث الثانى حاول البحث أن يدرس ظاهراتياً عن مسألة الوجود والعدم، والذهاب إلى الموت، وإلى القتل والشهادة بأيدى المعشوق عند الشاعر، ومن ثمَّ قراءة تأويلية عن تلك الظواهر النادرة الخاصة بخطاب التصوف عند محوي.
أما الفصل الثالث فقد خصّص للتأويلية السيميائية، مبيّناً أثر السميائية-الدال والمدلول- في تأويل بعض أشعار محوي الكردية، واشتمل هذا الفصل على ثلاثة مباحث، فخصص المبحث الأول للكلام على علم المنطق كأداة للتأويلية، إذ موضحا أنّ الشاعر استعمل مصطلحات منطقية، ويمكن النظر إليها من حيثيتين: من حيث المعنى السيميائي، ومن حيث المعنى التأويلي. وجعل المبحث الثاني لـ(أنا) وذاتية الشاعر كبعدٍ للتأويل، متطرقاً إلى صلة (الأنا) بمضمون النصوص لدى محوى، وكذلك التركيز على علاقة (الأنا) بالدال الذي له دور في احتجاب المعاني الشعرية، ونضوج التأويل فيها. وجعل المبحث الثالث للكلام على خطاب التصوف وإشكالية الـتأويل والمعنى، مركّزاً على إشكالية قراءة نصوص محوى الشعرية، وباطنية النص واحتجاب المعنى، مبيناً أيضاً أهمية التأويل عند محوى.    وجاءت الخاتمة لذكر أهم النتائج التي توصل إليها الأطروحة.

This thesis aims to explore the making of Kurdish publishing in Turkey by asking how that field emerged and has been developed under the conditions inimical to the use and reproduction of Kurdish literary language. My exploratory journey into that terrain focuses on both the diachronic development of the conditions of possibilities underlying its emergence and the synchronic dynamics characterizing its conditions
of existence. Drawing on both the secondary data collected through archival research and the qualitative data collected through ethnographic one, I argue that Kurdish publishing is situated not simply at the intersection of culture and economy, but rather at the intersection of culture and politics as a form of cultural resistance. Rather than taking this form of resistance as a monolithic one, I use Bourdieu's conception of the field to frame the complexity of the dynamics constituting that form of resistance, and I define two moments characterizing the making of that field: struggle and competition. While the former moment denotes the relations of
antagonism between the Kurdish publishers and the state, the market imperative and the predominant public perceptions, the latter one stands for the relations of agonism among the publishers making that field.

Introduction to the recently restructered Mesopotamian Ecology Movement which acts in North Kurdistan on ecological subjects. In the movement are people active with different backgrounds. In 2015 it has become stronger than never before. The movement starts to fill the paradigm of an ecological society declared years before by the Kurdish Freedom Movement.

In the certain stages of the history, Kurds have been deprived from the right of self-determination, and oppressed by the different nations. The problematic case of the Kurds with the concepts of " nation " , " nationalism " , and " nation-state " has been discussed and studied by many Kurdish and non-Kurdish scholars, political activists and parties. Their current situation created a new base and the new arguments of the concept of the Kurdish nation-state. That is why this paper is aimed to analyze the Kurds in the frameworks of " nation " , " nationalism " , and " nation-state " , their historical and present circumstances in the territories in which they lived and they live, the emergence of nationalist idea and the movements among them. Finally, the paper enlightens the situation of Kurdish people within the concept of " nation-state " based on the right of self-determination.

The role and status of the various Kurdish groups in Iraq, Iran. Turkey and Syria are shaping the conflicts which continue in these nations. Historically the Kurdish national territory has been split among the four countries and represents the largest ethnic group in the Middle East without a nation state of its own.

An inquisitive and pertinent mail sent by a reader let me draw the conclusion that more light should be shed on issues discussed in my earlier article entitled "Erdogan: Turkey’s Bani Sadr in a Sinister ‘Second Republic’?". I publish here the integral text of the mail, and then my answer. Discussing Freemasonic attitude, behaviour, choices, beliefs, apostasy and iniquity are part of understanding daily developments in the surrounding world; they have little to do with the original faith of the predecessors of the International Freemasonry, as their beliefs and practices that have all gone with the wind.

Questions about the Freemasonic involvement in Turkey
First published in AfroArticles, American Chronicle, and Buzzle on 7th August 2007
Republished in Central Clubs on 16th May 2008

Commentators, including myself, forecast a deepening crisis in Turkey and the wider Kurdish region-unless 'peace' talks resume and the sustained assault on the pro-Kurdish HDP's members and supporters cease. Conversely, the Turkish government appears to have little will to backtrack to the sunnier climes of diplomacy and instead emphasises intensified military action. Following the Ankara bombing attack on 17 February, Prime Minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu, claimed that a member of the PKK's sister organisation, the PYD (Democratic Union Party) had been responsible for the fatal explosion. 1 Salih Muslim, the party's leader rejected the accusation and the 'evidence' of a Syrian ID card found at the scene. Two days later, the Kurdistan Freedom Falcons (TAK) a PKK splinter group, is said to have claimed responsibility. Reuters reported: " The Kurdistan Freedom Hawks (TAK) said the bombing was in response to the policies of President Tayyip Erdoğan and said it would continue its attacks. It said the bomber was a 26-year old Turkish national born in the eastern city of Van. 2 The attack that left twenty-eight people dead was carried out just two days after the 17 th anniversary of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan's capture and can be understood to be part of the message to the Turkish state from the militants responsible. In their own words their website announces in broken English, " The attempts and eternal self-sacrificing efforts to solve the Kurdish problem with democratic and peaceful methods which had been unilaterally carried on for seven years by our leader have had no response… Because we are a people, which have a risk of destruction and we are in a war. TAK's call for youths: You can do all kind of big or small actions of burning and destruction. You must do Turkey worse than France. We are giving initiative to you. You are free. We call brave and heroic Kurdish youths for the more. Struggle together. Our number had been increased three times than last. Our people have hugged us. Since last year, a lot of person had joined our organization from HPG and different segment… 3 Clashes occurred between Turkish security services and ordinary Kurdish demonstrators in numerous locations as happens annually in commemoration of Öcalan's capture and continued imprisonment. 15,000 Kurds demonstrated in Strasbourg calling for him to be freed. Meanwhile, recruitment to the PKK and PYD, in Syria, is enjoying new levels of Kurdish support and by their own account, also to TAK. The youth response can be directly linked to the upsurge in Turkish military action against the PKK since Turkey's bombing campaign of PKK bases in both Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan since August 2015. Ömer Önen, head of the HDP's Diyarbakir branch, asserted " We refuse to let [Erdoğan] drag us into a war for his own politics…There's collective punishment and psychological warfare against Kurds, and the people are scared. " 4 1 http://www.turkeyanalyst.org/publications/turkey-analyst-articles/item/510-terror-likely-to-strengthen-turkish-militarism.html 2

Recently, Turkey and the U.S. signed an agreement for Turkey to join the coalition’s fight against the Islamic State (IS, a.k.a. ISIS/ISIL). As part of this agreement an IS-free zone will be created in Syria, but it is not clear yet whether this will encroach on the territory of the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the main Kurdish armed group operating in Syria. The YPG has been one of the most successful forces on the ground in the fight against IS and despite the changing dynamics it still remains important. However, Turkey’s entry into the battle will lead to every aspect of the YPG being reassessed, as Turkey deems it to be a terrorist organisation. Nonetheless, the YPG still has a significant role to play and abandoning it now could lead to the situation in Syria becoming even more complex.

Мировое сообщество в течение десятков лет подвергалось и подвергается непрерывной промывке мозгов,  когда утверждается, что отсутствие приемлемого  решения арабо-израильского конфликта является основным, чуть ли не единственным препятствием для урегулирования проблем Ближнего Востока и достижения мира и благоденствия во всем мире.
Такая пропаганда скрывает, в лучшем случае, упрощенный, а в худшем циничный подход, основанный на смеси заинтересованности в арабской нефти, в политической и экономической поддержке арабских стран и самого обыкновенного и элементарно примитивного антисемитизма... Однако был целый ряд независимых специалистов по Ближнему Востоку, которые не только отвергали это мнение, но и указывали на настоящие проблемы, характерные для Ближнего Востока, на их истинные причины, и на возможные пути решения этих проблем... Старый Ближний Восток был создан англичанами и французами,  учитывая, помимо собственных, в основном интересы лишь одной из многих этнических и религиозных групп местного населения – арабов суннитов. Эта группа населения действительно наиболее многочисленная, однако, как мы увидим далее, она составляет лишь четвертую часть жителей всего Ближнего Востока... Происходящие сейчас на наших глазах внутренние межэтнические и межрелигиозные столкновения в странах Ближнего Востока, связанны с объективными причинами... Принимая во внимание соотношение как внутренних, так и внешних сил, действующих в наше время на Ближнем Востоке, можно предположить, что процессы распада существующих государств и создания нового баланса сил будут продолжаться. В какой-то степени на Ближнем Востоке, только в ускоренном темпе, повторяется исторический процесс, происходивший в Европе после наполеоновских войн.
События на Ближнем Востоке, возможно, являются предвестниками подобных процессов, которые могут повториться во всех тех местах, где границы вновь созданных стран были установлены не естественным путем, а по прихоти тех или иных внешних сил... Поэтому, разговоры о том, что урегулирование арабо-израильского конфликта путем территориальных уступок Еврейского государства,  является ключевым для решения проблем Ближнего Востока, совершенно оторваны от действительности. Такие уступки ставят под угрозу не только оборонные возможности Израиля, но и само его существование.
Израиль, внимательно наблюдая за изменениями соотношения разных сил на Ближнем Востоке, должен поддержать те из них, с которыми сможет создать условия, обеспечивающие его безопасность и процветание на многие поколения вперед.

Tarihsel Süreç içerisinde Kürdistan coğrafyasında Pek çok Emirlik kurulmuş bu emirlikler Kürt Tarihini, coğrafi yapısını ve siyasi hayatını oluşturmuştur, bu Emirliklerden Botan Emirliği, Etki alanı bugünkü Kuzey Kürdistan'da yer alan Cizre bölgesi olmuştur, Varlığı 13.yüzyıldan Osmanlının son dönemine kadar sürdüren emirlik Bedirhan bey döneminde en güçlü dönemini yaşamıştır, Osmanlı devletinin teşvikiyle Kadim topraklarında yaşayan Asuriler katliamlara maruz kalmış ve bu süreç Emirliğin sonunu hazırlamıştır, Bu çalışmamızda Diğer Kürt emirliklerine nazaran Coğrafyası nedeniyle pek çok tarihi olayla anılan Botan emirliğinin Tarihini ve Bedirhan dönemini kısaca irdelemeye çalıştık.