Post 9/11 Theory

This essay provides a critical understanding of Jean Baudrillard's simulacrum theory and applies it to modern day events in the media. The essay specifically covers the Gulf War and post-9/11 thinking whilst analyses how the media can represent news stories in any construct they like and therefore control audiences in an instant.

This 300-page best-selling book is viewed by many as the definitive history of the Attack on America in September 2001-now known universally by the abbreviation 9/11. This attack was used by the Bush Administration to justify several wars (Iraq, Afghanistan) and to modify the effective Constitution of the USA. The official investigation concluded that this attack was organized and committed by a small group of Islamic Terrorists; this conclusion has become the official history of this major event, that has been compared as a Second Pearl Harbor. It concludes with the summary evidence for Complicity of Silence and a call for a new, thorough and independent Investigation into these dreadful events of 20 years ago.

The acclaim Cantet received obscures the way "The Class" reinforces the very undercurrents in French culture he sets out to critique. Rather than unearthing or mirroring the racial dynamics of twenty-first-century Paris, Cantet brings to the film a set of fascinations and anxieties latent in the French imagination about blackness, Islam and Arab culture. His preoccupations and preconceptions with race, religion and nationality appear first in the portrayal of Muslim immigrants as threatening; next, in his image of a ‘white saviour’ bent on rescuing racial minorities; and last, through a narrative that symbolically banishes its Muslim characters. These elements make 'The Class' not just a postcolonial text, reflecting France’s long history with its African and Muslim subjects, but one that sheds light on the embattled landscape of twenty-first century France, and the West more broadly, in the long wake of September 11, 2001.

Ca. 78 Millionen Opfer seit 1946
Wieviel Vollidioten in der Politik gibt es die sich erst als richtiger Mann oder Frau sehen wenn sie Uniformen im Einsatz sehen?

Militäroperationen und Kriege der Vereinigten Staaten und NATO seit 1945
Allied Clandestine Committee



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Ohne die USA , NATO und ihren Warlords waere die Welt eine friedlichere
Welt.
Wieviel Vollidioten in der Politik gibt es die sich ersta als richtiger
Mann oder Frau sehen wenn sie Uniformen im Einsatz sehen?

This article seeks to explore into the impact of 9/11 tragedy on the private lives of ordinary people and individuals and into the associated theme of identity crisis, as reflected in four important post-9/11 poems – “Someone Says They Looked Like Cartwheeling Birds” by Lyn Lifshin, “Making Love After September 11, 2001” by Aliki Barnstone, “Surviving” by Pat West and “October” by Louise Gluck.  As such an impact and identity crisis are inseparably related to trauma, it is quite legitimate to examine this issue in reference to trauma theory and, especially, the concept of “belatedness”, although the first two poems are not clearly connected to this theory. My article, ultimately, attempts to demonstrate the points that identity crisis in the last two poems, basically, results from a subtle tension between the present and the past selves of the speakers, who seek to move beyond trauma, and that all these four poems make an intense appeal to us by creating something eternal out of shocking human loss and sufferings.
                 
Keywords: identity crisis, trauma theory, belatedness, psychological tension.

Contemporary approaches to integrating "self" and the "other"—such as multiculturalism, cultural diversity, race relations, inclusiveness strategies, or identity politics—are flawed from the perspective of traditional thought. At their core, modernist ideologies are inimical to and destructive of all human diversity. The new face of antipathy to pluralism is becoming more deceptive as it grows less focused on respecting diversity and more on promoting ideological uniformity and the erection of a global monoculture. This essay argues that it is from a metaphysical perspective that human diversity can be fully understood and can seek to reconcile the dichotomy of "self" and the "other".

The incident of 9/11 significantly affected the west-east relations into obvious binary opposites of us and them. This situation has given rise to a new discourse called Islamophobia-causing Islam to be viewed as a source of intolerance and terrorism, one whose proponents are out to destroy Western values. The present study is aimed to trace out the impact of western Islamophobia in response to the incident of 9/11 on Islam and Muslims in Waldman's novel, The Submission. For the analysis of data, theoretical insights have been taken from Allen (2016). The textual analysis showed that the incident of 9/11 affected the collective unconsciousness of the Americans. They took this incident as a wound never to be recovered thus leading the American nation into the state of Islamophobia. The findings also indicate that the Muslims not only got a disadvantageous position in America as Muslim minorities-leading to the rise of Islamophobia-but suffered the processes of alienation and violence against them. America also lost her sense of civil rights against Muslims. Waldman in spite of being an American writer challenges the American stance against Muslims and asserts the re-examination of the American sense of community cohesion and integration policies for Muslims.

Mai era successo prima che tutto il mondo vedesse in diretta realizzarsi con stupefacente perfezione una tragedia da film catastrofico. L’evento dell’11 settembre 2001 ha inaugurato tanti e tali mutamenti nella nostra vita quotidiana e nelle strutture su cui essa appoggia, da aver dato la propria impronta a tutto il primo ventennio del XXI secolo. Mauro Carbone torna a riflettervi accompagnato da certe immagini indissolubilmente legate alla memoria dell’evento, nonché da documenti o brani di A. Danto, J. Derrida, J. Habermas, J.-F. Lyotard, R. Serra, K. Stockhausen, S. Žižek.

After 9/11, the usual means of postmodern subversion were no longer sufficient. In the sea of a thousand new styles and forms, old- fashioned irony, humor and parody stood no chance, for they had been completely diluted through the cacophony. The strongest of them all – irony – died in 2001 when the NY’s Twins got destroyed, and architects were in a severe need of a strong enough tool to survive the future challenges. The special version of subversive approach, the one by Rem Koolhaas seen through the theories of Slavoj Žižek, has showed itself as the only way to work in this capitalist hyperideological world without complete surrender to its ruthless ‘machinery’. This lecture tries to answer the question - what is the secret of Koolhaas’ new architectural tool for the post-2001 era?

Unlike past American wars, the current war on terror has not been associated with a centrally proffered narrative providing some guidance and orientation for those administering government services under state-of-war conditions. War is as much a cultural endeavor as it is a military undertaking, and the absence of a clear sensemaking narrative was detected in this study of public administrators from three agencies with varying proximity to the conflict. Q-methodology was used to explore the way individuals processed the war narratives put forth by the Bush administration and reported in the media immediately following the September 11 attacks. Though no distinct state-of-war narratives were found among the public administrators in this study, there are clear indications that latent narratives reflecting local political and organizational task environments have emerged.

Mohsin Hamid's novel, The Reluctant Fundamentalist, shortlisted for the Man Booker Prize in 2007, engages with the complex issues of Islam and the West, fundamentalism and America's War on Terror. As a “counterhistory” to post-9/11 Islamophobia, the novel contests common notions of terror as an unreasonable ideology of retribution and redemption by exposing the trajectories of imperialism. Analyzing The Reluctant Fundamentalist from the political perspective of a 9/11 novel, this paper aims to create counterintuitive rethinking on the Clash of Civilizations theory and to elucidate the linkages between new American imperialism, fundamentalism, globalization and terrorism.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02759527.2012.11932885

“Terrorism” is fundamentally the same, whether it is carried out by States or non-State actors. Difference arises as one identifies the processes wherein labels are applied which identify select acts of political violence as "terrorism," while terming others "legitimate defense" within the national interest. The subjective labeling of “terrorism” which obscures the systemic violence of State terrorism has accelerated in the post-9/11 "Global War On Terror/Terrorism," as wars advanced by the US and its allies have further expanded into the Middle East, Asia and Africa with numerous proxy wars. This construction of terrorism can be seen as a rhetorical tool utilized by the State, as well as non-State actors that challenge State authority. Throughout these arenas of violence, authoritative language is used by the State within a process of “othering,” and intentional language is adopted to demonize anti-State opponents and legitimize State-crafted actions

The relationship between the United States and its northern neighbor Canada has generally been seen as a symbiotic one, both economically and ideologically. Recently, with the events in the Middle East, and President George W. Bush's fixations thereof, Canada's differences have come to light as the country democratically refused to participate in the military action. Marc Ouellette, in the following article, traces the contours of this political difference -- a very different democracy -- exposing the fixations of a country with a solution for its apparent political invisibility.

Considering  the  growing  number  of  Muslims  in  the  West,  it  is  imperative  for scholarly  research  to  explore  the  dynamics  and  causes  of  significant  events such  as  the  terrorist  attacks  of  11  September  2001  (9/11)  which  are popularly connected  to  Islam.  To  grasp  how  intensely  America  was  affected  by  the tragic  event  of  9/11,  an  effort  has  been  made  to  analyze  Islam‟s  roots  in  the USA  and  the  US  government‟s  stance  on  Islam  prior  to  and  after  9/11.  The findings  show  that  America  has  deep  roots  affiliated  with  Islam.  Societal changes  such  as  European  settlement,  slavery,  and  racism  have  all  played  a role  in  how  America  deals  with  minorities.  This  helps  to  understand  the change  in  political  climate  after  the  event  as  well  as  the  emergence  of  an increasingly  hostile  atmosphere  for  Muslims  in  America.  The  "War  on Terror‟  and  military  engagements  in predominately Muslim regions,  namely,  Iraq  and Afghanistan,  were  also  connected  to  9/11.  Ironically,  the  subsequent  anti-Islamic  propaganda  has  led  many  Americans  toward  Islam.  Misconceptions, misgivings  and  misunderstandings  played  a  significant  role  in  the  people‟s reaction  to  9/11.  Much  hostility  can  be  defused  through  dialogue,  common cause  and  communication.  While  many  details  of  9/11  are  still  questioned, for  many, a better  understanding  of the social  and political  state of  affairs  has been achieved.

Architecture, Media and Memory examines the wide range of urban sites impacted by September 11 and its aftermath – from the spontaneous memorials that emerged in Union Square in the hours after the attacks, to the reconstruction at Ground Zero, to vast ongoing landscape urbanism projects beyond.

Yet this is not simply a book about post-9/11 architecture. It instead presents 9/11 as a multifaceted case study to explore a discourse on memory and its representation in the built environment. It argues that the reconstruction of New York must be considered in relation to larger issues of urban development, ongoing global conflicts, the rise of digital media, and the culture, philosophy and aesthetics of memory. It shows how understanding architecture in New York post-9/11 requires bringing memory into contact with a complex array of political, economic and social forces.

Demonstrating an ability to explain complex philosophical ideas in language that will be accessible to students and researchers alike in architecture, urban studies, cultural studies and memory studies, this book serves as a thought-provoking account of the intertwining of contemporary architecture, media and memory.

Dreams about 9/11 -- Paper presented at the 19th Annual International Conference for The International Association for the Study of Dreams, Tufts University, Medford, Boston, Massachusetts; 05/2002
An analysis of trauma dreams collected after 9/11

If the end of the Cold War marked one of the greatest turning points in the field of international politics of the late twentieth century, September 11 was a reminder that the international order that has come into being as a result was not one that has found definite acceptance and universal recognition in every place on the globe. As the debate about the extent to which September 11 changed global politics continues, this essay seeks to investigate whether, how and to what extent the events of the early twenty-first century really presage fundamental, as opposed to merely epiphenomenal, shift in world politics. What will be argued is that without denying the obvious importance of September 11 and its impact on global public opinion – that world politics displays far more continuity than change. (Kennedy-Pipe & Rengger 2006:540) Certainly, events from September 11 exerted a great shock on millions of people around the world, but rather than heralding a new era in world politics the events were symptomatic of certain key aspects of world politics that should be familiar to all serious students of the field but which, for a variety of reasons seem to have been forgotten in the aftermath of attacks. (Ibid.) In fact, we can only understand the events form September 11 if we understand the history of the cold war. As Layne (2006: 2) noticed, ''after the Soviet collapse, the United State stood head and shoulders above the rest of the world, militarily and economically. The United States, moreover, was imbued with an expansive conception of its world role and its interests.'' This was the moment to exercise strategic restraint by adopting a prudent, far-sighted grand strategy. Indeed, ''by removing the only real check on U.S. power, the Soviet Union's demise presented the United States with the opportunity to use its capabilities to exert more control over - to ''shape'' - the international political system and simultaneously to increase its power.'' (Ibid.) This is a great power trap that almost all great powers fall into. As Layne (2006: 2) clarified, ''when the risks of doing so appear low - and the potential rewards appear high - states with lost of power usually succumb to the temptation to use it. In the years since the cold war the United States has extended its strategic reach because it has had the motive, means, and opportunity to do so.'' This paper will evaluate whether September 11 attacks really changed everything. It seems to reasonable to agree with Layne (2006: 2) that after September 11, as before, geopolitical dominance has been the ambition of the United States, ''If anything, 9/11 gave the Bush II administration's 'hegemonists' a convenient - indeed, almost providential - rationale for implementing policies they would have wanted to pursue in any event, including 'regime change' in Iraq (and possibly Iran); the projection of U.S. power into the Middle East and central Asia; a massive five-year defense build up, which when completed, will result in U.S. military outlays exceeding the combined defense budgets of the rest of the world's states.'' By making wrong policies when at the height of its power, the United States decisionmakers underestimate the possibility that other actors will emerge and balance against U.S. dominance. U.S. hegemony fuelled terrorism against the United States by groups such as al Qaeda. As Layne (2006: 7) noticed, ''In this respect, 9/11 itself is a reminder that U.S. predominance has spawned new, 'asymmetric' responses to U.S. preeminence.'' In short, the Bush II administration has sought security by expanding U.S. power and pursuing hegemony by doing so it has squandered the chance of legitimate global leadership that has been vested by the whole International Society. Whatever is thought about the claim that September 11 irrevocably transformed global politics it cannot be denied, however that for many Americans it was a cataclysmic event. (Kennedy-Pipe 2008:406)

11 Eylül olayları bir “paradigma” değişimine yol açmış mıdır? Uluslararası sistem açısından, 11 Eylül “yeni bir milat” mı yoksa Sovyetler Birliği’nin çökmesinden sonra oluşan yeni dünya düzeninin kendi içindeki bir “kırılma noktası” mıdır? Yeni dünya düzenindeki yeri tam olarak ortaya konamayan 11 Eylül 2001 tarihi, 15. yıldönümü geride bırakılırken,
uluslararası sistem açısından tek başına bir analiz konusu olmayı hak ediyor. Bu çalışmamızda 11 Eylül’ün dünya politikasında yarattığı büyük etkiyi sorgulayacak, bir “paradigma değişimi” yaşayıp yaşamadığımızı tartışacak ve kabuk değiştiren “uluslararası sistemin tanımının nasıl yapılması gerektiği” sorusuna yanıt arayacağız.

This article examines a ten-year failure to adapt US security policy to post-Cold War realities and assesses how well three different concepts of military transformation correspond to these new realities. Originally published as a chapter in Security After 9/11: Strategy Choices and Budget Tradeoffs by the Security Policy Working Group, January 2003.

In the fields of terrorism and counter-terrorism, and in the propaganda wars that follow, funding is crucial. To see public money subsidising a mock trial of the United Kingdom and the west for attacking the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in 2001, is depressingly par for the course. Why do we subsidise those who mock us?

This qualitative study investigates the relationship between racism and nationalism in two multi-ethnic British neighbourhoods, focusing specifically on the construction of ‘the Muslim’ as a racialised role sign. Through in-depth interviews with 102 ‘white’ and ‘non-white’ participants in Glasgow (Scotland) and Bristol (England) we investigate the extent to which ‘the Muslim’ is being demonised as an oppositional identity in the construction of English and Scottish codes of cultural belonging. We find that whilst Scottishness and Englishness draw on historically founded racialised (e.g. biological, phenotypical) referents of ‘whiteness’ at the level of the ‘multi-ethnic’ neighbourhood, such racialised codes of belonging are undermined in everyday life by hybridised codes: signifiers such as accent, dress, mannerisms and behaviours which destabilise phenotype as a concrete signifier of national belonging. However, those signifiers that contest the racialised referent are themselves reconfigured, such that contemporary signifiers of cultural values (e.g. terrorist, extremist) reinforce, but not completely, the original racialised referent. We conclude that a negative view of ‘the Muslim’ as antithetical to imagined racialised conceptions of nationhood cannot easily be sustained in the Scottish and English ‘multi-ethnic’ neighbourhood. The sign ‘Muslim’ is split such that contemporary significations perpetuate the exclusion of the ‘unhybridised foreign Muslim’.

Realice esta tesis de mi último año de secundario. Elegí la temática de la Islamofobia, y a partir de allí, decidí hacer un extenso análisis sobre la situación sociológica de la comunidad islámica, la discriminación, preconceptos y estigmatización, por parte de Estados Unidos tras la caída de las Torres Gemelas. Tras este hecho que ha impactado al mundo, la cultura islámica y sus miembros se han visto desplazados y discriminados, incluso sufrido ataques físicos o la muerte, como consecuencia de una falsa acusación de que su creencia es responsable de aquel ataque terrorista, donde muchísimas personas perdieron la vida.

Aldous Huxley prophesied it would not be what we fear that ruined us, but what we loved. Neil Postman believed Huxley was right, and argued that television ushered in a detrimental reconfiguration of social and mental life. Arguing that the innate ideology of television, its primary objective, is entertainment. As such everything shown on television is imbued with this ideology.

My interest then, is what effect does such an inherent trait have on the televisual dissemination of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks? This dissertation calls into question the socio-psychological impact of television, and thus how we receive and subsequently respond to an event like 9/11. Drawing on texts by Theodor Adorno and Neil Postman I examine how television has profoundly altered social and mental life. After analysing Postman’s scrutiny of television news shows, I have established a foundation on which to unravel the illusions of television, and specifically how television at once made 9/11 a form of entertainment, but institutionalized a singular selective moralistic narrative and response which renders all other views – including criticism – immoral or disrespectful.

I argue, through the analysis of responses to 9/11 by Jean Baudrillard and Slavoj Žižek, that television has created a hyperreal world in which truth is a nullified concept, and falsity is reality; and in this hyperreal world importance, value, meaning have been surrendered to the commercial world of the televisual which dictates not just what we see, but who we are, how we respond, and what we value.

The fear invoked by the term “terrorism” is perhaps at an all-time high. And why not,
with the major news corporations seeming to open and close every newscast with
events somewhere that meet the fluid definition of "terrorism"? Perhaps in American
contemporary culture, the word terrorism is synonymous with the events occurring on

Tuesday, September 11, 2001, when four commercial airplanes were hijacked and
flown into prominent American structures. It seemed to begin with the images of
planes slamming into buildings, and more recently has expanded to include vans
running over people in crowded cities, individuals in explosive-laced vests wildly and
indiscriminately obliterating crowds of people, and churches and school grounds
forced to deal with the carnage of mass murder by mentally unstable people.
However, terrorism has always existed and will continue to exist. To avoid the
issue of equivocation, terrorism, as used in this paper, will be defined by ​Johnson's
1859 Dictionary of the English Language​, that is, "government implemented by force."
The vast majority of Americans are so intoxicated by their "American Exceptionalism"
rhetoric that the common consensus fails to think critically and objectively in regard to America's role in terrorism. “An Empire of Imperialistic Exceptionalism”​ ​aims to
dissolve the ubiquitous ignorance within the discussion of terrorism. To be ignorant of
something is to literally ignore information that is readily accessible.

Why was the United States "attacked" on December 7, 1941, and again on
September 11, 2001? “An Empire of Imperialistic Exceptionalism” seeks to reveal the
United States of America as the world's greatest sponsor and cause of "terrorism,"
explicitly and implicitly, and to unequivocally expose the empire that was built by
terrorism. Above all, this paper has a goal of changing the course of dialogue from
purely corporate rhetoric to thoughtful truth, exposing the lie that is "American
Exceptionalism" and victimization.

In the wake of 9/11 attacks and the U.S., lead "War on Terrorism", Pakistan launched a military operation in Waziristan. A ground for the nourishment of terrorist, today, the government has launched a full-scale operation in North Waziristan against the denial and elimination of terrorist ideology. Military operation conducted has positive and negative impacts and it alone is not the solution for conflict resolution. Learning lessons from other movements of insurgency and their post-conflict efforts", our success for ending the seven years of insurgency, will be judged through the effort"s made by the government and our model of peacemaking for the state.

Ze wstępu Stany Zjednoczone we współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych są jedynym państwem posiadającym atrybuty supermocarstwa. Tym co określa amerykańską potęgę na arenie międzynarodowej to zdecydowana przewaga na pozostałymi uczestnikami w potencjale militarnym, gospodarczym, politycznym, technologicznym oraz społeczno-kulturowym. Międzynarodową pozycję Stanów Zjednoczonych kształtuje strategia polityki zagranicznej tego państwa. Badania nad jej specyfiką mają istotne znaczenie dla zrozumienia procesów zachodzących w globalnej przestrzeni, bowiem pośrednim/bezpośrednim czynnikiem sprawczym jest międzynarodowa aktywność USA. (...) Wpływ na współczesną pozycję USA miało niewątpliwie przekonanie amerykańskiego estblishmentu o wyjątkowości Ameryki-mitycznego miasta na wzgórzu-na tle innych uczestników stosunków międzynarodowych. Od początków samostanowienia, Stanom Zjednoczonym towarzyszyło przeświadczenie o predestynacji, niemal z boski woli, do odgrywania nieprzeciętnej roli na świecie. Wzrastająca w przekonaniu o swej unikatowości młoda republika, dzięki ogromnemu potencjałowi siły roboczej, a co za tym idzie dynamicznie rozwijającej się gospodarce, budowała swój potencjał zwiększając wpływy w obszarze obu Ameryk. Przełomowe znacznie dla kształtowania globalnej statusu USA miało ogłoszenie w 1823 roku Doktryny Monroe określającej zasady funkcjonowania mocarstw w zachodniej hemisferze. Pozycja Stanów Zjednoczonych w stosunkach międzynarodowych uległa redefinicji pod wpływem zmian geopolitycznych będących konsekwencjami I oraz II wojny światowej. USA z obu wojen wychodzą bogatsze i silniejsze, w przeciwieństwie do państw na terytorium których toczyły się walki. Waszyngton zwycięsko wychodzi także zimnowojennej konfrontacji. Stany Zjednoczone pokonując ZSRR stają się centrum jednobiegunowego porządku światowego. Waszyngton cieszący się wówczas wysokim międzynarodowym poparciem zaczyna pełnić funkcję strażnika postzimnowojennego ładu światowego. Pierwszy sprawdzian amerykańskich umiejętności przywodzenia społeczności międzynarodowej ma miejsce w obliczu aneksji Kuwejtu przez Irak. Ówczesny prezydent Stanów Zjednoczonych-George H.W. Bush-uzyskał szerokie poparcie dla amerykańskiej strategii, która miała na celu przeprowadzenie militarnej operacji w Zatoce Perskiej. Bezprecedensowy był skład państw tworzących koalicję antyiracką, bowiem tworzyły ją podmioty byłego bloku zachodniego m.in. USA, Wielka Brytania, Francja i byłego bloku wschodniego np. Związek

New York, as a capital of finance and culture, has been one of Hollywood’s favorite settings, often functioning as a glamorous character itself.  Yet in the wake of 9/11, escalating government surveillance prompted filmmakers to call this image into question.  Tom McCarthy’s 2007 film "The Visitor" marks a turning point.  Set in the aftermath of the towers’ collapse, support-the-troops signs and flags haunt the city, saturating it with reminders of 9/11’s political repercussions.  In this article, I explore McCarthy’s portrayal of New York and its Muslim immigrants, who overturn stereotypes of (male) terrorists or (female) victims.  Their displacement instead creates an “unhomely fiction” (to draw on Homi Bhaba’s term) signaling a threat to the city by the state.  Their fate, and that of the protagonist--an economist who studies capital but knows little of its human face--suggests the problem of the post-9/11 U.S., rather than terrorism, is American exceptionalism, which expels certain bodies as dangerous because they lack cultural and political capital.