Postcolonialism

This article considers local-level disputing in Papua New Guinea by bringing two theories into play: spatial justice, borrowed from the ‘geographical’ turn in legal theory, and relational justice, from the anthropology of law. Disputes negotiated by means of the country’s village courts system are sometimes characterised by metropolitans as institutions that dispense peace instead of justice. I argue, through a comparison of contemporary and historical examples from local disputing processes, that village courts do exercise a form of justice, but it is not a justice of closure or peace. Rather, it is the justice of opening the space of relations between disputing parties, as a technique of recognising the ongoing potential of such relations.

The book Nonidentities. Tillion, Fanon, Bourdieu, Derrida and the Dilemma of Decolonization presents the histories of four French-writing, XXth century intellectuals whose biographies were associated with Independence War-era Algiers. Its goal is such a reading of their works that could uncover its Algerian-French duality. On one hand, the experience of close, direct biographic contact with Algiers allowed for a view from a distance (cultural, social and political) on France and Europe, which sharpened the view and imbued it with characteristics of criticism, but on the other education in the French cultural circle allowed for a specific way of writing and thinking about Algiers, a specific way of understanding and experiencing it. At the same time, that specific way (ways), which was shaped by assumptions placed at the foundations of certain traditions of thinking and related interpretative strategies - displays its power, but also its limitations in the confrontation with experience. The postcolonial timbre that connects the works of those authors does not limit itself to the confines of a single theory, but is located inside the entirety of contemporary humanities. It gives it its dynamism, but it also blows it up, that is to say by not allowing a permanent identity to be established. The decolonization of Algiers was not just a direct cause of the crystallization of basic terms characteristic to emancipatory discourses of the second half of the XXth century and first decades of the XXIst, but also a kind of social laboratory in which previous-century ideas of classic social philosophy could be put to test.
In exposing the Algerian entanglement of those authors, I did not seek to reveal hitherto unknown facts. My intention was an attempt at reading their works in a way that would highlight the French-Algerian duality and that unfull, unfinal and unfree of doubt belonging, cut across by the unerasable boundary between the two opposing shores of the Mediterranean, between “metropole” and “colonies”, “North” and “South”. This boundary is not only variously present in the texts I analyze, but also is the foundation of their strength and originality.

“Here” and “there” are not stable references. “Here” can at one time in France, at another in Algiers. This is the source of alterity, of the reversibility of points of view. To paraphrase a popular notion by Claude Lévi-Strauss, one can say that on one hand an experience of close, direct, biographical contact with Algiers can allow a view from afar, that is a look at France and Europe from a cultural, social and political distance. This makes the view sharper and imbues it with critical strength. On the other, education in the French culture allows a certain way of writing and thinking Algiers, a certain way of understanding and experiencing it. At the same time, this way (or those ways, because they are multiple) - established through assumptions laying at the foundations of certain traditions of thought and interpretative strategies associated with them - reveals then its limitations through confrontation with experiences, that is with with people, living and dead, people in flesh and bone.

The work I am describing here is not a book about the history of Algiers, but rather about a few French-speaking French intellectuals. They were all connected through Algiers, but also divided in how their varied biographical experiences of contact with the stormy history of that country in the XXth century was then processed by them. In that, it served to create an important, although always obvious, element of their attitudes and ways of critically examining the social, cultural, political and ethical. Neither is it a work from the field of research on collective memory. I am not posing questions about the causes of forgetting the history of Algiers and the European, especially French, participation in its fates. I am not attempting to “unforget” that story. However, it is my intention to directly address the colonial entanglement of the thought of the authors described, so that it can be properly appraised in the context of their intellectual work. It will allow a better understanding of what they had to say, and who and where we are, when we today ask questions in the language framework they built.

Matters of Algiers are not ones I follow closely, and postcolonialism understood as a complete, ready theory is not a perspective I employ to read the texts. What I call anticolonial or postcolonial timbre in analyzed works is not limited to a single theory, but is at home at the heart of the entirety of contemporary humanities. It gives it its dynamism, but also blows it up, allowing no stable identity. In searching for ways that Western critical thought can follow after the works of Bourdieu or Derrida, we find evidence that it is not, and maybe has never been “Western” in the sense that the language of identity implies, and that it is its nonidentity that makes it positive.

Nonidentities. Tillion, Fanon, Bourdieu, Derrida and the Dilemmas of Decolonization came to be as a result of at least two years of research based on queries both locally and abroad. To write it, I used foreign-language sources and materials that are poorly or not at all known in the Polish humanities, and which I hope to introduce to the local academic exchange. Many of them should be translated into Polish. I attempted to write the book in a way that, in spite of its extensive bibliographical references, allows it to be read by audiences outside the academic circles. In my view, the matters that the described authors touch and which I highlight, often against the grain of traditional interpretations, are of utmost importance. They deal with matters such as immigration, cultural fundamentalism or violence in service of political aims. In materials analyzed I show, on one hand, the nonobviousness of those issues, and on the other cognitive limits of the tools usually utilized to describe them.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

The dislocated, deterritorialized discourse produced by repatriates from formerly European colonies has remained overlooked in academic scholarship. One such group is the Eurasian “Indo” community that has its roots in the former Dutch East Indies, today’s Indonesia. This article focuses on Tjalie Robinson, the intellectual leader of this community from the 1950s to the mid-1970s. The son of a Dutch father and a British-Javanese mother, Robinson became the leading voice of the diasporic Indo community in the Netherlands and later also in the United States. His engagement resulted in the foundation of the Indo magazine Tong Tong and the annual Pasar Malam Besar, what was to become the world’s biggest Eurasian festival. Robinson played an essential role in the cultural awareness and self-pride of the eventually global Indo community through his elaboration of a hybrid and transnational identity concept. By placing his focus “tussen twee werelden” (in-between two worlds) and identifying “mixties-schap” (mestizaje) as the essential characteristic of Indo identity, Robinson anticipated debates on hybridity, transnationalism, and creolism that only much later would draw attention from scholars in the field of postcolonial studies. This article highlights Robinson’s pioneering role in framing a deterritorialized hybrid alternative to nationalist essentialism in the postcolonial era.

The indigene/settler question has been central to scholarly discourses on land ownership, ethnicity and identity in Nigeria. The legacies of the 1804 Jihad and the subsequent divide and rule colonial model of governance are extant in the perennial struggles for territorial control and dominance of political, economic, religious and socio-cultural spaces. In Northcentral Nigeria, the Southern Kaduna scenario in Zangon Kataf presents a context of the overlaps of ethnoreligious crises across macro and micro spaces in which the broad Hausa versus non Hausa sentiments influenced the political, economic and social exclusion claims of the Atyap within the context of indigene/settler debates. The study results from a two-year ethnographic fieldwork in the community (between 2012 and 2014) during, which observations, key-informant interviews and focus group discussions were combined with historical data; in unpacking the political economy of the 1992 market crises, and also exploring the politics of inclusion as an effective management strategy on which different state interventions on recent crises in Southern Kaduna could be modelled.

The current postcolonial condition, as defined by Sandro Mezzadra (2008) has placed the sea, the border, and the crossing at the center of XXI century struggles – as paradoxically foreshadowed by Pasolini in his own heretical belief in a non-bipolar world order, and the revolutionary potential of Third World liberation struggles. In this essay, I intend to reconstruct Pasolini’s own geopolitical stance vis-à-vis the Third World by reconnecting it to
the multifaceted constellation clustered around Italian Southern thought. I piece together this genealogy of revolutionary thought, from Antonio Gramsci and Ernesto de Martino to négritude and Franz Fanon, through an analysis of Pasolini’s Third World essay-films (specifically, Sopralluoghi in Palestina, and Appunti per un’ Orestiade Africana) medium-length features
shot in Africa between 1964 and 1968. I will conclude the article by looking at two «subaltern responses» to Pasolini’s own films in order to open up the debate on the political potential of Pasolini’s political and artistic afterlife.

Enclosed is the syllabus and course notes from the upper division course I teach in PostModernism and Post-Marxist Critical Theory. It occurs to me that some of these essays--ranging from Horkheimer and Adorno, Baudrillard, Foucault, and the feminist post-modern theorist Donna Haraway may offer some insight and some tools for comprehending the dark times in which we live. While these essays may not be directly aimed at understanding the rise of phenomena like the Alt-Right, toxic masculinity, and particularly violent forms of patriarchy, I think they can show us something about the ideological trends that set us on out current morally troubling path.

Slade, Darren M. “The Logic of Intersubjectivity: Brian McLaren’s Philosophy of Christian Religion.” PhD diss., Liberty University, 2019.
https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3144&context=doctoral

To survey harsh criticisms against Brian Douglas McLaren (1956‒), readers gain the inaccurate impression that he is a heretical relativist who denies objective truth and logic.  While McLaren’s inflammatory and provocative writing style is partly to blame, this study also suspects that his critics base much of their analyses on only small portions of his overall corpus. The result becomes a caricature of McLaren’s actual philosophy of religion. The thesis of this dissertation is simple: McLaren is, in fact, a rationalist and empiricist, who utilizes irony, humor, generalization, and ridicule to disturb those expressions of faith common to mainstream, Western institutional Christianity (i.e. “conventional Christian paradigms”). The difference is that McLaren is an abductive rationalist and a phenomenological empiricist, who objects to the Enlightenment’s over emphasis on analytical rationalism because it overlooks ethereal elements such as intuition, mysticism, and personal experience. This “analytic” approach to religion has since created “notional” Christians who focus almost entirely on cerebral and abstract elements of faith while ignoring its real-world impact on daily living (cf. GO §13, 205; SMJ §4, 34). This study will show that what appear to be the musings of an unlearned and unnuanced writer are actually the tactics of a skilled rhetorician trying to expose the limitations (and even impropriety) of an overly analytic approach to faith. Indeed, McLaren’s goal is to establish a robust paradigm through which believers can acquire more than just knowledge; they can live in solidarity with creation and Creator, as well.

The political legacy of the colonial state that tended to define citizenship on the basis of ethnicity and indigeneity has tended to exclude certain racial and ethnic groups in the scheme of entitlements within the economies of post-colonial Southern Africa. In Zimbabwe, this definition has led to the exclusion of
Coloureds and other Zimbabwean “alien” minorities from the mainstream socio-economic and sociopolitical systems of the country. This article focuses on the exclusion of Coloureds who, in their view, are excluded because of their skin colour, being neither “white enough” nor “black enough”. Deploying
the  politics  of  alienation  and  marginalisation,  citizenship  and  indigeneity,  the  article  shows  that  the coloured peoples’ alienation and marginalisation intensified in the post-2000 period with ZANU (PF)’s adoption of a narrow definition of “native African”. However, the article dispels the notion that coloured peoples’  continued  alienation  and  marginalisation  is  a  consequence  of  the  Double  Zero  (00)  identity
classification  which  is  found  on  their  national  identity  cards  (IDs),  but  rather  that  this  classification is  a  mere  fallacy  which  some  Coloureds  are  using  to  play  victimhood.  This  it  does  by  showing  that the post-2000 period was punctuated by multiple problems occasioned by confrontations over land and property rights, contestations over the history and meanings of nationalism and citizenship, with nearly all minority groups, Coloureds included, suddenly failing to become “Zimbabwean”

Subjection is so insiduous its subtlest manifestations are undetectable. A postcolonial society, by essence unborn to its genuine values,  is inseminated with colonial representations that affect imaginaries, visions and perspectives. Currently, the francophone literature about enslavement and subjection focuses mainly on the Triangular Trade, the plantation and colonizations. The twentieth century is just being tackled by scholars, and oftentimes in reverberation of the social matters highlighted in the former — and yet actual — superseding « home » land. In Guadeloupe’s case, metropolitan France is the culprit in perpetuating colonial reflexes in a population attempting at freeing themselves, by leading them to believe that freedom and emancipation — spirits, souls and minds encompassed — had already been reached, achieved and fully embodied. The uneffectiveness of emancipation is a truism which calls for an analysis of the strategies developed throughout the last century from 1946 Départementalisation of the French Overseas Territories — among which Guadeloupe —  to nowadays. Being « départementalisés », becoming a part of France parcelled out  the identities and imaginaries: This is an internal/ized Genocide, a phagocyting process tearing the self apart. The Departmentalized is compartmentalized. Here will be tackled Aimé Césaire’s Génocide Rampant (groveling genocide), the Kepone-poisoning scandal, the nationalist movements, marronnage, and many emancipatory strategies ingrained within the French assimilatory systemic  and controversial apparatus, elaborating that subjection has been an unbroken cycle so far.

Keywords : Guadeloupe – Kepone – Genocides – Systemic — neocolonialism

This presentation is a brief introduction to Edwin Thumboo's postcolonialist poetry and the sociohistorical background of Singapore which gives provides it with context.

A short deconstructive analysis is undertaken of Thumboo's poem, Ulysses by the Merlion (1979), with insight from Said's theory of orientalism (and the derivative "re-orientalism").

While Thumboo strives to reject the orientalist poetic paradigm of the colonial era through his poetry, he unintentional reperpetuates them and fails to escape them through the reflection of the vague "East" and "West" in his work.

China's relations with the African continent continues to be misrepresented within the Western (North American and European) academe. This is due, in part, to the methodological and epistemological assumptions underpinning many research agendas. These agendas are founded upon a range of histories, theories and frameworks that have been produced in the West, by the West, and for a particular end – within a particular location, or, event.

This paper brings forward some original empirical data-from five months field research in South Africa which questioned power and agency (participation and self-determination) in response to Chinese Development assistance-to support, and bring into conversation, emerging literatures which focus upon the 'uneven production of knowledge' on and about China. It works with critiques of historicism and emerging concepts such as Sinological-orientalism and Sinologism, to explain how the continued measuring and representation of China through Western concepts, understandings and logics, come to reduce, in an Orientalist manner, accurate relations between China and Africa.

Conclusions join calls for a more balanced and disinterested scholarship on the China-Africa relationship and argue that this can only be achieved through greater geographical and temporal specificity within writing. Within current work on China-Africa relations there is a lack of empirical qualitative data being collected, or, arguments are being extrapolated from limited cases. This paper represents a critical case that introduces new voices and alternative narratives from (South) African's themselves.

This paper attempts to explore the notions that the two Caribbean poets namely, Derek Walcott and Edward Kamau Brathwaite endorse on Caribbean history in their poems. Though both of these poets hold almost the same notion regarding history but their approach is totally different from one another. Coming from a 'hybrid' race, Walcott is aware of the history and he acknowledges it and therefore, he writes in 'mulatto of style'; whereas Brathwaite is enraged by it and attempts to sublimate it to erect a history of the new world. It is Walcott’s view to rise above the delusion and hatred and engulf the world of literature with creativity. On the other hand, Brathwaite holds the grudge which helps him not to forget and forgive the past experience but to transform that very experience into something positive which may help the Caribbean to transform their frustration into something creative and to help the Caribbean to overcome the present struggle against the legacy of colonization. Following discourse analysis, this paper seeks to identify if it is possible to rewrite and re-‘right’ the Caribbean history which has been lost in the route and analyze Walcott and Brathwaite’s attitude towards that very history which has been implemented through their poetry.

The present paper is a phenomenological speculative attempt to capture the ideological content of the transition from religious to national identification in the postcolonial context of Cyprus, drawing its inspiration primarily from the early work of Frantz Fanon.

This paper traces the symbolic importance of gender to the assertion of national and religious identities drawing on case study data with youth from Senegal, Pakistan, Nigeria and Lebanon. We start with a brief overview of the theoretical and methodological approach to the research. We then illustrate the gender assumptions within youth identity narratives and the ways these produce masculinist and patriarchal national imaginaries that instantiate a heteronormative hierarchy and gender polarity. Intersecting with this, we explore the ways that particular claims to Islam also legitimise and depend on the surveillance and regulation of women. We further show how gender remains a significant dimension of national othering and a site of explicit postcolonial resistance that strengthens and stabilises heteronormative gender hierarchies and associated inequalities. Nevertheless, youth’s imaginaries are of a modernising religious nation, which are articulated in contra-distinction to the secular imaginaries of former colonising nations of the West. Provoked by this opposition, we show how religion is central in the production of nation states, colonial and post-colonial, and the ways that gender is inscribed in both. We point to the gender continuities of the post-colonial and former colonising states. Both sustain the continued surveillance and regulation of women and their bodies are used to inscribe power regimes and define difference. Finally we question the adequacy of liberal understandings of gender equality for disrupting the powerful gender symbolism embedded in youth’s national and religious imaginaries as well as the material conditions that emanate from these.

If it is likely that there are various forms of modernity, the concept of modernity can  be disaggregated−that is, its constituent features can be taken apart and imaginatively re-examined in new combinations in different social and cultural contexts. Mohanty’s notion that the components of modernity may be reformulated can be read into the goals of the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization (AAPSO). Formed after the Bandung Conference of 1955 in Indonesia, the AAPSO became one of the most vibrant and contentious forums for the creation of solidarity links−economic, political, and cultural−within a rapidly decolonizing Third World. Alternative modernities, understood as intricately connected to questions of alternative paths of development, became one of the main issues during these conferences.

Der Begriff der Überfremdung hat die politische Kultur der Schweiz während des ganzen 20. Jahrhunderts entscheidend geprägt: Gründungen von politischen Verbänden und Organisationen, sowie behördliche Abstimmungsvorlagen und Initiativen, haben eine „qualitative und quantitative Abwehrstrategie“  gegenüber Ausländern entfaltet, die die Niederlassungs- und Einbürgerungspolitik bis nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges festlegt haben. 
In dieser Seminararbeit wird die historische Entwicklung der schweizerischen Einwanderungspolitik mit dem damit verbundenen Überfremdungsdiskurs von der Jahrhundertwende bis in den 1970er Jahren dargelegt. Es wird damit überprüft, ob gewisse Kontinuitäten bzw. Veränderungen in der schweizerischen Ausländerpolitik von verschiedenen Zeiträumen auftraten. Am Ende dieses Dokuments wird sowohl eine postkoloniale Sichtweise von diesem Themenbereich vorgebracht, als auch einen Zusammenhang mit den aktuellen Integrationsdebatten hergestellt. Bei diesem letzten Punkt soll es festgestellt werden, ob die heutigen Integrationsdiskursen von der vergangenen abwehrenden Zuwanderungspolitik deutlich  abweichen. Abschliessend werden einige allgemeine Massnahmen für die Integration von Migranten vorgebracht, die die drei institutionnellen Ebenen betreffen.

The idea of the nation has been considered to have delivered political modernity from its native Europe to the rest of the world. The same applies, though more implicitly, to those paradoxes inherent to the nationalist ideology – that between universalism and national particularity and that between liberal nationalism and imperialism. This article seeks to complicate these theses by looking at the interpretations of nationalism, imperialism, and cosmopolitanism provided by Liang Qichao, one of the most influential Chinese intellectuals in early twentieth century, during his exile in Japan when increasingly exposed to the encounter between worlds. This reading also engages with the wider debates on modernity/modernities in non-Western societies through showing that neither the " consumers of modernity " approach nor the " creative adaptations " approach can be easily applied here. I argue that the various tensions, contingencies and historical situatedness in Liang's accounts of the nation-state structure represent and constitute the paradox of the structure itself. They also shed light on contemporary debates about the limits of our political imagination in the misnamed " global politics " beyond the false opposition between nationalism and cosmopolitanism.

This book explores the transformation of cultural and national identity of global sports fans in South Korea, which has undergone extensive cultural and economic globalization since the 1990s. Through ethnographic research of Korean Major League Baseball fans and their online community, this book demonstrates how a postcolonial nation and its people are developing long-distance affiliation with American sports accompanied by nationalist sentiments and regional rivalry. Becoming an MLB fan in South Korea does not simply lead one to nurturing a cosmopolitan identity, but to reconstituting one’s national imaginations. Younghan Cho suggests individuated nationalism as the changing nature of the national among the Korean MLB fandom in which the national is articulated by personal choices, consumer rights and free market principles. The analysis of the Korean MLB fandom illuminates the complicated and even contradictory procedures of decentering and fragmenting nationalism in South Korea, which have been balanced by recalling nationalism in combination with neoliberal governmentality.

Quentin Skinner compares Hobbes’s Leviathan to a parliamentary speech; to interpret the text is to uncover its contributions to ongoing debates. I extend this idea to demonstrate how the Chinese translation history of ‘rights’ during the Opium Wars and their aftermath could contribute to ongoing debates about ‘rights’ in world history. So far, commentators on the two key Chinese translations of ‘rights’—daoli (道理) and quanli (權利)—have basically stopped at calling them ‘mistranslations’. Contrary to these critics, I argue that these translations draw out certain truths in the conceptual history of ‘rights’ in the West. My analysis highlights the Chinese ‘mistranslations’ as the truth of the
Subject’s message being returned from its Other in inverted form. In the words of the Tang Emperor Taizhong as recorded in both The Old Tang History and The New Tang History, ‘The Other as my mirror helps me understand my strengths and weaknesses’. The new historical method I develop via Lacan and Chinese historiography allows me to go beyond postcolonial reading of the subaltern’s ‘copy’ of the master’s ideas as distortion, mimicry, or creative transformation. Instead of making the
subaltern’s translation a mere parody of the Master—subversive or not—I highlight how the Chinese (mis)-translations captures certain truths about the Master which the latter cannot see in himself.

Key Words: ‘right’; Benjamin; Koselleck; Lacan; postcolonial studies; Opium Wars

This article offers an objective reading of Edward Said's legacy with various literary approaches to appreciate the evaluation and justification to his elucidations towards the West's entire understanding and representation of Islam and the Muslim world. It also assesses his putative efforts to defend Islam as a culture against the monstrous representations of the Western world through the constructed views of Western media, scholars, politicians and general people. These attempts are based on his profound insights as a scholar, integrity and commitment, and innovative interpretation. It tries to contextualize the present international political situation regarding Islam with Said's profound thoughts and innovative interpretation, and will render a revisionist eye towards the misconception of many westerners against Islam.

Author Carrie P. Freeman asks us to reconsider the devastating division we have created between the human and animal conditions, leading to mass exploitation, injustice, and extinction. As a remedy, Freeman believes social movements should collectively foster a cultural shift in human identity away from an egoistic anthropocentrism (human-centered outlook) and toward a universal altruism (species-centered ethic), so people may begin to see themselves more broadly as "human animal earthlings."

To formulate the basis for this identity shift, Freeman examines overlapping values (supporting life, fairness, responsibility, and unity) that are common in global rights declarations and in the current campaign messages of sixteen global social movement organizations that work on human/civil rights, nonhuman animal protection, and/or environmental issues, such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, CARE, People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, the World Wildlife Fund, the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society, the Nature Conservancy, the Rainforest Action Network, and Greenpeace. She also interviews the leaders of these advocacy groups to gain their insights on how human and nonhuman protection causes can become allies by engaging common opponents and activating shared values and goals on issues such as the climate crisis, enslavement, extinction, pollution, inequality, destructive farming and fishing, and threats to democracy.

Freeman's analysis of activist discourse considers ethical ideologies on behalf of social justice, animal rights, and environmentalism, using animal rights' respect for sentient individuals as a bridge connecting human rights to a more holistic valuing of species and ecological systems. Ultimately, Freeman uses her findings to recommend a set of universal values around which all social movements' campaign messages can collectively cultivate respectful relations between "human animal earthlings," fellow sentient beings, and the natural world we share.

UGA Press website  https://ugapress.org/book/9780820358192/the-human-animal-earthling-identity/
Author Website:  https://www.humananimalearthlings.com/

With the digital revolution in the 21st century, the Information Technology (I.T.) industry in India has emerged with significant gendered trends and has created new knowledge and spaces to evolve culturally. As a natural corollary, gender rearrangements in the Indian social fabric and within the Indian I.T. industries over the decade have been reformed. Not surprisingly, such rearrangements have impacted gender constructions and social transitions in India but, in spite of new realignments, are quite at play and where symbolic capital negotiate and navigate a myriad of gender relations across multiple geo-social axes of differentiation. To complicate, since the early 2000s, a new paradigm in social sciences, popularly known as Mobility Studies, emerged and which reflects a new approach to gender’s social interplay. Mobility Studies travels the continuum from the individual to the institutional, establishing new dynamics not only with intimate spheres such as the family but also within the community and society. Premised on the above, this paper brings in new insights on how individuals and inequalities are reconstructed through their mobility (or lack of it), by bringing in significant conversations between intersectionality and mobility studies, and by examining multiple connections, primarily focusing on the Indian I.T. industry.

Over the years, the exclusion of children has been given many names: adultism, childism, adultarchy, adult supremacy, misopedy. Whatever we wish to name it, the exclusion of children based on a deficiency of reason is a remnant of the colonial mindset, the preservation of which has a profound impact on modern politics.

In 1932, the respected anthropologist Raymond Firth wrote that the Aboriginal Australian manifested a strange trait, one unlike their indigenous counterparts elsewhere in the colonised Pacific. The Indigenous person, Firth said, ‘mutely dies.’ It would take just two hundred years of settler-Indigenous contact—and, within that span, a few intense decades of frontier activity—to decimate the Indigenous people who had been in Australia for forty thousand years. If this population died at all ‘mutely’, then it may well have been in shock and trauma. Silence, after all, is a common response to extreme suffering. To invoke Cathy Caruth, this implores us to engage in ‘a new mode of reading and listening [or viewing] that both the language of trauma, and the silence of its mute repetition of suffering, profoundly and imperatively demands’. These relations between contemporary and historical silence—as well as suffering and violence—powerfully arise in Australian director Warwick Thornton’s Samson and Delilah (2009), the focus of this chapter. Forgetting or denying Australia’s foundational structure of colonisation generates silence around what happened in the nation’s past. Samson and Delilah thus depicts trauma as a crisis of speech, a trope we can read as a reflection on representing Indigenous suffering in contemporary Australia. In analysing how the film depicts trauma in form and content, the chapter discusses silence, historical inheritances and belonging as central concerns of the film. These concerns draw all Australian subjects into positions of implication, although with incommensurate, unevenly distributed suffering between Indigenous and settler groups. Samson and Delilah is unflinching in its criticism of all implicated parties—the web of social, cultural and political forces acting on the couple at its centre. This adds up to an uncommonly holistic appraisal of the trails of trauma in a setting where colonisation is entrenched and continuing.

Townsend Middleton's The Demands of Recognition is an invitation to think through the everyday dilemmas of ethnic minorities as well as the state anthropologists who certify them as 'scheduled tribes' in contemporary India. Through an extended case study of Nepali-speaking groups that are collectively known as 'Gorkhas', Middleton shows how late liberal governmentality and what he calls the 'ethno-contemporary' make and remake each other. As the postcolonial state has devised affirmative action policies to redress the historical disadvantages of socially marginalized groups, a new kind of 'ethnopolitics' has emerged to claim the loaves and fishes offered by the state. In turn, this new ethnopolitics has compelled the state to rethink its classificatory schemas and mechanisms in order to decide which groups ought to be considered as 'tribes', and hence, merit affirmative action. In most cases, the primary aim of ethnopolitics in contemporary India is to enter official lists or 'schedules' that record castes and tribes as well as other groups deemed to be 'backward' enough to warrant affirmative action. The situation with the Gorkhas was no different after their demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland went unmet a generation ago. By undertaking a fine-grained ethnographic exploration of the Gorkhas' ethnopolitics and the travails of their interlocutors within the postcolonial ethnographic state, Middleton challenges us to interrogate our received notions of ethnicity and about the place of anthropology in our world.

The ongoing colonial dispossession of Indigenous peoples is predicated on the idea of a hierarchy of civilizations wherein western culture is positioned at the ontogenetic apex of civilizational maturity - as 'modern' - and non-western societies are positioned in contradistinction as dependent infants or children. Colonial modernity is exemplified in politics organized around adult capacities for speech and reason and, therefore, governed according to liberal democratic norms within a sovereign state. In this paper, I examine Indian intellectual Ashis Nandy's unique and potent critical explorations of the ontogenetic model of colonial modernity. I argue that Nandy's work on the infantilization of cultures and the " ideology of adulthood, " which he derives in part from Gandhian practices of resistance, stands alone in postcolonial and subaltern studies in allowing us to clearly identify three modes of anti-colonial resistance, two of which are problematic in their endorsement of the ontogenetic model. The first, epitomized by the Marxist anti-colonial struggles of the 1950s and 60s, asserts that Indigenous societies are capable of pursuing and achieving western thresholds of civilizational maturity. The second, embodied in the post-Marxian notion of alternative or multiple modernities, asserts that Indigenous peoples are developing their own hybridized measures of maturity. The third, developed primarily by Nandy, rejects both the colonial premise of cultural development as well as the hierarchical distinction between child and adult that fundamentally grounds coloniality. Although post-Marxian modes of resistance are currently the most prevalent they tend to recapitulate the logic of development and, I argue, we can therefore look to Nandy's non-developmental mode of resistance for a more thorough and effective understanding of the contemporary colonial condition. I conclude with some suggested amendments to Nandy's work, specifically with respect to his observations on the colonial feminization of non-western cultures, which I suggest is best understood as internal to the ontogenetic model.

Since the catastrophic events of 9/11 and its aftermath, the discourse of terrorism has become one of the dominant preoccupations
of American literature. Don DeLillo is one of the preeminent masters of contemporary fiction whose novels of terror, both before
and after 9/11, have spurred a great deal of criticism. What distinguishes his novels from the spate of 9/11 fiction is his obsession
with the terrorist narrative long before the day “silver cross[ed] the blue.” This study will focus on his Falling Man, which directly
gets to grips with the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and is credited with being one of the most genuine responses to it to date. In this
novel, DeLillo (2007) manifestly identifies terrorism with Islam. Adopting an Orientalist position, the writer tells the story of a
group of Muslims who blatantly conduct the terrorist attacks of 9/11 in an attempt to take revenge on the West for its unrestrained
growth in the course of modernity. As such, he lays the blame on Islam as being incompatible with the West’s history of
civilization. Thus, in his putatively historiographic rendering of 9/11, DeLillo, focusing on the American, or generally speaking,
“hegemonic” side of the event, complies with the governmental discourses, thereby presenting a totalizing reading of it. Drawing
on Edward Said’s theories, this paper aims to shed light on DeLillo’s inscription of Orientalist discourse in Falling Man.