Revolutions

Il mito rappresenta [...] la forza sociale e sotterranea di una immensa rivoluzione che minava nel sottosuolo ovunque il mondo antico.

Era comodo procedere quando il Maestro faceva tacere e tremare tutti, regalando miracoli, sanando infermi, risuscitando morti, facendo cadere l'arma dalla mano dell'aggressore.

Gli operai vinceranno se capiranno che nessuno deve venire. L'attesa del Messia ed il culto del genio, spiegabili per Pietro e per Carlyle, sono per un marxista del 1953 solo misere coperture di impotenza.

La Rivoluzione si rialzerà tremenda, ma anonima.

يتناول عبد الفتاح ماضي في كتابه عثرات في الميدان: كيف أخفقت ثورة يناير في مصر؟ الصادر عن المركز العربي للأبحاث ودراسة السياسات، المسار المتعثّر لثورة 25 يناير 2011 في مصر؛ باعتبارها جزءًا من نضالٍ ممتد في التاريخ الحديث للشعب المصري من أجل التغيير، وحدثًا أداره فاعلون داخليون وخارجيون بقناعات ومصالح مختلفة، وفي سياقات إقليمية ودولية غير مواتية.

يروم الكتاب فهم التحوّلات الكبرى التي طرأت على مسار الثورة، والبحث في عددٍ من القضايا المحورية، مثل دور النخب ومجموعة من جنرالات الجيش في الثورة، والعامل الخارجي والديمقراطية في مصر، وقضايا الهوية والتغيير في مصر.

مقدمات الثورة

يتألف الكتاب (300 صفحة بالقطع الوسط، موثقًا ومفهرسًا) من مقدمة وسبعة فصول وخاتمة.

في الفصل الأول، "مقدمات ثورة 25 يناير"، يعرض المؤلف مقدمات ثورة يناير، مع التركيز على إرث مرحلة مبارك في المجالَين السياسي والاقتصادي، موضحًا كيف أغلق نظام مبارك سبل الإصلاح السياسي التدرجي، وأفسد الحياة السياسية عقودًا طويلة، ما أدّى إلى إسقاطه وحزبه الحاكم عبر التظاهرات الشعبية. كما يعرض كيف ثارت قطاعات واسعة من المصريين ضد النظام، ودور الجماعات الاحتجاجية الشبابية والحركات الاجتماعية والعمالية في تعبئة الشارع ضد مبارك، ودور أدوات التواصل الاجتماعي والإعلام والجمعية الوطنية للتغيير وحركة 6 أبريل.

أما في الفصل الثاني، "اندلاع الثورة وردّ النظام"، فيرصد المؤلف اندلاع الثورة، وردّة فعل سلطة مبارك التنفيذية عليها، بدءًا من عناده وتهوينه شأن الحراك الشعبي ضده، مرورًا بخطابات التهديد والوعيد واستخدام القمع الوحشي ضد المتظاهرين، وانتهاءً بمحاولات التشبث بالسلطة وبدء تحرك الجيش.

تحولات الثورة

يُعنى المؤلف في الفصل الثالث، "تحولات الثورة المصرية"، بمسار ثورة يناير وتحوّلاتها، فيتناول تحول الثورة من كونها ثورة "ديمقراطية" تنادي بالحريات والعدالة الاجتماعية إلى ثورة "انتخابية"، من خلال البحث في الطريقة التي أدار بها الفاعلون السياسيون الرئيسون المرحلة الانتقالية بعد إسقاط مبارك (12 شباط/ فبراير 2011 - 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013)، مركزًا على انفراد المجلس الأعلى للقوات المسلحة بإدارة الدولة، واعتماد خريطة طريق تقوم على التنافس الحزبي الانتخابي قبل التوافق، وسلوك القوى السياسية التقليدية التي تصدّرت المشهد السياسي، إضافةً إلى غياب الحوار والتوافقات الكبرى. كما يتناول المؤلف تحوّل ثورة يناير مرة أخرى من كونها ثورة "انتخابية" إلى ثورة "مضادة"؛ من خلال عرض الطريقة التي أوقف بها جنرالات المجلس العسكري المسار الديمقراطي، وقادوا ثورةً مضادة أطاحت المكتسبات القليلة التي حققتها ثورة يناير، وأقامت نظامًا يقوم على الصراع الصفري مع القوى التي لا تصطف مع النظام. ويوضح هذا الفصل كيف كانت اختيارات النخب تُعبّر، في واقع الأمر، إمّا عن قناعات وأفهام مغلوطة، وإمّا عن مقدمات أيديولوجية متحجرة، أو مصالح ضيقة، أو نصائح غير مدروسة قُدّمت من أطراف مختلفة، أو عن خليط من هذا وذاك.

الحوار والتجربة الدستورية

ينصب اهتمام المؤلف في الفصل الرابع، "محاولات الحوار الوطني"، على محاولات الحوار التي جرت في مراحل مختلفة؛ حيث يبدأ بعملية الحوار التي بدأتها جماعة الإخوان المسلمين قبل اندلاع الثورة بشهور، واستمرت في الشهور الأولى للثورة، وتُوّجت بما سُمّي وثيقة التحالف الديمقراطي. كما يعرض المؤلف حوارات المجلس العسكري الحاكم حتى لقاء "فيرمونت" وانتخاب الرئيس محمد مرسي، إضافة إلى الحوارات التي أجراها هذا الأخير، ثم بعض المبادرات التي قُدمت بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013.

أما في الفصل الخامس، "التجربة الدستورية بعد الثورة"، فيقدم المؤلف الوثائق الدستورية التي ظهرت في مرحلة المجلس العسكري حين شهدت البلاد إعلانًا دستوريًا في 13 شباط/ فبراير 2011، ثم تعديلات دستورية متعلقة بـ 9 مواد من دستور 1971، ثم إعلانًا دستوريًا آخر في 30 آذار/ مارس 2011، ثم إعلانَين دستوريّين (في 25 أيلول/ سبتمبر و19 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 2011) يعدّلان إعلان 30 آذار/ مارس، ثم إعلانًا دستوريًا مكملًا في 17 حزيران/ يونيو 2012. كما يقدم المؤلف الوثائق الدستورية التي ظهرت في مرحلة مرسي؛ وذلك حين عرفت مصر في 12 آب/ أغسطس 2012 إعلانًا دستوريًا جديدًا (ألغى الإعلان الدستوري الصادر في 17 حزيران/ يونيو 2012)، والإعلان الدستوري في 21 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 2012، ودستور 2012. ويقدم المؤلف، أيضًا، الوثائق الدستورية التي ظهرت في مرحلة ما بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013، وشهدت فيها البلاد بيان القوات المسلحة في 3 تموز/ يوليو 2013، وإعلانَين دستوريين (في5 و7 تموز/ يوليو 2013)، ودستور 2014.

جنرالات الداخل والعوامل الخارجية

يتناول المؤلف في الفصل السادس، "جنرلات الجيش وثورات الشعب"، بعض الجوانب ذات الصلة بعلاقة مجموعة من جنرالات الجيش المسيطرين على المؤسسة العسكرية بثورة يناير، فيعرض حالات مقارنة من خارج العالم العربي لإيضاح ما يأتي: سبب استيلاء العسكريين على السلطة، وطبيعة الحكم العسكري، وطريقة خروج العسكريين من السلطة. ثم يعرض باقتضاب الحالة المصرية، بدءًا من جذور تدخّل الجنرالات العسكريين في السلطة، وتطور أدوارهم السياسية والاقتصادية، مرورًا بالمغالطات التي ردّدها إعلام ما بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013 بشأن دور الجيش، وانتهاءً بالمخاطر المترتبة على طبيعة النظام الإقصائية والبوليسية؛ لا على الحياة السياسية والثورة فحسب، بل على المؤسسة العسكرية ذاتها والأمن القومي العربي أيضًا.

في الفصل السابع، "العوامل الخارجية والثورة المصرية" (الفصل الأخير)، يعالج المؤلف بعض الأدوار الدولية والإقليمية في مسار الثورة المصرية، فيتناول موقف القوى الغربية من مسألة الديمقراطية في البلدان العربية قبل ثورات 2011، ثم موقف الولايات المتحدة الأميركية وأوروبا وروسيا من الثورة المصرية، ودعم القوى الإقليمية نظامَ ما بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013، إضافةً إلى أثر استخدام خطاب الحرب على الإرهاب واستراتيجياته في مسار الثورة.

Wayne Vucinic Book Prize 2007, "for the most important contribution to Russian, Eurasian, and East European studies in any discipline of the humanities or social sciences." 

Endorsement by Slavoj Zizek:

"Alexei Yurchak's Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More immediately seduced me by its very title with a profound philosophical implication that eternity is a historical category--things can be eternal for some time. The same spirit of paradox runs through the entire book--it renders in wonderful details the gradual disintegration of the Soviet system from within its ideological and cultural space, making visible all the hypocrisy and misery of this process. I consider Yurchak's book by far the best work about the late epoch of the Soviet Union--it is not just history, but a pleasure to read, a true work of art." (Slavoj Zizek, author of In Defense of Lost Causes)

Abstract:

Soviet socialism was based on paradoxes that were revealed by the peculiar experience of its collapse. To the people who lived in that system the collapse seemed both completely unexpected and completely unsurprising. At the moment of collapse it suddenly became obvious that Soviet life had always seemed simultaneously eternal and stagnating, vigorous and ailing, bleak and full of promise. Although these characteristics may appear mutually exclusive, in fact they were mutually constitutive. This book explores the paradoxes of Soviet life during the period of "late socialism" (1960s-1980s) through the eyes of the last Soviet generation.

Revolution as a phenomenon is considered as a way to a complete change of a situation or system of government to a better one. Is revolution really the right way to fulfil our dreams and have a better way of life? Or is it simply just changing the face of rulers or the name of the governments? Many writers and novelists have written about this issue. George Orwell, who is considered as a political writer, is one of them. He wrote many novels. Animal Farm, as one of them, is an allegorical story of some animals on a farm. They begin a revolution against the humans with the dream of getting rid of Man as the root cause of their problems, and to be rich and free. They have a short period of honeymoon revolution, but then their dream of building a utopian farm is crashed by the pigs and they would find themselves in dystopia. This paper aims to study the nature of revolution generally to shed light on human history, Then to explore how this phenomenon is treated by Orwell in his novel. Can we consider revolution as a right way to have a complete change in the political system and thinking of people? The researchers try to illuminate and find answers for those questions by providing examples from the story of Animal Farm.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

Political revolutions are, by their very nature, contested events, and liable to remain the subject of conflicting interpretations long after they have turned the existing order upside down and spun it around. This is especially so when they have been violent in their making and then evolved through further cycles of violence and repression, leaving large numbers of people dead and even more traumatised and intimidated into silence. The Zanzibar Revolution is a case in point, and this edited volume, published in association with the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA), grapples with collective and individual memories of the events of 12 January 1964 and their aftermath, and the continuing reverberations of these in the everyday life of Zanzibaris both home and abroad.

Social Memory, Silenced Voices, and Political Struggle begins and ends with reflections on the official commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the revolution in 2014, firstly in the editors’ thought-provoking introduction (‘Memory, media, and Mapinduzi: alternative voices of revolution, fifty years later’), latterly in a series of 15 black-and-white photographs by Ania Gruca (‘Capturing the commemoration: a documentary photo essay on the 50th anniversary of the revolution’). Anniversaries provide the islands’ government with a regular opportunity to reproduce its founding narrative, just in case its name (Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar, the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar) and longstanding slogan (Mapinduzi Daima!, Revolution Forever!) weren’t reminder enough.

This chapter seeks to assess Western and Russian influence on the collapse of Viktor Yanukovych’s regime. Drawing on the works of Levitsky and Way and Tolstrup, the chapter explains why during the 2014 crisis Yanukovych was able to withstand Western and domestic pressure much longer than Leonid Kuchma did in 2004, and why he was eventually toppled. I argue that Yanukovych’s ability to prolong his stay in power was circumscribed by three specific factors: his concentration of power, Russian backing and miscalculated Western threats to impose sanctions. His downfall, however, was ultimately determined from within the state.
The chapter contributes to the theory of hybrid regimes by extending the concept of linkage and leverage to non-democracies; it also offers an empirical measure of Russian anti-democratic influence on Ukraine.

Was unterm Strich bleibt, wenn sich all die Milliarden in Luft aufgelöst haben, ist ein gebrochenes Versprechen. Nachdem mit den Autos, Fernsehern und Kühlschränken der letzten industriellen Revolution kein Geld mehr zu verdienen ist, soll nun die digitale Revolution den nächsten Wachstumszyklus auslösen. Doch der erhoffte Produktivitätsschub bleibt bislang aus. Allen Protesten der Sparer zum Trotz muss das anämische Wachstum der alten Industrieländer also weiter mit billigem Geld angekurbelt werden. Die neue Chefin der Europäischen Zentralbank Christine Lagarde hat dementsprechend die Nullzinspolitik ihres Vorgängers erneut verlängert. Die Nullzinswelt wird also auf absehbare Zeit unsere Realität bestimmen.
Und genau hier liegt der Ausweg aus dem Zombiekapitalismus. Billiges Geld ermöglicht Investitionen in die Zukunft. Alleine die Instandsetzung der seit Jahrzehnten vor sich hin rottenden Infrastruktur erfordert einen gigantischen finanziellen Kraftakt. In seltener Eintracht fordern daher das gewerkschaftsnahe Institut für Makroökonomie und Konjunkturforschung (IMK) und das arbeitgebernahe Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft (IW) für das kommende Jahrzehnt öffentliche Investitionen von 457 Milliarden Euro. Der klimaneutrale Umbau der Produktions-, Mobilitäts-, Energie- und Wohnungssektoren verlangt nach Investitionen in Billionenhöhe. Um die digitale Revolution menschengerecht zu gestalten, brauchen wir die größten Investitionen in die Köpfe seit den preußischen Reformen. Und um den verunsicherten Bürgern und Bürgerinnen in den strukturschwachen Gebieten das Gefühl zu nehmen, der Staat lasse sie im Stich, muss die Daseinsvorsorge in die Fläche zurückkehren.
Die gute Nachricht: Billiger als heute sind diese Investitionen nie wieder zu haben.
Angesichts der vielen Krisen ist es höchste Zeit, unser Wirtschaftssystem auf ein gesundes Fundament zu stellen. Billiges Geld in den Händen von Spekulanten verursacht hohe wirtschaftliche, soziale und politische Kosten. Progressive Politik muss daher dafür kämpfen, den geldschöpfenden Finanzsektor wieder demokratisch zu kontrollieren. Versagt die Herzkammer des Finanzkapitalismus dabei, die Realwirtschaft mit Kapital zu versorgen, dann muss der Staat einen Bypass legen. Nutzt der Staat das billige Geld für Investitionen in die Zukunft, wird aus der Not eine Tugend. Denn für die Finanzierung der drängenden Modernisierungsaufgaben ist das billige Geld ein echter Glücksfall. Ein handlungsfähiger Staat, der die Finanzmärkte demokratisch kontrolliert und klug in die Zukunft investiert, ist der beste Ausweg aus dem Zombiekapitalismus.

This paper takes a new look at Catholic reactions to the revolutions of 1848 in the German territories, and argues that they were decisive for a radical rethinking of Catholic identity and politics in systematic terms. Set against a growing revival movement, Catholic reactions to the revolutions helped radicalize Catholic self-understanding. Indeed, they helped galvanize Catholics in their resolve that Catholicism offered a distinctly contemporary option for articulating a range of political, social and cultural interests. Intended primarily as a re-conceptualization of our categories for understanding Catholicism in “modern” history, this paper is based primarily on a careful analysis of the first Meeting of Catholic Societies held in Mainz in September/October 1848.

Το νεοελληνικό κράτος ιδρύθηκε εξαρχής με βάση ένα ιδεολογικής υφής πρόταγμα, το οποίο θα αποτελούσε τη raison d' etre του κράτους για περίπου έναν αιώνα, έως το 1922, και το οποίο γνώρισε ενδιαφέρουσες μεταλλαγές κατά τη μεταπολεμική περίοδο. Το πρόταγμα αυτό ήταν να αποτελέσει το νεοελληνικό κράτος νησίδα ή προκεχωρημένο φυλάκιο της προηγμένης Δύσης εν μέσω της προσλαμβανόμενης ως οπισθοδρομικής σε σχέση με την Δύση Ανατολής. Στο εσωτερικό, το συγκεντρωτικό διοικητικό σύστημα οργάνωσης της εθνικής επικράτειας, το οποίο εισήγαγε η βαυαρική διοίκηση, είχε αποτελέσει επιδίωξη των ιδίων των επαναστατών το 1821, οι οποίοι είχαν προσανατολιστεί στη δημιουργία ενός ευρωπαϊκού τύπου κράτους, όχι στην αναπαραγωγή των κοινοτικών θεσμών της Τουρκοκρατίας.

“Total War Behind the Frontlines? An Inquiry into the Violence on the Republican Side in the Spanish Civil War”, in Martin Baumeister, Stefanie Schüler-Springorum (eds.), “If You Tolerate This...” The Spanish Civil War in the Age of Total Wars, Campus, Frankfurt-New York, 2008, pp. 154-168.

Die Dummköpfe glauben, Wladimir Uljanow habe, nachdem er die Bedeutung der bäuerlichen Massen entdeckt und sie zuerst gegen den Zaren und dann gegen die Bourgeoisie aufgestachelt hätte, die alten Gleise verlassen und dem europäischen Proletariat klar gemacht, dass es, statt in der Eisenbahn des Klassenkampfes unterwegs zu sein, im Flugzeug reisen könne, wenn es sich mit dem Halbproletariat verbünde.
Doch Lenin wusste besser als wir, dass zur Erforschung der Bewegungen dieses sozialen Kräftestroms, der unerforschlichen Tiefen der Geschichte, das „Bathyskaph" bestiegen werden muss, wobei sich im Übrigem noch gewisse Überreste dieser Formen in den Weiten der Kontinente verbergen, welche sich der expandierende Kapitalismus bislang nicht zu unterwerfen vermochte.
Der Verzicht des reifen europäischen Proletariats auf seine Avantgarde-Funktion und die Tatsache, nicht eifersüchtig seine völlige Unabhängigkeit von „mittelmäßigen" Positionen hinsichtlich seiner Theorie und Organisation gehütet zu haben, ist allzu teuer bezahlt worden
Die heutige Bewegung, die, vor unser Haustür, eine wahrhafte Volksbewegung ist, erregt ebenso wahrhaften Abscheu wie, wohl mehr noch, wahrhaftes Mitleid.

This is a longitudinal study of the identity process through times of dramatic social change. Using a narrative psychological approach this research follows the life stories of five Egyptian bloggers as they write their stories on online blogs over the course of the three years following the 2011 revolution, at which time Egypt has witnessed major social and political changes. The aim is to understand the identity process of individuals as they develop and adapt through changing social contexts and how they create alternative social relations as they engage in prefigurative politics. The findings shed light on how ruptures trigger a process of reflexivity, adaptive learning, and sense-making that facilitates coping and the reconstruction of a positive identity after ruptures. It also suggests that the narration of the experience of rupture through storytelling creates a heightened sense of agency in individuals' ability to create new meanings of their world in spite of the socio-cultural and political constraints. This study presents narratives as an informing methodological resource that connects identity process with social representations and emphasizes the value of storytelling as an integral part of the adaptation process.

Repetitive and various reviews of Iranian 1979 Revolution conditions have been undertaken from different perspectives. Employing
Crane Brinton's Theory of Revolution and adopting a comparative analysis, the present study attempts to address the issue of the main
elements of Shiite political culture as well as the emergence of these elements in the 1979 Revolution. Brinton thinks of revolutions as
a kind of fever, whose symptoms begin to emerge in the pre-revolutionary regime. However, the symptoms are not reliable signs and
the disease will not emerge unless its symptoms are adequately expanded. At the outset, the present study addresses and recounts
elements of Shiite political culture, explicates the concept of revolution and its effective factors through a documentary method as well
as a comparative approach. Moreover, the present research conducts an analysis of the characteristics which reinforce, increase and
overlap with Shiite political culture during the Iranian 1979 Revolution

Der Aufsatz beleuchtet die Ereignisse der Oktoberrevolution im Russland des Jahres 1917. Dabei wird ein besonderer Schwerpunkt auf die Perspektive der verschiedenen Gesellschaftsschichten gelegt, um die unterschiedliche Wahrnehmung auf das Ereignis herauszustellen.

Whilst often mentioned and sometimes hammered out, the “economic origins” of the revolution have mostly been ignored. Why is that so? The article attempts to explain this surprising oversight. The emphasis on what was at stake with “the democratic ground rules” has perniciously diverted attention away from the daily economic struggles and their (lack of) regulations as well as the political contradictions they entail. yet, with the end of the “single window approach” of the Democratic Constitutional Rally (Ben Ali’s all-pervasive party), the question of welfare protection and the various shocks it has received remains acute.

This article was published in 2009 as the result of my student activities and research. It focuses on the Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin´s participation at the Slavic assembly in Prague in 1848. Bakunin influenced its developement and results. Similarly, his stay in Prague brought him a lot of experience, which influenced the future development of his intelectual thought. Bakunin participated on the assembly as delegate of polish-ruthenian department. He mainly commented on formal questions, but also concetrated on background activities and tried to turn other delegates (e.g. Ľudovít Štúr) for his revolutionary thoughts. He, however, failed. He tried to disprove the illusions about russian tzar Mikuláš I. and was in fierce oppostion to austroslavism. He came out with the idea of democratic slavic federation, but he failed again in enforcing this. After the assembly, he participated in unsuccessful June uprising and had to flee to Dresden. He then tried to organize uprising in Prague from Dresden, but was exposed, arrested and in 1851 extradited to russian authorities.

In this paper, I review recent contributions to theories of resistance and agency in the context of anthropology of Egypt. Drawing on ethnography conducted in Egypt after the January
25th Revolution and then after the election of Mohamed Morsi as President, I analyse the mass mobilization movement in Egypt called Tamarod. Tamarod led the effort to have twenty-two million Egyptians sign a call for President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood to step down, and mobilized an estimated twelve million to come on the street for a mass demonstration on 30 June, after which Morsi was removed from power. Rather than critique the notion of Tamarod as resistance, as a dupe of the Military, or as the legitimate voice of the Egyptian people and their agency, I argue that Tamarod
made visible, and rendered available for political goals, a social infrastructure of communicative channels in Egypt. More generally, the paper shows concretely, and as concomitant processes, how agency is embedded in infrastructure and how infrastructure is upended in uprisings.

Resumen: América Latina y el Caribe se caracteriza por una amplia historia de luchas anticoloniales. Los movimientos de mujeres han formado parte de esta trayectoria y han sido protagonistas de diferentes procesos emancipadores. Analizamos aquí dos modelos que nos permiten valorar la participación de las mujeres y las implicaciones de cada uno de estos enfoques para la lucha feminista. Por un lado, la Revolución Cubana introdujo desde 1959 el socialismo como alternativa al contexto de subordinación latinoamericano, siendo la emancipación de las mujeres una de las líneas políticas del proceso cubano. Por otro, la llegada al gobierno de agrupaciones político-sociales de izquierda en Bolivia (2006) y Ecuador (2007) ha otorgado un papel relevante a los movimientos sociales de ambos estados, planteándose nuevos modelos de construcción del poder desde abajo; entre los actores sociales implicados en ambos procesos se encuentran organizaciones feministas y grupos de mujeres.

Palabras clave: feminismo; procesos emancipadores; movimiento feminista latinoamericano; Revolución Cubana; procesos constituyentes; Bolivia; Ecuador.

Abstract: Latin America and the Caribbean has a long history of anticolonial struggles. Women’s movements have been part of them, and central to different emancipatory processes. Here we tackle two models that allow us to evaluate the participation of women and the implications of each approach for the feminist struggle. On the one hand, since 1959 the Cuban Revolution introduced socialism as the alternative to the Latin American context of subordination, establishing the emancipation of women as one of the political lines of action in the process. On the other, the arrival of sociopolitical fronts from the Left to the governments in Bolivia (2006) and Ecuador (2007) has given a central role to those states’ social movements, with new proposals of building ‘power from below’; among the social actors involved in both processes we find feminist organisations and groups of women.

Key words: feminism; emancipatory processes; Latin American feminist movement; Cuban Revolution; constituent processes; Bolivia; Ecuador.

Il aura suffi de l’annonce par le gouvernement d’une taxe sur l’application de messagerie WhatsApp pour qu’éclate un mouvement de contestation populaire inédit dans l’histoire du Liban contemporain. En ce 17 octobre 2019, trente années après l’accord de Taëf, censé mettre un terme à la Guerre du Liban et permettre au pays exsangue de renaître de ses cendres, une limite est franchie. Des citoyens en colère se rassemblent sur une des artères principales de Beyrouth, le pont du Ring Fouad Chehab, jadis ligne de démarcation entre l’Est et l’Ouest de la capitale. Très vite, les grandes places de la ville répercutent l’onde de choc dans un élan spontané assimilé à un sursaut, à une prise de conscience fulgurante.
Il va sans dire que ce ras-le-bol cache un mal plus profond. Celui-ci prend racine dans les graves dysfonctionnements qui sévissent depuis la fin des hostilités armées en 1990 et l’installation de la tutelle syrienne. La fin de cette dernière, suite à l’assassinat de l’ancien Premier ministre Rafic Hariri en 2005, laisse la place à une crise de pouvoir et à une paralysie politique nées des rivalités inter et intra-communautaires sur fond de corruption généralisée et institutionnalisée (y compris au sein du pouvoir judiciaire), de clientélisme et d’impunité qui ont marqué les années 1992-2005. L’afflux massif des réfugiés syriens fuyant la guerre qui se généralise en Syrie à partir de 2012, exerce une très forte pression sur les ressources du pays, d’autant plus que les réfugié…

The Arab Spring led to a major transformation of political systems of the region's most countries; an increase in the significance of radical Islam in the political life; a degradation of the security environment. In addition , changes in the region's economy cannot be overlooked. The events connected with the Arab Spring gave the Russian Federation completely new challenges. The country has to yet again define the character of its relations with Muslim countries and adapt its foreign policy to the new post-revolutionary reality. The Arab Spring also represents a challenge for Russia in its internal affairs.

During the past decades, the assassination attempt has been treated from different disciplines. Nevertheless, the mediatization of the assassination attempt or its treatment in images and audiovisual media has been widely neglected. Starting from a triptych applicable to 19th century tyrannicides and articulated by the assassination performance, the perpetrator’s arrest and, finally, his punishment, we aim at verifying to what extent this model fits into 20th-century assassination attempts. For this reason, three key assassinations will be considered. First, the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914, perpetrated by Serbian nationalists, and which would lead to WWI. Second, the failed attempt on 20 July 1944 against Adolf Hitler in the Wolfsschanze; a plot in which many high rank officers of the Wehrmacht were involved. As third example, we will focus on John F. Kennedy’s assassination in
Dallas, on 22 November 1963, reputed to Lee H. Oswald.

This article argues that the Ethiopian revolution was a generational achievement. Hence, its legacy and lasting social effects can be best examined through a sociologi- cal lens that highlights the intergenerational relations between the “revolutionary generation” of 1974 and today’s “restrained generation.” One of the significant legacies of the Ethiopian revolution is that it continues to instill fear in young people who are inclined to engage in politics. This culture of fear has grown out of the atrocious “Red Terror” period of the late 1970s, and continues in different forms to the present as political youth, including social media activists, are vulnerable to persecution. Even as the young generation attempts to create new platforms for political engagement, it remains under the heavy hand of the revolutionary generation. After nearly four decades, the methods of crushing youth political activism remain almost the same. This article seeks to offer insights into how Ethiopian youth pursue various strategies to deal with the structural impediments to their active political engagement.

A new book published to coincide with the centenary of the Easter Rising of 1916 comprehensively details the impact of key events in County Kerry and the critical roles played by Kerry men and women in the rebellion and sets that story in its rightful context in the wider revolutionary period. The important social and political developments in the county before and during 1916 and the contribution of the many Kerry natives who played major roles locally, in Dublin and elsewhere are chronicled for the first time.

Historian and Kerry native, Professor Joe Lee, who writes the foreword to the book, says its contents “are not only of intense interest in themselves, but often base important original research on indispensable local knowledge. Editorially augmented by often elusive biographical information on important personalities, they further enhance this significant volume for students not only of Kerry history but of those numerous aspects of the history of Ireland which have been enriched by Kerry’s contribution.”

Voici la première étude sur la guerre civile syrienne faite à partir d’entretiens réalisés en Syrie même et dans les pays voisins. 2011 : des centaines de milliers de Syriens de toutes confessions et origines ethniques manifestent pacifiquement pour réclamer la démocratisation du régime. La violence de la répression les contraint à prendre les armes, à organiser une contre-société et à regrouper des unités militaires improvisées au sein de l’Armée syrienne libre.
Après 2013, cette logique inclusive et unanimiste cède progres- sivement devant la montée des groupes transnationaux comme le PKK et l’État islamique, marginalisant les groupes les plus modérés.
Comment se structure l’économie de guerre? Quels sont les effets de la guerre sur la société syrienne? Quelles nouvelles hiérarchies communautaires et sociales résultent de la violence généralisée? Comment les trajectoires sociales des Syriens sont-elles affectées?
Un livre unique qui combine une recherche de terrain – rare sur le conflit syrien – et une réflexion théorique novatrice sur les situations de guerre civile.

The author analyzes and draws some implications of the conceptions of the revolution in Arendt and Sartre. The text outlines some data to highlight how both thinkers are based on similar philosophical sources, particularly phenomenology and philosophy of the early Heidegger; then specifically discusses his ideas about revolution.