War Journalism

Pričujoče delo analizira različne načine poročanja o kriznih razmerah, kjer se novinarji in novinarke soočajo z množičnimi kršitvami človekovih pravic. Vsi ti dogodki, o katerih naj bi mediji poročali, imajo skupno točko – od novinarja ali novinarke se nujno zahteva, da se postavi na stran tistih, ki so jim kršene človekove pravice. Realnost pa je drugačna. Sledeč načelu o t. i. objektivnosti poročanja, novinarji in novinarke pogosto relativizirajo položaj ljudi, ki so jim kršene pravice, in njihovim izjavam oz. položaju dodajajo izjave običajno uradnih virov. Temelj analize je pisanje novinarjev, ki so na zavzet in subjektivno naravnan način z jasno idejo o predstavljanju položaja diskriminiranih skupin poročali drugače. Analiza temelji na eni strani na poročanju Georgea Orwella, Johna Simpsona, Michaela Herra in Edwarda Murrowa ter v slovenskem medijskem prostoru Boštjana Videmška, Adija Omerovića, Boštjana Anžina in Boruta Krajnca. Delo se osredotoča na primere dobrih praks tovrstnega poročanja, ki imajo dolgo zgodovino v svetovnem novinarstvu.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os aspectos discursivos das narrativas da cobertura impressa brasileira da Guerra do Golfo (1990-1991). Mais especificamente, busca investigar as estratégias discursivas utilizadas pelos jornais A Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo para aproximar e inserir o acontecimento da guerra à realidade do leitor brasileiro. Sendo assim, interessou-se analisar a constituição dos enquadramentos midiáticos da Guerra do Golfo e seus possíveis efeitos de sentido, observando uma possível influência de uma situação de comunicação na construção dessas narrativas, principalmente no que se refere à constituição do acontecimento e de seus atores. Para responder à problematização que move este trabalho, estabeleceu-se um diálogo entre os estudos da Análise do Discurso da linha francesa com os da Comunicação – mais precisamente, o principal aparato teórico-metodológico adotado foi a Teoria da Semiolinguística do Discurso, do pesquisador francês Patrick Charaudeau, em diálogo com alguns conceitos do campo jornalístico (como as reflexões teóricas em torno dos enquadramentos e dos critérios de noticiabilidade), além das noções acerca da Dimensão Argumentativa, postuladas por Ruth Amossy, que foram também essenciais para a análise. Para uma melhor contextualização e compreensão das intencionalidades que regem o Contrato de Comunicação, foi explicado a respeito do acontecimento da Guerra do Golfo a partir de alguns autores do âmbito das Ciências Políticas e das Relações Internacionais, além do que já se sabe acerca do jornalismo de guerra como prática jornalística, segundo a perspectiva de pesquisadores do próprio campo acadêmico da Comunicação. Em relação à análise, foi observada, primeiramente, a dimensão argumentativa subjacente às marcas de temporalidades e seus efeitos de sentido e, posteriormente, a construção de imagens dos "personagens" das narrativas midiáticas sobre a Guerra do Golfo. Em seguida, foram analisados os possíveis efeitos de sentido transmitidos por meio do uso de informações de caráter histórico e/ou didático como argumentos para se referir a um acontecimento que emergia naquela atualidade específica. Além disso, foi estudado como a tematização pôde se configurar como uma estratégia de proximidade entre a guerra e o público-leitor brasileiro. Desse modo, foram analisados quais temas foram predominantes na cobertura midiática e, a partir disso, como a Guerra do Golfo se tornou notícia no Brasil, tendo como suporte os dois periódicos supracitados. Buscou-se também discutir a respeito do papel das emoções presentes nas narrativas sobre ofensivas bélicas – ou melhor, analisar uma possível dimensão argumentativa
proveniente da mobilização de elementos que podem carregar certo teor de dramaticidade. Os resultados desta pesquisa mostram que as emoções são um dos componentes principais das narrativas de guerra, sobretudo descrições detalhadas e por determinados ditos relatados, o que pode ser considerado uma estratégia de captação e de pregância. Além disso, predominou uma narrativa em torno de "uma luta do bem contra o mal", a partir da constituição de uma imagem agressiva do Iraque de Saddam Hussein e de uma representação "salvadora" dos Estados Unidos de George Bush, o que foi verificado especialmente por meio dos ditos relatados atribuídos aos agentes envolvidos no acontecimento da Guerra do Golfo. Dessa forma, foi possível identificar certa parcialidade na cobertura midiática dos impressos analisados.

This research aims to analyze the discursive aspects of the narratives of the Brazilian printed coverage about the Gulf War (1990-1991). More specifically, it intends to investigate the discursive strategies used by the Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo newspapers to bring the war event closer to the reality of the Brazilian reader. Thus, it was analyzed the constitution of the mediatic frames of the Gulf War and their possible effects of meaning, observing a possible influence of a communication situation in the construction of these narratives, especially with regard to the constitution of the event and its actors. To answer the problematization that moves this work, a dialogue was established between the studies of Discourse Analysis of the French line with those of the Communication – more precisely, the main theoretical and methodological apparatus adopted was the Semiolinguistic Theory, by the French researcher Patrick Charaudeau, in relation to some concepts from the journalistic field (such as the theoretical reflections around the frameworks and the criteria of noticiability), as well as the notions about the Argumentative Dimension, postulated by Ruth Amossy, which were also essential for the analysis. For a better contextualization and understanding of the intentions that rule the Communication Contract, it was explained about the event of the Gulf War according to some authors in the field of Political Sciences and International Relations, besides what is already known about war journalism as a journalistic practice, according to the perspective of researchers from the academic field of Communication itself. In relation to the analysis, we first observed the argumentative dimension underlying the temporality marks and their effects of meaning and, later, the construction of images of the "characters" of the media narratives about the Gulf War. Then, we analyzed the possible effects of meaning transmitted through the use of historical and/or didactic information as arguments to refer to an event that emerged in that specific actuality. In addition, it was studied how thematization could be configured as a strategy of proximity between the war and the Brazilian public- reader. In this way, we analyzed which themes were predominant in media coverage and, from this, how the Gulf War became news in Brazil, according to the two newspapers mentioned. It was also sought to discuss the role of the emotions present in narratives about war offensives – or rather, to analyze a possible argumentative dimension from the mobilization of elements that can carry a certain content of drama. The results of this research show that emotions are one of the main components of war narratives, especially detailed descriptions and certain reported speaks, which can be considered a strategy of capture and
pregancia. In addition, a narrative about "a fight of good versus evil" was predominated, accordding to the constitution of an aggressive image of Saddam Hussein's Iraq and of a "saving" representation of the George Bush's United States, which was verified especially through the speaks reports attributed to the agents involved in the event of the Gulf War. In this way, it was possible to identify a certain partiality in the media coverage of the analyzed newspapers.

(Tanıtım Bülteninden)
"Arap İsyanları Güncesi", Kuzey Afrika ve Ortadoğu'daki değişimi Türkiye'de en yakından izleyen habercilerden birinin, 3 yıl süresince Tunus, Mısır, Libya ve Suriye'ye gerçekleştirdiği seyahatlerde şahit oldukları üzerine kaleme aldığı bir kitap.

Can Ertuna, Tunus'ta hükümeti deviren eylemlerden, Mısır'da birbirinin peşi sıra gelen iki iktidar değişikliğinin öyküsüne, Libya'daki çöl savaşlarından, Halep'teki kanlı sokak çatışmalarına, İstanbul-Hatay arasındaki "cihat ekspresi"nden, Türkiye-Suriye sınırında yaşananlara kadar birçok olayı, tanıklıklarına, aktarımlara, belgelere dayanarak anlatıyor. Meydanları dolduranların mücadeleleri, rejimlerin sonunu hazırlayan toplumsal koşullar ve uluslararası güç çekişmesinin seyri çerçevesinde, objektif bir habercilik diliyle aktarılıyor.

В основе данной публикации лежит исследование, проведенное автором среди российских и зарубежных журналисток, освещавших военные конфликты. В статье проанализированы причины, побудившие женщин согласиться на опасные командировки, а также влияние работы в «горячих точках» на
профессиональные и личностные качества. Отдельно рассматривается воздействие опасных командировок на эмоциональное состояние, выделяются признаки посттравматического стрессового расстройства. Также респонденты перечисляют трудности, с которыми им пришлось столкнуться при освещении вооруженных конфликтов, а также называют примеры гендерной дискриминации.


The basis of this publication is the research conducted by the author among Russian and foreign female journalists who had covered the military conflicts. The reasons that encouraged journalists to agree to dangerous assignments have been analyzed in the article. The author paid the attention to the influence of work in “hot spots” on journalists’ professional and personal qualities. Also the respondents have named the difficulties of covering military conflicts and have given the examples
of gender discrimination.

In this book, the author examines the media coverage of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict by six Polish media outlets in 2014 and 2015. Using content analysis and in-depth interviews, the author explores how cultural and historical factors, as well as the national security threat to Poland, affected the media image of the conflict. Despite differences in editorial line, level of political parallelism and type of medium, the Polish media largely spoke with one voice. Interviews with journalists uncover how they view their role in reporting on the conflict, and how national prejudices had an impact on their work. The military and economic threat to Poland, resulting from Russia’s actions, was the dominant tool of domestication used by the media to bring the dispute closer to the public.

Politicians often say “To win information war is not half way to victory, it is the victory itself.” In this study I am describing Russian-Georgian 5-day war in 2008. I am using Jowett & O’Donnell’s 10-step plan to analyse propaganda to examine both sides of the conflict. Russian and Georgian sides were both active in engaging psychological warfare and psychological operations (PSYOP). Russia was using cyber war by blocking Georgian newspaper and NGO websites as well as official networks such as president Saakasvili’s website. Georgian hackers were blocking Russian news agencies’ websites. Russian newspapers were using personification by making Georgian president a war criminal and mentally instable person. Georgia was aiming most of its PSYOP to neutrals as well as home audience being successful in it by employing a small army of international PR personnel. Russia had no problem defeating Georgia militarily but when it comes to war of images, the task was much more difficult. The West still remembers the situation in Chechnya or more recent, Russia’s diplomatic crisis in Estonia were Russian hackers were blocking official web-sites in Estonia and Estonian diplomats were attacked in Moscow. Foreign investments decreased in Russia after Georgian conflict and although president Medvedev denies this having nothing to do with the conflict, even super power like Russia understands the language of money.

Neither Georgia nor Russia has free press according to Press Freedom Index 2011-2012. Nationalism has increased in Russia and even opposition newspapers use self-censorship in their reporting, In Georgia president and other official government officials were quoted the most in international newspapers. The Five Day War was very complicated, it was long difficult to access information and this resulted partly to why Georgia won the world's sympathy. However according to European Unions committee to investigate the war, all sides of the conflict (Russia, Georgia and South Ossetia) were proven to have committed crimes against humanity. No one was innocent in this conflict. However one side is portrayed as one. How was Georgia able to win the information war?

The obvious reason is the ”underdog” position as being minor actor when considering military power and the smaller size of the state. Georgia as a very small country had virtually no chance against mighty Russia using as in many Western news-papers described "overestimated power" against Georgia. This however does not mean that Georgia was innocent in the conflict, which is the image left in the Western world.  Georgia’s main messages in PSYOP were being a democratic state fighting against Russia for human rights, freedom and other European and Western values. Georgia wanted to present itself as a European state and Russia attacking Europe and Western world. This can be seen as reminder of Soviet Union era. Russia’s PSYOP messages were more practical by stating that Georgia’s attack was illegal and Russia was protecting its civilians in South Ossetia whom Georgia had attacked. In Russian rhetoric both to home audiences and neutrals there were ex-pressions such as genocide, ethnic cleansing, mass murder and humanitarian conflict. By doing so Russian side adapted similar rhetoric used by UN and NATO.  In Russian PSYOP to home audiences the war was personalized to president Saakasvili.

I will use different studies about Russian newspapers reporting on the war as well as a research about Russian psychological warfare. I use also a research about the rhetoric Russian and Georgian presidents were using during the conflict. I will bring out journalists' point of view by presenting the gatekeeper theory. Who writes stories in conflicts and who chooses which of the news are published and therefore which ankles of the conflict frame our views on that situation? In a war situation this is relevant because information is difficult to get and it is always been affected either by propaganda from both sides of the conflict, journalist's personal background and cultural effects or the news agency’s agenda. With this study I want to show the reasons behind why Georgia won the information war in the Five Day War.

Se trata de un análisis del marco normativo de los crímenes de guerra en el derecho internacional, utilizando ejemplo casuísticos. Asimismo, el trabajo realiza un análisis de los hecho y las consecuencias jurídicas del ataque al Hotel PAlestina de Bagdag en el que murió, entre otros, el camarógrafo de Telecinco, José Couso.

Resumo: Este trabalho propõe realizar um resgate teórico daquilo que já se sabe sobre a especialização jornalística denominada de Jornalismo de Guerra. Sendo assim, a ideia consiste em expor a história da cobertura midiática de conflitos armados no mundo e no Brasil-desde os tempos mais remotos até a atual era tecnológica. Além disso, o trabalho visa também a observar algumas características teóricas e práticas do Jornalismo de Guerra, atentando-se especialmente aos desafios da profissão além dos campos de batalha, como a censura governamental, por exemplo. Nesse caso, a Análise de Discurso Francesa, especialmente a Teoria Semiolinguística de Patrick Charaudeau, é considerada um bom aparato teórico-metodológico para analisar a questão do discurso produzido pela correspondência de guerra, o que envolve as ideologias, disputas de poder e outros fatores contextuais que interferem na prática jornalística. Vale ressaltar também que este trabalho objetiva também a auxiliar as futuras pesquisas sobre o tema, uma vez que os estudos acerca do Jornalismo de Guerra (ou da Correspondência de Guerra) ainda são limitados na academia brasileira até o presente momento deste estudo.

Palavras-chave: jornalismo de guerra; correspondência de guerra; jornalismo internacional; jornalismo de guerra no Brasil.

Abstract: This work proposes to realize a theoretical rescue of what is already known about the journalistic specialization called War Journalism. Thus, the idea is to expose the history of the media coverage of armed conflicts in the world and in Brazil-from the earliest times to the present technological era. In addition, the paper also aims to observe some theoretical and practical characteristics of the War Journalism, paying special attention to the challenges of the profession beyond the battlefields, such as government censorship, for example. In this case, the French Discourse Analysis, especially the Semiolinguistic Theory by Patrick Charaudeau, is considered a good theoretical-methodological apparatus to analyze the issue of discourse produced by war correspondence, which involves ideologies, power disputes and other contextual factors which interfere with journalistic practice. It's also worth mentioning that this work also aims to support future research on the subject, since studies about War Journalism (or War Correspondence) are still limited in the Brazilian academy up to the present moment of this study.

Desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX, la cultura digital ha supuesto un revulsivo en el oficio de historiador, que ha encontrado otros cauces para la divulgación de su trabajo. Ello es especialmente visible en el cine de la nueva era Netflix, con una nueva mirada que, desde la microhistoria, busca acercarse a las grandes epopeyas de los acontecimientos, centrándose en quienes los padecen. Analizaremos el premiado filme vasco-andaluz La Trinchera Infinita (2019), centrado en la Guerra Civil española (1931-1939), para reflexionar sobre la construcción de un guion de ficción basado íntegramente en unas historias reales, recogidas en un libro periodístico de 1977. El filme representa el fascismo invisible, en una narración donde la ausencia y la sombra son un personaje más. Y donde gracias a la tecnología digital, se ha conseguido articular un relato que trasciende el hecho de la contienda, hablando, en general, de los miedos de la mente, de la soledad, del riesgo de la autoexclusión de quien mira el mundo a través de un agujero.

В статье рассматриваются отношения СМИ и правительства США
во время войны во Вьетнаме (1957–1975). В поле зрения автора входит цензурная политика Белого дома и факты препятствий профессиональной деятельности, с которыми столкнулись журналисты, освещавшие данный конфликт.

The Great War fostered new ways of communication between Italian
officers and soldiers, and among the soldiers themselves. The soldiers, who in
many cases only spoke the regional and local dialects, improved their communicative
skills in Italian. At the beginning of the war, the use of dialects was either
criticized or forbidden. However, after the defeat of Caporetto, dialects
and soldier lingo played a distinct role in propaganda aimed at reinforcing the
resistance of the Italian troops. Within this framework, the essay considers the
war diaries and/or other writings of Lussu, Gadda, Jahier and Mussolini. Communications with their comrades in arms and the linguistic choices of the authors
(three officers and a private, respectively) are investigated. The paper also
shows how these diaries depict the Italian dialects and how they make use or
take record of soldier lingo. The article eventually focuses on trench newspapers.
It demonstrates how much space Jahier’s "L’Astico" provided for dialectal
poems along with soldier lingo and the songs of the soldiers. Jahier similarly
utilizes language in "Il nuovo contadino", a paper addressed to soldiers who had
returned home from the trenches.

Tanner Mirrlees 


From Katy Perry training alongside US Marines in a music video, to the global box-office mastery of the US military-supported Transformers franchise, to the explosion of war games such as Call of Duty, it's clear that the US security state is a dominant force in media culture. But is the ubiquity of cultural products that glorify the security state a new phenomenon? Or have Uncle Sam and Hollywood been friends for a long time?

Hearts and Mines examines the rise and reach of the US Empire's culture industry -- a nexus between the US's security state and media firms and the source of cultural products that promote American strategic interests around the world. Although the US government and media corporations pursue different interests on the world stage (the former, national security, and the latter, profit), this book documents how structural alliances and the synergistic relationships between them support the production and flow of empire-extolling cultural goods.

Building on and extending Herbert I. Schiller’s classic study of US Empire and communications, Tanner Mirrlees highlights the symbiotic geopolitical and economic relationships between the US state and media firms that drive the production of imperial culture.


Table of Contents

Preface: The Personal is Geopolitical

Acknowledgments

Introduction: The US Empire’s Culture Industry, circa 2012

1. The US Empire and the Culture Industry

2. Public Diplomacy and Selling the American Way to the World

3. The US Culture Industry: Still Number One

4. The DOD--News Media Complex

5. The DOD--Hollywood Complex

6. The DOD--Digital Games Complex

Conclusion: US Empire, Cultural Imperialism, and Cultural Policy, at Large

References

Index


Reviews

"A great achievement and timely contribution to the field, Hearts and Mines will rise to the top of all reading lists on the subject of media and empire, US hegemony, and the political economy of communication."

-- Richard Maxwell, co-author of Greening the Media

"A fascinating, provocative book that invigorates our understanding of the relationship between the culture industries and US empire. Mirrlees detonates prevailing myths about the ‘liberal bias’ of popular culture through a meticulous excavation of how imperial political interests, values, and objectives are woven into the production of news, cinema, and digital gaming. Hearts and Mines will change how you think about the politics of culture."

-- Shane Gunster, author of Capitalizing on Culture: Critical Theory for Cultural Studies

Das Experiment zeigt, dass die Verwendung von Kriegsbildern die Bewertung einer militärischen Intervention durch Schüler_innen beeinflusst. Grundlage dafür ist der konstruierte Konfliktfall des Sudanesisch-Äthiopischen Bürgerkrieges. Der Beitrag versucht zu klären, ob Bilder das Potenzial besitzen, militärische Gewalt zu legitimieren. Die Analyse legt einen bewussteren Umgang mit Bildern in der Berichterstattung nahe. Es wird auch diskursiv die aktuelle Debatte über die Wirkung von Kriegsbildern wiedergegeben.

Αντικείμενο της εργασίας αποτελεί η τρομοκρατία και το πώς έχει μετεξελιχθεί ο χαρακτήρας της, σε ένα σύγχρονο παγκοσμιοποιημένο περιβάλλον και υπό το πρίσμα της ραγδαίας τεχνολογικής ανάπτυξης. Επιχειρείται να ερμηνευτεί ο τρόπος που, τελικά, τα νέα μέσα και η ανάδυση των social media επηρέασαν καθοριστικά τη δράση των τρομοκρατικών οργανώσεων. Υπογραμμίζεται, ακόμη, η σημασία της στρατηγικής επικοινωνίας και η χρήση της ως όπλο στην επικοινωνιακή αρένα των τρομοκρατών. Έμφαση δίνεται, τέλος, στον προπαγανδιστικό μηχανισμό που διαθέτει το Ισλαμικό Κράτος (ISIS) και στο πώς αξιοποίησαν οι μαχητές του τις δυνατότητες που τους δίνουν τα νέα μέσα, γενικότερα, καθώς και τα μέσα κοινωνική δικτύωσης (Facebook, Twitter, Telegram, Tik Tok, Youtube κ.α), ειδικότερα, προκειμένου να διασπείρουν το φόβο, να γνωστοποιήσουν το αφήγημά τους ταχύτερα και σε μεγαλύτερα ακροατήρια, αλλά και να στρατολογήσουν νέα μέλη.

Η ΠΑΡΟΥΣΑ ΕΡΕΥΝΗΤΙΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΟΠΟΙΗΘΗΚΕ ΣΤΑ ΠΛΑΙΣΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΠMΣ "ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ" ΜΕ ΕΙΔΙΚΕΥΣΗ ΤΗΝ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΑ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ, ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ "ΘΕΩΡΙΑ ΣΥΓΧΡΟΝΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΕΣ" ΚΑΙ ΥΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΙΒΛΕΨΗ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΔΑΣΚΟΝΤΑ ΚΑΘΗΓΗΤΗ ΒΕΓΛΗ ΑΝΔΡΕΑ.

This is an authors' draft of a chapter in Reporting Human Rights, Conflicts, and Peacebuilding: https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-10719-2#toc

Since 2011, the international media have done much to highlight the suffering of civilians in the on-going war in Syria, through innovative forms of reporting such as VR journalism and news games. However, by the end of 2016, questions were being raised about a number of high-profile news stories, such as the use of chemical weapons, the role of the ‘White Helmets’ relief workers and the bombing of Aleppo and other cities. Amid the claims and counter- claims of propaganda and ‘fake news’, news audiences glimpsed shifting and clashing explanatory framings of the Syrian war. A conflict that had initially been understood against the background of the ‘Arab Spring’ began to be seen as complicated by sectarian religious tensions, the rise of Islamic State, opaque factional and regional alliances, and international tensions reminiscent of the Cold War. An imperative to establish a moral framework for the story seemed to preclude more complex and searching questions about the motivations and actions of local and international actors.

'Kingdom's Edge' is a collection of photographs by photo-journalist Richard Humphries, focusing on Thailand's troubled deep South. The collection was compiled over a ten-year period.

The introduction to the collection is by Gerard McDermott.

'The collection captures the colourful and, at times, clashing identities and traditions of different peoples living together, yet separately; their histories and cultures sometimes overlapping, and sometimes conflicting. Some of the photos use allusions, symbolism and subtle references, while others make a virtue of plainness and immediacy. Richard's work maintains either a respectful intimacy or a sympathetic distance: at times, raw and immediate; at other times, detached.' - Gerard McDermott

Journalists played and still play an important role when they report about wars and thereby provide information about battles and campaigns from all around the globe. Very often, journalists have thereby shaped the way in which wars were perceived or interpreted ...

Female war reporters from belligerent and neutral countries were present in the major war theatres in Europe and the Middle East throughout 1914 to 1918. While admission of journalists to the war zones was severely restricted by the Allies and Central Powers, a considerable number of women managed to access the frontlines or their vicinities and to publish their eyewitness accounts and photographs in well-known newspapers and magazines. Still, studies of female war reporters are rare and women are conspicuously absent from the leading surveys of war correspondents. This article outlines the diversity of female war reporting during the First World War from a comparative and transnational perspective.

While sexual violence is a threat to both men and women in war and conflict, cases concerning male victims are largely absent in the public discussion, and women’s vulnerability is regularly assumed. This chapter suggests that gendered policies and practices for journalists’ safety in the field of conflict reporting are influenced by a male aggressor/female victim paradigm, underestimating the vulnerability of male colleagues and discriminating against women. The result is limited professional leeway for female staff and underreporting of assaults for both men and women. Dominant masculinities in the editorial leadership exist and influence decision making and routines, regardless of gender participation.

After William H. Russell, the Irish reporter for The Times of London and Ferdinando Petruccelli della Gattina, the forerunner of American reportage and correspondent for La Presse – defined by Indro Montanelli as “the most brilliant Italian journalist of the nineteenth century”– the twentieth century saw protagonists Luigi Barzini and Arnaldo Fraccaroli, both war correspondents for Corriere della Sera. These two correspondents are in the focus of this study that seeks to trace the career path, the style and the descriptive accuracy of the most important Italian reporters on that terrible occasion.
Barzini, who had already witnessed some conflicts from 1899 for the newspaper from Solferino street – and continued to describe the wars until 1921 – had a great capacity for work that allowed him to write his articles at night after a day spent at the front. Reports, rich in detail and wrapped in an aura of unmatched descriptions, were written by an exceptional journalist, whose value was confirmed by the major European powers of the time through awards and honorary titles.
During the war Barzini published several essays and memoirs including Scene della grande guerra (1915), Al Fronte (1915) and La guerra d’Italia. Dal Trentino al Carso (1917). The intention of this paper is to show, through the stories of Barzini and Fraccaroli, the intensity of the commitment of the Italian journalists, who were recognized among the most precise and brilliant ones.

During the Vietnam War, American planes dropped more bombs on Cambodia than had fallen in all of Europe during World War II. The event marks a key moment in the secretive expansion of U.S. military power, and this article looks at how mainstream journalism helped create the discursive conditions that abetted this expansion. After an explication of the historical and theoretical rationales for studying the relation between journalism and U.S. military power, this article analyzes Time magazine's coverage of Cambodia from 1969 to 1973 and finds that the American press at the time was not discursively configured to critique the U.S. military-diplomatic apparatus. The article analyzes the depiction of Cambodia as a theater of war and argues that most critiques of the bombing were limited to President Richard Nixon's quality of character, providing a locus that prevented more systemic critiques from emerging.

This study uses mixed methods to examine the state of trauma journalism education at journalism programmes. The survey of 623 faculty members from the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (AEJMC)-accredited institutions reveals a gap in training that leaves prospective journalists ill-prepared to cover domestic and international violence and disasters. An analysis of journalism curricula shows most universities, if they teach trauma journalism at all, do so only in an introductory manner while covering other subjects such as interviewing and ethics. Finally, qualitative interviews with journalism faculty and professional journalists who have covered trauma provide further context supporting the need for specific resources. The study offers recommendations for supporting trauma journalism education and introducing it to journalism curricula.

The Falklands War marks a turning
point in war journalism. The islands
location at 464 kilometers from the
Argentine coast and more than 12,700
kilometers from the British caused the
military to exercise information censorship
and allow access to a few correspondents.
This paper uses a qualitative
methodology based on in-depth interviews
to Argentine correspondents who
covered the conflict to get a new vision
through unpublished testimonies. The
article concludes that there was a manipulative
attempt, although it is clear there
was an incoordination between the military
controls regarding the censorship
criteria

Medieforskare från fyra länder har analyserat hur konflikten mellan Ryssland och Ukraina beskrivs i ledande medier. Forskarna kommer från både Ukraina och Ryssland, men också från två grannländer som berörs indirekt – Polen och Sverige. Rapporten kommer från Södertörns Högskola, den är finansierad med stöd från MSB.

Kemal Gökhan Gürses'in önce Radikal gazetesinde günlük olarak çizdiği, sonrasında da kitaplaştırdığı Ayşegül Savaşta, Irak Şahini isimli çizgi romanın analizi ve Kemal Gökhan Gürses ile yapılan bir röportajı içeriyor yazı. Yeni Serüven dergisinde yayımlanan yazı Türkiye'de muhabirlik, kadın gazeteciler, savaş muhabirliği, ırak savaşında yaşananlar gibi pek çok konuya değiniyor.

Esta ponencia fue defendida el 25 de mayo de 2017 en la Facultad de Ciencias de la Información de la Universidad de Málaga, en el seno del congreso "Periodismo Literario y Guerra Civil: El reportaje y las guerras civiles a través del tiempo" y dentro del panel "Early Civil War Journalism/Primeras coberturas informativas de guerras civiles".
Desde el origen de la historia, las guerras civiles han producido un ingente material escrito a través del que los contendientes pretendían legitimar su causa y denunciar la del enemigo, durante la contienda, o bien explicar su versión de los hechos, dándole un carácter canónico, después de la misma. Esto fue así desde las guerras civiles de las últimas décadas de la República romana hasta los conflictos de nuestros días, como la actual guerra civil siria cuyo final no terminamos de vislumbrar. Fueron los cronistas, periodistas y reporteros los que lentamente empezaron a aportar un punto de vista humano a la narración de estos sucesos, dándole un carácter diferente a la mera relación de noticias breves.
La guerra, como fenómeno dramático y violento especialmente habitual en la historia humana, espoleó el desarrollo y difusión de la prensa escrita a lo largo de la historia moderna, y esto se manifestó especialmente en la España del XVIII tanto en una de las primeras grandes contiendas civiles de la historia española, como la Guerra de Sucesión, como en los demás choques internacionales en los que se vio envuelto Felipe V a lo largo de su reinado.
Esta ponencia pretende ofrecer un punto de partida a la historia de la estrecha relación entre prensa y guerra civil en un momento tan prematuro como la Guerra de Sucesión española, y así servir de prólogo a las demás aportaciones del congreso “Periodismo literario y Guerra Civil”, que tratan temas de historia contemporánea, destacando la Guerra de Secesión, la Guerra Civil española y los conflictos del presente. Este texto busca plantear una perspectiva anterior a la revolución industrial y los avances que conllevó para la evolución del periodismo de guerra.
Desde el último tercio del siglo XVII y sobre todo durante el reinado de Felipe V, distintos medios de comunicación fueron consolidándose tanto en la corte de Madrid como en las principales ciudades de la monarquía española, destacando la célebre Gaceta de Madrid o la Gaceta de Barcelona, que en plena Guerra de Sucesión se transformó en el Diario del Sitio de Barcelona hasta que éste concluyera en 1714, o la Gaceta de Granada de 1706, uno de los periódicos más antiguos de Andalucía.
Partiendo de fuentes de primera mano de este tipo, podemos tratar de responder, entre otras muchas, preguntas como: ¿se puede apreciar una evolución en la prensa desde el principio de la contienda y del reinado de Felipe V hasta su final? ¿Tenían más peso las noticias que llegaban de fuera de España que las que se producían en suelo peninsular? ¿Qué sabemos de los autores? ¿Podemos encontrar diferencias entre los autores españoles y los extranjeros? ¿Hasta qué punto es posible ver un carácter literario en los escritos periodísticos y las crónicas de esta época? ¿Cuál fue la relación entre prensa y propaganda? ¿Qué impacto han tenido las publicaciones de entonces en el imaginario colectivo y la memoria política actual?
Para este análisis seguiremos la obra de autores como Elisabel Larriba, especializada en historia de la prensa del XVIII, o Agustí Alcoberro y Xevi Camprubí, que realizaron el estudio introductorio de la edición de 2009 del Diario del Sitio y Defensa de Barcelona de 1713-1714 a cargo de Mireia Campadabal.

The Arab uprisings ushered a new era of radical change and conflict. Mass demonstrations that spread across the Arab world in 2010 led to the fall of governments in Egypt and Tunisia, civil war in Libya, and political unrest in various other countries. Amongthesecountries,Syriahasperhapsfacedthemostunexpectedoutcomesyet.Beginning with peaceful anti-government protests in March 2011, the crisis in Syria has dragged on for several years, resulting in the death of more than a quarter million people and became one of the most gruesome wars in modern history. Besides the casualties, the Syrian war has displaced an estimated nine million people (Migration Policy Center 2014).

Le 17 janvier 1991, le monde entier regardait avec stupéfaction à la télévision les premières images en direct du bombardement en Irak par la coalition occidentale lors de l'Opération Tempête du désert au plus fort de la guerre du Golfe. Pour la première fois de l'histoire, le public mondial a suivi un conflit armé en direct 24 heures sur 24 grâce à la couverture quotidienne de la chaîne américaine CNN. Douze ans plus tard, la même chose s'est produite lors de l'invasion de l'Irak : à travers des télévisions dans leurs maisons, le public a suivi le spectacle d'images de la destruction de la guerre dans les cieux et le désert irakiens.

Bu makalenin ana gayesi, medyanın ve asker ilişkisinin günümüzde geldiği aşamayı halk ve asker ile iktidar arasındaki denge bağlamında ortaya koymaktır. On dokuzuncu yüzyılda teknolojik yenilikler medyayı geliştirdi ve savaşı değiştirdi. Bu gelişmeler neticesinde Kırım Savaşı ile başlayan savaş muhabirliği günümüzün belirsiz ve şiddeti yüksek sınırlı savaşlarında gittikçe daha tehlikeli bir ortamda yürütülmeye devam edilmektedir. Bununla birlikte medya faktörü savaş planlayıcıları açısından değerlendirilmesi gereken bir etken haline geldi. Tarihi gelişim içinde savaşlarda muhabirlerin askerlerle ilişkilerini düzenleyen üç farklı uygulama ortaya çıktı. Bunlar akreditasyon ve havuz sistemi ile iliştirilmiş gazeteciliktir. Asker-medya ilişkilerinde askerlerin harekâtın gizliliğine önem vermeleri, medyanın ise haber alma özgürlüğü talepleri doğal bir çatışma yaratmaktadır. Söz konusu çatışmayı çözecek formül olarak iliştirilmiş gazetecilik sistemi gazetecilerin cepheye erişimini kolaylaştırırken haberlerin etki altında yapılması eleştirisi ile karşılaştı.

The chapter is from Ristovska, S. (2021) Seeing Human Rights: Video Activism as a Proxy Profession. Cambridge, MIT Press. The open access book is available at https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/seeing-human-rights ABSTRACT: As video becomes an important tool to expose injustice, an examination of how human rights organizations are seeking to professionalize video activism through video production, verification standards, and training. The result, the book argues, is a proxy profession that helps legitimize video's potential to serve distinct policy functions while brokering human rights voices in journalism, the law, and political advocacy.

Dieses Buch fragt nach der spezifisch visuellen Rhetorik des Fernsehjournalismus und versteht Fernsehnachrichtenmacher als Instanzen der strategischen Selbstdarstellung, die für sich ein professionelles, seriöses und glaubwürdiges Image reklamieren. Untersucht wird dies am Beispiel des Irakkriegs 2003, der als ein ausgesprochener Bilder- und Fernsehkrieg gilt, in dem um die Gunst der Fernsehzuschauer gerungen wurde. Die Berichterstattung von ARD, RTL, n-tv und CNN International an den ersten Tagen des Krieges macht die feinen Unterschiede in der Image-Darstellung deutlich. Diese beziehen sich etwa auf den Auftritt von Kriegskorrespondenten als Augenzeugen, auf die Beobachtung oder Aufführung des Kriegsgeschehens in der Liveberichterstattung oder auf die Nutzung des Studios oder des Kriegsschauplatzes als Schaubühne für die Selbstinszenierung.

Born from colonialist and postcolonialist affronts and affinities with European and North American traditions, as well as from specific nationalistic needs, cultural as well as political, Latin American literary journalism is arguably a direct product and process of a people's volatile past. Be it a specific reportaje, testimonio or crónica, these reportages stoke more often than calm the political and social unrest frequently associated with the development of South and Central America. Practised by a number of prominent writers discussed here – Gabriel García Márquez, Rodolfo Walsh, Elena Poniatowska, Euclides da Cunha, Miguel Barnet, Antonio Callado, Leila Guerriero, Mário Neves, Judith Torrea, Tomás Eloy Martínez, Patrícia Campos Mello, Mario Vargas Llosa, as well as Ryszard Kapuscinski and Charles Bowden – Latin American literary journalism documents the continents’ many civil wars, revolutions, dictatorships, pogroms and cartel turf wars in the hope that readers today will learn from the past and avoid repeating it.

The paper at hand attempts to interpret a female war journalist's, the protagonist's, Sarah Goodwin's, decision to return to war zones after surviving a near-death experience in Time Stands Still, by Donald Margulies, (2010). The play starts with the protagonist's strong assertion that she is endangering her life working in different war zones just to help the victims of wars by showing the world pictures of their suffering. After surviving a deadly road-bomb accident, Sarah Goodwin decided to settle down at home and never return to dangerous zones. However, after six months of recovery, this female war journalist decided to return to war zones. The present study finds it intriguing to speculate on Sarah Goodwin's determination to return to such zones at such a time of her life. Through consulting some aspects of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and different aspects of Jacques Lacan's words on photography, lack, and absence, the present study concludes that the protagonist's desire to go back to war zones does not just help show the world pictures of wars victims' suffering, but it helps the protagonist construct her own identity. Photography/war journalism becomes a medium through which Sarah Goodwin asserts her identity as a human being as she cannot fulfill her feminine role as a nurturer in a patriarchal society. The audience realizes that through photography, the protagonist projects her sense of lack and pain and attempts to attain some sense of wholeness.

According to both UNESCO and NGOs working to protect the safety of journalists, the security situation for reporters and media workers in conflict zones has deteriorated greatly during the past decade. The present authors have undertaken a combined method of survey and in-depth interviews with one hundred journalists and editors in the field of war and conflict reporting in seven countries to discover whether, and how, they perceive the recent increase in threats and attacks against journalists at work in conflict zones. The study aims in particular to focus on the consequences such environmental security constraints have for the journalistic output in general, and sets out to map in detail editors and journalists’ security routines prior to fieldwork and the aftereffects suffered from attacks.