Liberalization

The telecom regulator in Guyana, with the backing of the Government, introduced competition in the mobile market sector in the year 2006. However, the fixed-line market and the international telecom sector in Guyana has been dominated by a 40-year (monopoly) license that holds exclusivity over landline voice, data connectivity (internet) and international voice and data access.
The telephone company, GT&T has, over its life, made contributions to the national economy while creating the opportunity for its own expansion and growth as well as the international expansion of its parent company.
This quantitative correlational study analyzed the results of a web based and face-to-face survey to quantify the value of the telecoms monopoly (i.e. fixed-line market and international telecom sector) to Guyana, a developing country.
This research found that there is no significant relationship between telecom monopoly in the country and Guyana’s economy. The study has shown that the impact of liberalization will neither negatively impact the economic well-being of the national economy of Guyana nor that of the incumbent, GT&T.
This study also supported the hypothesis that there is significant impact of telecoms market liberalization on the satisfaction of the telecoms subscribers in Guyana. The study further concluded that there is significant difference in the satisfaction experienced from telecom services between the male population and the female population of Guyana.
This study also concludes that customers’ acceptance of and satisfaction with liberalization is directly correlated to their satisfaction with the company’s products, its customer care and quality of service – which are usually the factors that influence customers’ willingness to pay higher prices with the converse being true for lower prices.

The question of who wins or loses in the policy process lies at the heart of recent research into both interest groups and public policy. However, one of the most difficult challenges when empirically analysing interest groups consists in knowing exactly how to measure their influence: despite the fact that this question has been addressed by political scientists for decades, significant problems remain regarding both the conceptual definition and empirical measurement of influence. In order to develop a better understanding of interest group influence, I recommend as follows: (a) that such influence be conceptualized as a degree of preference attainment; (b) that the degree of generality of the concept be downgraded, by breaking it up on the basis of two fundamental dimensions: the lobbying direction (pro-status quo or anti-status quo) and the policy-making stage (agenda setting; decision making; implementation); (c) to proceed with a manual hand-coding in order to obtain a list of the policy issues around which interest groups lobby; (d) to resort to an expert survey in order to evaluate these issues. This methodological approach is used to empirically measure the influence that Italy’s professional orders had on the liberalization process championed by the second Prodi government in 2006.

This paper seeks to elucidate how foreign direct investment in Pakistan is affecting Human Development index in response to the challenges posed by the globalization. It explores the impact of globalization mainly through increased foreign direct investment on the Pakistan’s social and economic sector and its implications for the Pakistan’s economy in future. The paper analyses the data from 1973 till 2004, covering the era of economic and financial liberalization under globalization. The paper will end with a look at the challenges ahead and ways forward.

In the present paper, it is attempted to empirically verify the impact of economic liberalization on the R&D behaviour of Indian pharmaceutical firms controlling for the effects of several firm specific characteristics including firm size. The results from the Tobit analysis for a sample of firms over the period 1989-90 to 2000-01 indicate that competitive pressure generated by liberalization has worked effectively in pushing Indian pharmaceutical firms into R&D activity. A host of firm characteristics like firm age, size, profitability, intangible assets, export orientation and outward foreign direct investment are also found to be important determinants of innovative activity in the industry. The study suggests several policy measures to further indigenous technological efforts of pharmaceutical firms, which include, removing obstacles that inhibit outward orientation of firms, providing special scheme for small size firms in the overall technology policy for the industry, intensi...

This article is a reflection on empirical data gathered in an ethnographic study of masculinity in a designated slum in urban Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala. This gestures towards possible new scholarly projects for those interested in gender, development, or otherwise critically analysing the well-being of those marginalised in Kerala. This paper seeks to draw attention to processes of gendering specifically located in a slum. I put into dialogue “Kerala-specific” cultural studies, with its emphasis on the state’s political history, and masculinities studies at the interface of a liberalising state. I used the Kudumbashree development programme as an entry point to discuss development in Kerala, the quotidian experiences
of men in the slum and greater questions of value and ethics, all entangled with ideals of masculinity.
Examining masculinity in Kulamnagar brings to light facets of development, while liberalisation
informs new practices of embodying masculinity.

Since his ascension in 1999, King Abdullah II has halted Jordan’s decade-long experiment with political liberalization. However, the new royal incumbent has preserved authoritarian power not through highly visible tools of domination, such as widespread coercion and institutional closure, but rather softer instruments of legal manipulation. Through selective economic reforms, new civil society regulations, and hollow pluralism initiatives, Abdullah’s regime has tightened its control over political opposition while foreclosing the possibility of mass unrest. As a result, ten years after the Hashemite monarchy received its new king, the prospects for democratic change in Jordan remain exceedingly low.

Piece of clothing industry created in India, in genuine sense, from 1970 onwards. From an unassuming start inside the '70s, it's developed into a major industry spread the entire nation. It contributes fundamentally to business age and fare profit; other than fulfilling the household need for dress. The Indian Garment Export Industry's serious quality was confined by multi-Fiber Arrangement (MFA) Quotas. Economic changes were started in India inside the year 1991, initiating the technique for depermitting, de-bureaucratization and de-reservation. The expansive changes started were relied upon to be reflected in expanded fares of the considerable number of wares and all the more explicitly inside the ascent inside the pace of development of Readymade Garments (RMGs), the subject of this study. The present examination is exploratory in nature. an exertion has been made during this investigation to explore the business' fare execution during the examination time frame (1981-82 to 2010-01). since it is plausible to partition this time advantageously into pre and postadvancement periods (1981-82 to 1990-91 and 1990-91 to 2010-01) separately, an exertion is framed to coordinate the fare execution of the business during these two sub-periods. An investigation of the presentation of the business as endeavored during this examination showed that the normal improvement of its exhibition didn't emerge inside the post-progression period. This has been evident from the very reality that, while the extension pace of fare of RMGs had declined in post-progression period, the expansion inside the portion of fare of RMGs in material fares had additionally not been critical

Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Chapter 2: Research Design 4 Definitions 5 Theoretical Review 11 Literature Review 18 Chapter 3: History of the IOC and FIFA 29 Chapter 4: Case Studies 41 Argentina 41 Mexico 50 South Korea 57 China 64 Analysis 74 Conclusion 79

1. INTRODUCTION: The policies must have unique attentiveness to endorse education for all and that too with a flexible method not to, make it so difficult to get in. In adding together, policy maker has to get hold of special initiative so that educated persons should get quality jobs as they deserves. In that case, technological progression in the casual production units will boost up the quality of jobs for the educated persons. This type of technological shift may also show the way to unemployment enticement (especially, loan for self-employment) may be given to intensify the number of the informal units. In the commencement of the planning in our country, the strategy of straight hit on poverty and unemployment was not espoused. Our Government was beneath the intuition that economic growth will drip and routinely it will create employment opportunities. But this filter theory did not work later than the economic planning; straight hit on poverty is completed through the poverty alleviation programmes along withthe data pertaining to employment and poverty make obvious the performance of these incomparable employment generating programmes. The act of major poverty alleviation programmes has made extensive evolution in all sectors of the economy since their commencement. It is analysed that the planning commission has collected data on performance of special employment and poverty alleviation programmes. The too much dependence of the work force on agriculture has resulted into extensive cloaked unemployment, low productivity and poverty in the agricultural sector. The industrial sector constitutes a relatively small source of employment for the people industrial expansion in the country was quite satisfactory and hence labour could be absorbed in the urban industrial pockets. However, the deceleration in the rate of industrial growth since mid 1960s aggravated the problem of industrial unemployment .Lately there has been a propensity for the rural people to wander to cities in hunt of employment .This has led to additional competition in the job market. Another side of urban unemployment is the want for of job opportunities for the educated people and University degree holders and even competently trained people are finding it tricky to get jobs. The Unemployment amongst the educated is mainly due to over stress on conjectural aspects of various subjects. The education system is cutoff from ground realities of the Indian economy. In the urban areas, employment is linked with fluctuations in the state of business, transport and industry. Any change in conditions is reflected in an increase or decrease in employment figures 1 It would be very significant to study the development experience of the Indian economy; more especially with reference to employment .This is because the eventual scrutiny, the growth and quality of employment is the key to the solution of the dilemma of poverty 2. Unemployment is a basic economic problem of India.

The purpose of this article is to evaluate the critique of liberal subject by Foucault in terms of Foucault’s power concepts and to describe liberalization process in Turkey after the1980’s by using a Foucauldian terminology. Stating different types of power in Foucault’s works and in liberal view, this article examines relations between these power concepts and their views about the subject. It can be asserted that Foucault’s critique on subject aims at a form of subject which is shaped by liberal government, according to Foucauldian terms, governing art or governmentality. Therefore themes of liberal government such as freemarket, negative liberty, minimal state or economy-politics evoke the concept of subject which has criticised by Foucault. From this point of view, the article argues whether such a power or subject concept can be seen in Turkey after the 1980s, following the liberalization discourse had spread on political arena, newspapers and even on the citizen’s daily life.

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The advent of liberalisation has clearly changed pay conditions in the firms by making pay more sensitive to
the performance of the firm, irrespective of its size. Changes in the level of sales and in the stock of all past
flows of profits significantly influence the incentive pay rises. With every Rs 100 increase in either sales or
shareholders' wealth, the pay of the CEO increases by 15 paise to 22 paise.

Across many developing countries, the power sector persistently underperforms despite years of market reform efforts. India, where de facto responsibility for the power sector rests with subnational (state) governments, provides a useful laboratory to examine why. The state of West Bengal provides an example of public sector reform as an alternative to the so-called " World Bank template " for electricity liberalization, and a lens on the political preconditions for reform success. Drawing on 30 elite interviews in 2016 alongside comparative evidence from other Indian states, this article documents the reform design and assesses its success. West Bengal's reforms aimed at internally strengthening the utility against political interference. The study finds that this reform model delivered initial performance among the best of any Indian utility, and that successful reforms in several other states were also more statist than often recognized. However, longer-term sustainability remains challenging. While weak rural lobbies had some effect, the study explains this trajectory as the result of the transition from one-party dominance to intensified party-political competition, a finding that resonates with evidence from other Indian states. In contrast to influential political theories developed in the Global North, this suggests that party-political competition does not make Indian politicians more likely to deliver public services, but rather leads to short-termism and political capture of utilities. Conversely, under some conditions one-party dominance can encourage longer-term reforms. The study thus assesses the promise and limits of public sector reforms as an alternative to liberalization, and suggests how electoral competition can influence development priorities in Indian states.

This paper will introduce the idea of ‘wicked’ or ‘messy’ problems, and review the latest ideas on how it can be integrated into curricula and facilitated into our teaching.  We will discuss how the approach fits in with the recent trend towards inter-disciplinary collaboration between university departments, and the stimulation of imaginations, creativity and critical thinking.  We will briefly critique the opportunities and challenges of teaching ‘wicked’ or ‘messy’ problems, considering issues such as: facilitating of students working in small, multi- or transdisciplinary teams; using multiple methodologies in teaching; using effective learning and teaching approaches; and the practicalities of translating research into effective teaching.  Finally, we ask whether communities of practice will naturally evolve, and what role geographers have to play in such developments.

Paper presented to the Royal Geographical Society annual international conference, 31st August 2016.

A conceptually rich, historically informed, and interdisciplinary study of the contentious politics emerging out of decades of authoritarian neoliberal economic reform, The Roots of Revolt examines the contested political economy of Egypt from Nasser to Mubarak, just prior to the Arab Uprisings of 2010–11. Based on extensive fieldwork conducted across rural and urban Egypt, Angela Joya employs an 'on the ground' approach to critical political economy that challenges the interpretations of Egyptian politics put forward by scholars of both democratization and authoritarianism. By critically reassessing the relationship between democracy and capitalist development, Joya demonstrates how renewed authoritarian politics were required to institutionalize neoliberal reforms demanded by the International Monetary Fund, presenting the real-world impact of economic policy on the lives of ordinary Egyptians before the Arab Uprisings.

ABSTRACT. In this present paper we will analyse, from an epistemological
standpoint, the phases of economic and social development in Alvin Toffler’s
perspective. In his works, he analyses economy and society at three distinct levels,
which he calls “waves”.
In Toffler’s view, humankind has passed through two such phases (waves) and
presently it is prepared to enter a third one, the knowledge one.
The way from the first to the current (third) wave was long and difficult, marked by
deep changes in all domains as well as at a mental level. From an agrarian society,
whose primary objective was subsistence, characterizing the first wave, we have now
reached the stage of a society where knowledge has come to the forefront, the third
wave, after having transited the industrial one, has characterized the second wave.
Currently, humanity faces a turning point that Toffler regards as a “quantum leap”
towards a totally different civilisation. The changes of the third wave will be deep
and will eventually open the way to a consciousness society, as Mihai Drăgănescu
calls it in his book “Culture and the knowledge society”, a much subtler and maybe
anti-economic one.
The risks associated to the second wave (the wave of industrialization) are certain
causes of the shift of a paradigm and of the more and more important emphasis on
knowledge. If in the industrial society technology dominated both the economic and
the social levels, in the knowledge society man will dominate technology and will
have the control of the major directions of progress.

This article argues that much of the work on democratization and democratic consolidation is obscured by a conceptual fog, when at the very least some of this confusion could be ameliorated by parsing out components that are obviously liberal in nature. An admission of the importance of liberalization and liberal consolidation as distinctly different in form and measurement from democratization and democratic consolidation are the first steps to better research on the varieties of causation that constitute and propel the dissolution of more authoritarian regimes towards more liberal democratic regimes. Acknowledging that the liberal in liberal democracy is unpopular for some, and that liberal democracy does not necessarily mean American liberal democracy, go a long way to freeing these terms from ethnocentric misconceptions, as well as cementing analytical clarification. Though all modern democracies have both liberal and democratic components, democratic consolidation does not guarantee liberal consolidation.

In the current era of political distrust and ideological extremism, perhaps the only element of modern politics we can all agree upon is its democratic structure – or can we? While democracy is now revered as the only political system which gives value to the opinions and rights of all individuals, in a society plagued by misinformation and manipulation, we are forced to question whether it is really the most just and robust system to let everyone over a certain age to vote, no matter their level of knowledge or exposure to potentially misleading political campaigns. This will be a study of the very essence of democracy; its flaws, its promise, and whether there exists a viable alternative.

Power is shifting from the state towards capital and world financial institutions and arbitrating bodies, in several important policy areas. Partly in response, there has been an expansion in the terrain of protest to include the transnational. "Protest follows power" and the dynamics of global capital (i.e., the spread of markets world-wide) cannot be separated from the dynamics of global social movement activity. Local power spawns local protest, regional power is opposed by regional protest, and now (alongside other factors) the global power of capital has helped engender transnational protest, as well as new forms of local and national activism.
The novelty of the new international-level opposition should not be underestimated. For the first time since the Cold War, "capital" and sometimes even "capitalism" is squarely on the political agenda.

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive, comprehensive, explanatory – that are frequently conflated in answering the question “what is liberalism?” I then discuss assorted methodological strategies employed in the existing literature: after rejecting “stipulative” and “canonical” approaches, I outline a contextualist alternative. On this (comprehensive) account, liberalism is best characterised as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognised as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, over time. In the remainder of the article I present an historical analysis of shifts in the meaning of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950, focusing in particular on how John Locke came to be seen as a liberal. I also explore the emergence of the category of "liberal democracy". I argue that the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the twentieth century, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. This capacious (and deeply confusing) understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences. Today we both inherit and inhabit it.

This paper presents a literature-informed and data-driven critique of the Rice Tariffication policy in the Philippines, in the time of the COVID-19 pandemic that has already disrupted rice supplies and hiked rice prices globally. Gaps in the surveyed literature are complemented by discussing the rationale of rice self-sufficiency in an increasingly volatile, uncertain, complex & ambiguous (VUCA) world, and outlining a roadmap to rice self-sufficiency bolstered by practical policy recommendations to bring the law closer to the Philippine State's declared policy, which is "…to ensure food security and to make the country's agricultural sector viable, efficient and globally competitive."

The problem with the label “deregulation” is that it implies less regulation and that deregulation is commonly framed as something that frees markets from government intervention, suggestive of neoliberalization. In reality, state intervention is a necessary condition for markets to thrive. In this chapters, I discuss three very different cases of what I label regulated deregulation: the electric power industry in New York State, local bus services in Great Britain and Sweden and mortgage securitization in the US and UK. All three cases are commonly labeled as deregulation, but I have tried to show how these cases all have elements of deregulation-as-liberalization but not of deregulation as defined by a reduced role of law and the state. If anything, the liberalization has been enabled, managed and controlled by re/setting rules and re/establishing “an enforcement mechanism designed to control the operation of the system’s constituent institutions, instruments and markets” (Spotton 1999: 971). Neoliberalism is not simply the roll-back of the state. Neoliberalization may involve the roll-back of the welfare state, but at the same time neoliberalism leads to a regulatory explosion (Levi-Faur 2005), indicative of the state widening its net (Cohen 1985), embedding market principles more deeply in the fabric of society (Panitch and Konings 2009). The concept of regulated deregulation enables us to see how liberalization of selective economic agents was only made possible by introducing a new regulatory system that replaced or amended the existing regulatory system. Regulated deregulation allows for the combination of competition and economic incentives on the one hand, and coordination and the regulation authority-led making and shaping of different economic sectors and industries – i.e., regulated deregulation negates the ostensibly contradiction between liberalization and state control. Under regulated deregulation some economic agents are given greater freedom from state control, but the market framework itself is regulated. By problematizing the dominant narrative of deregulation-as-neoliberalization, the concept of regulated deregulation stresses that regulation is not anathema to actually existing neoliberalism. By actively mobilizing regulation, neoliberal agents are creating the conditions of neoliberalization through the state.

Agricultural Land Redistribution: Toward Greater Consensus addresses a major policy dilemma: how to benefit from the development gains agricultural land redistribution is expected to generate while avoiding the losses caused by the highly imperfect ways redistribution is generally implemented. The authors address this issue through a broad historical perspective and a world tour of case studies. They conclude that flexibility is needed when selecting transfer mechanisms, in particular seeking a balance between subsidized market transactions, land taxation, and expropriation; when introducing effective conflict resolution mechanisms during redistribution; when establishing secure property rights for beneficiaries; and when giving support to the new farmers so that they rapidly become competitive. The assessment is sobering; it points to actual gains as well as to numerous unresolved difficulties. The authors rightly note that the lack of solid impact evaluations complicates the task of identifying the best process for successful implementation. This book provides valuable information on a subject that remains incompletely understood, yet central to development.

We have seen in the first part of this article that the unethical behavior of banks, financial institutions and financial agents has been, if not encouraged, at least greatly facilitated by internal and external financial liberalization policies. These have been promoted by a neoliberal ideology conveyed by international organizations and states in most countries of the planet. The financial crisis of 2008, known as the "subprime crisis", whose devastating effects we continue to suffer, has been the product and the revealer of the unethical behavior of private finance. The issue of an assumed return to state intervention in the area of financial regulation, which we are dealing with in this second part, must be backed up by sound scientific argumentation and moral and ethical values that meet the requirements of financial regulation. equal rights, freedom, democracy and respect for the environment.

Balan, despite her prodigious acting talent, is in a position where she has had to be constantly answerable for her body, in a way her male colleagues have never been. Scrutiny from the industry has yielded both praise and scorn. She has been derided for her lack of fashion sense off-screen and praised for the physical com- mitment she brings to her roles on-screen.9 In this essay I argue that Balan’s star image is coded by the shifting aesthetic regimes governing the bodies of women at the turn of the twenty-first century. From representing the counterpoint to the size 0 craze of the early aughts to becoming the poster girl of the anti-body-shaming discourse, Balan embodies the tensions between the beauty ideals of the film industry—and the exacting standards it prescribes for its female celebrities—and the real bodies of women.

In this work we wish to present the keynesian doctrine which give the state an active role on the market. From the idea of full liberalizatino of the market, it returned to the mixed economy that involves, as Keynes proposed, the state and the market, like the main agents of economy.