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Articles

The Complexity of Hate Crime and Bias Activity: Variation across Contexts and Types of Bias

Pages 55-83 | Published online: 26 Oct 2015
 

Abstract

Are racially-motivated hate crimes, non-criminal bias incidents, and general forms of crime associated with the same structural factors? If so, then social disorganization, a powerful structural correlate of general crime, should predict rates of hate incidents. However, tests of social disorganization’s effects on racially-motivated hate crime yield inconsistent results. This study uses data from the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission (PHRC) to explore such inconsistencies. Specifically, we assess the effects of social disorganization across contexts and types of bias motivation using bias incidents over 12 years. The results suggest that (a) social disorganization, particularly residential instability, is robustly correlated with rates of both hate crime and other prejudicial conduct, and that (b) the interactive effects of social disorganization help explain variations in incident rates by motivation type. Specifically, anti-black incidents are most frequent in unstable, homogeneous (i.e. white) and advantaged communities, while anti-white incidents are most frequent in unstable, disadvantaged communities.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1 The terms “hate crime” and “bias crime” are used interchangeably. Additionally, for the sake of brevity and to avoid unnecessary repetition, any reference to “hate crime” throughout this manuscript includes racially- or ethnically-motivated crime unless otherwise noted.

2 In this manuscript, we provide only cursory attention to anti-Semitic and anti-sexual orientation events due to empirical concerns. Population estimates of certain minority groups (e.g. Jews, homosexuals) are inadequately detailed to allow modeling of crime rates. As Berk (Citation1990) states, “For instance, who qualifies as being at risk for a hate-motivated assault against gay people? And how many such people are there? This is important because for crime rates to interpretable, the standardizing base must be sensible.” Census estimates indicate that less than 3% of the population in Pennsylvania is non-heterosexual, but this figure cannot be disaggregated by jurisdiction. Modeling the crime rate as a function of a global constant ignores potentially substantial variation in the population at risk across places. Scholars have for decades cautioned against using inappropriate denominators in the study of crime rates (e.g. Steffensmeier & Harer, Citation1987) and hate crime rates (Berk, Citation1990); doing so can yield distorted or invalid inferences. To err on the side of caution, we restrict our discussion of incident rates to three racial and ethnic groups for which we have reasonably accurate population counts.

3 As an example, 5 of 67 counties (7.5%) reported no hate- or bias-motivated activities from 2000 to 2011 compared to 1,898 of 2,563 municipalities (74.1%). Relying on counties as the unit of analysis may obscure important relationships.

4 The heterogeneity index is included in all analyses because social disorganization theory predicts that heterogeneity should predict all manner of criminal activity within a neighborhood. Accordingly, racial/ethnic heterogeneity should also be an important indicator of other hate crime, including those targeting victims for sexual orientation and other characteristics.

5 Specifically, the 2000 Census measures tenure as residing in the same household since 1995 or before, while the ACS estimates tenure as having lived in the same household for one year or more. Because these measures are clearly not comparable, we opted to avoid averaging the two.

6 We considered the use of zero-inflated models due to the large number of municipalities where no hate activity was reported. However, we opted against this approach. Substantively, researchers must hypothesize why some municipalities are “always zeroes” and why others are “potential zeroes.” There is no theoretical reason to expect why a municipality must have no hate crime. Even municipalities with no minority population could use bias activities to promote in-group solidarity and deter potential immigrants from moving to the area. Methodologically, a test of the zero-inflated model yielded poor model fit. Based on these two points, we decided to use the negative binomial models presented here.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Andrew S. Gladfelter

Andrew S. Gladfelter is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology and Criminology at Penn State. His interests focus on victimization, hate crime, and spatial disparities in crime. His dissertation focuses on the relationships between residential mobility, community context, and criminal victimization. Gladfelter holds a BS in Criminal Justice and MS in Administration of Justice from Shippensburg University of Pennsylvania.

Brendan Lantz

Brendan Lantz is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology and Criminology at Penn State and the Managing Editor for Review at Criminology. His interests focus on group offending, social networks, hate crime, and victimization. He holds a BA in Criminal Justice from SUNY Albany and MA in Crime, Law, and Justice from Penn State.

R. Barry Ruback

R. Barry Ruback is a professor of criminology and sociology at Penn State. He conducts research examining the predictors and effects of sentencing decisions, particularly economic sanctions, and he is the faculty consultant to the Pennsylvania Commission on Sentencing.

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