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First published December 1995

Democratic Peace — Warlike Democracies?: A Social Constructivist Interpretation of the Liberal Argument

THOMAS RISSE - KAPPENView all authors and affiliations
Volume 1, Issue 4
https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066195001004005

Abstract

Democracies are Janus-faced. While they do not fight each other, they are frequently involved in militarized disputes and wars with authoritarian regimes. The article argues that these two empirical findings on the dyadic level are under-theorized. After reviewing the prevailing explanations for the `democratic peace', the article presents a social constructivist perspective starting from the so-called normative approach. To a large degree democracies create their friends and enemies — `us' and `them' — by inferring either defensive or aggressive motives from the domestic structures of their counterparts. On the one hand, they follow behavioural norms externalizing their internal compromise-oriented and non-violent decision rules in their interactions with other democracies. On the other hand, the presumption of potential enmity creates a realist world of anarchy when democratic states interact with authoritarian regimes.

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This is a thoroughly revised version of an article first published in German (Risse-Kappen, 1994a; see also 1994b). The English version was first presented at the International Political Science Association Congress, Berlin, 25-28 August 1994. For comments on the draft I thank Nils Petter Gleditsch, Bruce Russett, several anonymous reviewers of this Journal and the panel participants in Berlin.
1.
1. It is now clear that the crossing of the 38th parallel by the Western democracies constituted the major escalatory move during the Korean War leading to the Chinese intervention (Christensen, 1992).
2.
2. Table 2, for example, which he considers superior to Table 1 relying solely on Correlate of War data, shows no difference between democracies and non-democracies for violence dead as percentage of population (Rummel, 1995).
3.
3. Two points have to made here. First, if general and universal suffrage is considered the most significant criterion for the democratic character of a political system, it should be noted that there were no democracies until approximately 1900. Until that time, women, for the most part, were not allowed to vote. How can one speak of democracies if half the population is excluded from participatory rights? It might well be that gender is relevant for the `democratic peace' finding in the sense that the woman's vote strengthens it (see Brandes, 1994; Russett, 1995: 167, fn. 8). Second, most scholars argue that democracies `rarely' fight each other, since there are some borderline cases depending on how strict the criteria one uses for what constitutes a democracy. According to James Lee Ray (1993), however, none of the alleged `wars among democracies' qualifies, if peaceful change of government following free elections that involve at least 50% of the population is used as the definitional criterion for `democracy.'
4.
4. Layne's treatment of pre-World War I Imperial Germany as a democracy so that World War I was a war among democracies is too grotesque to require a comment by a European scholar. For example, the controversy surrounding Fritz Fischer's work that Layne calls `ideologically tinged' was not about the alleged democratic character of Wilhelmine Germany, but about the domestic causes of World War I and their relative significance compared to other causes of war (Layne, 1994: 41-4).
5.
5. On this point, I agree with Christopher Layne's criticism of the prevailing liberal explanations for the `democratic peace' (Layne, 1994: 7-13; see also Owen, 1994: 90-103).
6.
6. I thank an anonymous reviewer for alerting me to this article.
7.
7. See, for example, John Mearsheimer's recent analysis of `critical theory.' He lumps together very different approaches having allegedly in common the assertion that ideas move the world. See Mearsheimer (1994/95).
8.
8. For a similar point, see Russett (1993: 33). As the above-quoted excerpt from Russett's book shows, however, he appears to argue more from a position which assumes an intrinsic malevolence of at least some authoritarian systems than a socially constructed enmity between democracies and dictatorships.
9.
9. This is not to argue that only liberal democracies form stable international regimes. Rather, I submit that democratic states can overcome obstacles to international cooperation more easily than other types of systems.
10.
10. I thank Mark Laffey for altering me to this point.
11.
11. On this point see the `problem-structural' approach to regime analysis as developed by the Tübingen group (Efinger and Zürn, 1990).
12.
12. In this article, I have deliberately avoided the issue whether the social construction of the democratic peace and the war involvement of democracies only concerns the elite level or must include the level of mass public opinion. I suspect the latter, but am unable to provide a convincing argument. I thank an anonymous reviewer for alerting me to this point.
13.
13. Bruce Russett and Zeev Maoz, for example, operationalize the normative approach via the persistence of a political regime and the level of violent internal conflict. Neither indicator can be regarded as directly and causally linked to norms. In fact, the persistence of political regimes over time can just as well be explained within the `institutional constraints' model (Russett and Maoz, 1993).

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Volume 1, Issue 4
Pages: 491 - 517
Article first published: December 1995
Issue published: December 1995

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THOMAS RISSE - KAPPEN
University of Konstanz
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