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First published January 1998

Institutionalization and Peronism: The Concept, the Case and the Case for Unpacking the Concept

Abstract

The concept of institutionalization is widely employed but often poorly defined in the literature on political parties. This paper argues that `institutionalization' as it is frequently used encompasses a diverse set of meanings that are better thought of as conceptually distinct. The paper examines two phenomena that have been widely associated with institutionalization: `value infusion' and `behavioral routinization'. It uses the case of Peronism in Argentina, which is infused with value but poorly routinized, to demonstrate that these phenomena can vary independently. The paper argues that the failure to make these conceptual distinctions may pose serious problems for causal analysis. As an example, it shows how different conceptions of institutionalization lead to opposing arguments about the relation between institutionalization and the capacity of parties to adapt to changing electoral and policy environments. The paper then examines the distinction between formal and informal routinization with respect to political parties, arguing that many studies of political parties fail to incorporate informally routinized behavior patterns into their conceptions of institutionalization.

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Christopher Ansell, Javier Auyero, David Collier, Sebastian Etchemendy, James McGuire, and Pierre Ostiguy, as well as two anonymous reviewers for Party Politics, made helpful comments on earlier versions of this article.
1 Panel on economic liberalization and the transformation of Latin American party systems at the XIX International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association. See Levitsky (1995) and Roberts (1995).
2 For detailed discussions of the meaning of party and party system institutionalization, see Welfling (1973: 5-13), Janda (1980: 19-28, 143-44), Mainwaring and Scully (1995) and McGuire (1997: 7-12).
3 Janda (1980: 143-4) finds a significant degree of intercorrelation among four of his indicators of institutionalization: party age, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership competition.
4 O'Donnell (1996) makes a similar argument with respect to democratic institutions in many Latin American countries. He notes that whereas democracy itself may be valued and well established in many countries, the internal `games' within those democracies are often quite fluid.
5 It is important to clarify what is meant by `party' in the Peronist case. Following Sartori's (1976: 64) definition of a party as `any political group that presents at elections, and is capable of placing through elections, candidates for public office', I treat as part of the PJ all Peronist organizations whose primary function is to compete for party offices and candidacies. This definition does not encompass non-electoral organizations such as trade unions or the Peronist paramilitary and guerrilla organizations that existed in the 1970s, but it does include the wide range of local `base units', agrupaciones and other informal or semiformal organizations that, though not formally part of the PJ bureaucracy, participate regularly in the competition for PJ candidacies and leadership positions. This distinction is important because the formal PJ bureaucracy has historically been undervalued by Peronists, leading McGuire (1997) to conclude that the PJ is not institutionalized in the value infusion sense. Although McGuire is correct in stating that the party bureaucracy is not infused with value, I find it essential to distinguish sharply between the party bureaucracy and the party as a whole. The bulk of Peronist political activity takes place outside the party bureaucracy, but within other informal party organizations. While Peronists may ignore or circumvent the party bureaucracy, there is no question that they value and invest in the party as a whole.
6 This was arguably not the case in the mid-1970s, when important groups within Peronism - particularly paramilitary groups on the right and left - either ignored the party entirely or sought to use it as a tool for other ends.
7 For example, the Federal Capital PJ altered the party charter (which stipulates that candidates be registered in the district party for 2 years) in 1992, 1993 and 1997 to allow `outsiders' to run as Peronist candidates. A similar modification of the party charter allowed automobile racer Carlos Reutemann and pop singer `Palito' Ortega to run for governor of Santa Fe and Tucuman, respectively, in 1991.
8 In the federal capital in 1992, for example, the PJ modified the party charter to `proclaim' non-party member Avelino Porto the Peronist Senate candidate without an internal election (Clarin, 28 March 1992: 6). In the province of Buenos Aires, internal elections for the 1995 national deputy and mayor candidacies were canceled by the party congress, and the party leadership was given a `special mandate' to name the candidates (Clarin, 18 December 1994: 12-13).
9 Huntingon's (1968) use of the term institutionalization has been criticized in this manner; see Tilly (1973) and Sigalman (1979).
10 Note that the informal formal/informal distinction made in this section applies only to the routinization component of institutionalization.
11 Auyero (1997) aptly characterizes this set of practices as `performing Evita'.
12 For example, in his study of the Democratic Party in the US South, V. O. Key (1949) describes the informal rules and practices that structured intra-party life in the first half of the 20th century. A more recent example is Appleton's (1994) study of French parties, which finds that informal practices are often more important than formal ones in structuring intra-party behavior. Other examples include work on the Daley machine in Chicago (Gosnell, 1968; Rakove, 1975) and the Indian Congress Party (Morris-Jones, 1966; Weiner, 1967). For a discussion of the emergence of informal institutions in a Leninist party, see Jowitt's (1983) work on Soviet `neotraditionalism.'

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Article first published: January 1998
Issue published: January 1998

Keywords

  1. behavior routinization
  2. institutionalization
  3. party adaptation
  4. Peronism
  5. values

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