- Trinidad and Tobago
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Politics, Comparative Politics, Race and Ethnicity, Ethnicity, African Diaspora Studies, Caribbean Studies, and 31 moreEthnicity and National Identity, Elections and Voting Behavior, Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Trinidad and Tobago, One-Party dominance and the Challenges of Development, One Party Dominamce and the Consolidation of Democacy, International Relations, Political Science, Political Sociology, Economic History, World System, Political Theory, Political Philosophy, Latin American and Caribbean History, Caribbean History, OPPOSITION PARTIES, Trinidad & Tobago, Indian Diaspora, Decolonial Thought, Nationalism, Nationalism And State Building, Nationalism and Decolonization, History of Nationalism and Nation-Building, Economic Development, World Systems Analysis, World-Systems Theory, World-Systems, World-Systems Analysis, Historical Change, and History of Development edit
This paper examines the role of ethnicity in the politics of Trinidad and Tobago. It critically considers the Plural Society thesis and the theory that politics is driven by competition between Africans and Indians, the two numerically... more
This paper examines the role of ethnicity in the politics of Trinidad and Tobago. It critically considers the Plural Society thesis and the theory that politics is driven by competition between Africans and Indians, the two numerically largest ethnic groups in the country.
The paper forwards an alternative and more complex model of ethnicity and politics – consisting of at least nine groups, with smaller and “hidden” ethnicities playing important roles, the African and Indian groups consisting of important sub-groups, and alliances among these groups being much more fluid than conceptualized by the dominant theoretical models. In addition, ethnicity, while playing an important role in politics, also co-exists with other drivers of politics such as region, ideology, class, religion, policy issues, and perceptions of corruption.
A detailed history of politics in Trinidad and Tobago is given within this framework, and some important questions and misconceptions about ethnicity and politics in Trinidad and Tobago are addressed.
The paper forwards an alternative and more complex model of ethnicity and politics – consisting of at least nine groups, with smaller and “hidden” ethnicities playing important roles, the African and Indian groups consisting of important sub-groups, and alliances among these groups being much more fluid than conceptualized by the dominant theoretical models. In addition, ethnicity, while playing an important role in politics, also co-exists with other drivers of politics such as region, ideology, class, religion, policy issues, and perceptions of corruption.
A detailed history of politics in Trinidad and Tobago is given within this framework, and some important questions and misconceptions about ethnicity and politics in Trinidad and Tobago are addressed.
Research Interests:
Political Sociology, Comparative Politics, Racial and Ethnic Politics, Black/African Diaspora, Political Anthropology, and 15 morePolitical Science, Politics, Caribbean Studies, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Ethnic Conflict, Ethnic Conflict and Civil War, International political sociology, Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts, Trinidad and Tobago, Ethnicity and National Identity, Ethnic politics, Ethnicity and Developmnet, PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE IN A RELIGIOUS PLURALISTIC SOCIETY., Ethnicity and Nationality, and Plural Societies
This paper will place Indian indentureship in its wider historical context as part of the historically central, long plunder of India by outside forces, and not simply an isolated, peripheral occurrence related to the end of slavery. This... more
This paper will place Indian indentureship in its wider historical context as part of the historically central, long plunder of India by outside forces, and not simply an isolated, peripheral occurrence related to the end of slavery. This gives a different meaning to the presence of the girmitiya diaspora in the various countries where they are found. The paper proposes that Indian indentureship is intimately tied to the opium trade and the East India Company, as impoverished Indians were essentially economic refugees, trafficked to the plantations of Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, Fiji, South Africa, and up and down the Caribbean in the aftermath of slavery. This human trafficking was also organized by the rapacious East India Company. Indentureship is also tied to the destruction of the historically central East India Company by its own Sepoys in the 19th century, and also to the beginning of the global decolonisation movement by the Indian nationalist movement in the 20th century.
Research Interests:
World History, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Indian nationalism, British Imperialism, Guyana, and 15 moreHistory of Colonial India, Amitav Ghosh, Decolonisation, Indian Indenture, East India Company, Dutch East India Company, Mauritius, Indian History, Eurocentrism, Indian Diaspora, Trinidad and Tobago, History of Indian Mutiny 1857, Indian Diaspora Studies, World System, and Colonialism and Imperialism
The twelve tiny independent states of the Commonwealth Caribbean (Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, St. Vincent Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago) are... more
The twelve tiny independent states of the Commonwealth Caribbean (Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, St. Vincent Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago) are among the smallest in the world and extremely vulnerable to external shocks – economic and environmental. The Covid-19 crisis is the latest, and potentially the most devastating of these, perhaps in all of recorded history. However, it may not be so for the expected reasons.
Research Interests:
Public Health Policy, Jamaica, Public Health, Caribbean, Barbados, and 15 moreInternational health policy and financing in developing countrie, Tropical Infection Diseases, Trinidad and Tobago, Pandemic preparedness, Caribbean Economic Development, Politics of health in the Caribbean, Caricom, Social Issues in the Caribbean in the 21st Century, Caribbean public health, Covid-19, Coronavirus COVID-19, Pandemic Coronavirus COVID19, COVID-19 PANDEMIC, Economic effects of COVID-19 , and Lockdown during Covid19: Social, economic biases
The tiny state of Guyana is in the grip of a tussle involving a government which, despite losing a vote of confidence in parliament and being asked by the Caribbean Court of Justice to hold fresh elections, has been seen by many as... more
The tiny state of Guyana is in the grip of a tussle involving a government which, despite losing a vote of confidence in parliament and being asked by the Caribbean Court of Justice to hold fresh elections, has been seen by many as dragging its feet on a matter of fundamental importance. The situation is explained in considerable and painstaking detail.
Guyana is on the threshold of a new economic trajectory, with the coming on stream of immense quantities of oil and gas production. Yet at the same time, the country has been experiencing a political and constitutional crisis in which a motion of no-confidence was passed in 2018, elections were constitutionally due since March 2019, yet the government remains in office, though now with an agreed upon election date in March 2020 – one year later than required, and just months before elections were due without the motion, in any case.
Guyana is on the threshold of a new economic trajectory, with the coming on stream of immense quantities of oil and gas production. Yet at the same time, the country has been experiencing a political and constitutional crisis in which a motion of no-confidence was passed in 2018, elections were constitutionally due since March 2019, yet the government remains in office, though now with an agreed upon election date in March 2020 – one year later than required, and just months before elections were due without the motion, in any case.
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, Political Science, Politics, Comparative Constitutional Law, Caribbean Studies, and 15 moreDeveloping Countries, Political Violence, Caribbean Politics, Rule of Law, Democracy, Guyana, Constitutionalism, Constitutional Politics, Authoritarianism, Separation of Powers, Walter Rodney, Third World Politics, Democracy and the Rule of Law, Rev. Jim Jones, and Third World Politics and Society
Parliamentary Privilege is a cornerstone of Parliamentary democracy. A key feature of it – the one perhaps most widely known – is the exemption of members from libel laws. Parliamentary Privilege has been so blatantly disrespected and... more
Parliamentary Privilege is a cornerstone of Parliamentary democracy. A key feature of it – the one perhaps most widely known – is the exemption of members from libel laws.
Parliamentary Privilege has been so blatantly disrespected and abused in Trinidad and Tobago it threatens the very idea and purpose of Parliamentary Privilege itself. Its purpose, as a protected forum to speak truth to power, is seriously endangered by the Prime Minister’s extreme, dangerous and unprecedented recklessness.
If the right to freedom of speech is ultimately meant to discern, debate and clarify truth, then the “emailgate” travesty in Trinidad and Tobago is the cynical opposite of that.
Bodies such as the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, and the Commonwealth itself – not least because the Commonwealth Charter’s key values include Democracy, the Rule of Law, and Good Governance – should take notice and make an effective declaration to prevent further abuse and degeneration of our Commonwealth institutions and values. It is our collective duty to defend our shared and common values.
Parliamentary Privilege has been so blatantly disrespected and abused in Trinidad and Tobago it threatens the very idea and purpose of Parliamentary Privilege itself. Its purpose, as a protected forum to speak truth to power, is seriously endangered by the Prime Minister’s extreme, dangerous and unprecedented recklessness.
If the right to freedom of speech is ultimately meant to discern, debate and clarify truth, then the “emailgate” travesty in Trinidad and Tobago is the cynical opposite of that.
Bodies such as the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, and the Commonwealth itself – not least because the Commonwealth Charter’s key values include Democracy, the Rule of Law, and Good Governance – should take notice and make an effective declaration to prevent further abuse and degeneration of our Commonwealth institutions and values. It is our collective duty to defend our shared and common values.
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, Politics, Caribbean Politics, Parliamentary Studies, Good Governance, and 12 moreCaribbean political culture, Trinidad and Tobago, Postcolonial Politics, Parliamentary Privilege Freedom of Speech Insindacabilità Parllamentare Irresponsabilité Inviolabilidad, Parliamentary Politics, Parliamentary Privilege Revisited, Parliamentary Sovereignty, Abuse of power, Parliamentary Privilege, Abuse of Executive Power, Immunity Parliamentary, and Parliamentary Supremacy
Vidiadhar Surajprasad (VS) Naipaul was a Commonwealth citizen extraordinaire. But from the unofficial side. He showed all of us what we can be on the world stage, even if we were born in its periphery. His advice to us was what his father... more
Vidiadhar Surajprasad (VS) Naipaul was a Commonwealth citizen extraordinaire. But from the unofficial side. He showed all of us what we can be on the world stage, even if we were born in its periphery. His advice to us was what his father gave to him when he left Trinidad: ‘Find your centre’. It is only then that we can find our way in the world.
Research Interests:
Caribbean Literature, Latin America and Caribbean, The Caribbean, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Postcolonial Literature, and 15 moreEast Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, Diaspora, Indian Writing in English, Post colonial Theory, Caribbean, Indo-Caribbean Culture, CommonWealth Literaature, Indian Diaspora, Commonwealth and Postcolonial Literature, West Indian Literature, Latin America and the Caribbean, V.s. Naipaul, Latin American and Caribbean Studies, V. S. Naipaul, Indian Diaspora Studies, V S Naipaul, and Writing of the Indian Diaspora
V.S. Naipaul’s passing is being announced around the world, not always with fond opinions. He would have had it no other way, of course. He despised sentimentality, and thoroughly enjoyed getting under someone’s skin. He would do it on... more
V.S. Naipaul’s passing is being announced around the world, not always with fond opinions. He would have had it no other way, of course. He despised sentimentality, and thoroughly enjoyed getting under someone’s skin. He would do it on purpose just to get a laugh. “Chooking fire”, as it were. It was a very Trinidadian characteristic of his. One of many.
Research Interests:
Contemporary British Literature, Postcolonial Literature, Postcolonial Studies (Literature), Postcolonial Literature of Africa, 20th Century British Literature, and 15 morePostcolonialism and indian english fictions, Trinidad, Commonwealth and Postcolonial Literature, Trinidad and Tobago, Postcolonial Studies and Contemporary Literature, West Indian Literature, Trinidad & Tobago, V.s. Naipaul, Indians in Trinidad and Tobago, Postcolonial Criticism in the Third World Literature, V. S. Naipaul, Asian Diasporic and commonwealth literature, V S Naipaul, English Literature-Colonial and Postcolonial Studies-Comparative Cultural Studies, and Postcolonial Literatures In English
In Trinidad and Tobago at the present moment, a deep, structural fault appears to have revealed itself. This arises out of its Chief Justice, Ivor Archie, embroiling himself in several snowballing controversies which seriously threaten... more
In Trinidad and Tobago at the present moment, a deep, structural fault appears to have revealed itself. This arises out of its Chief Justice, Ivor Archie, embroiling himself in several snowballing controversies which seriously threaten his tenure, but which also raise larger structural issues needing deeper discussion than currently exists. Indeed, these questions are related to such fundamental issues as to why the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago still retains the Privy Council as its final court of appeal, for example.
While I strongly believe that the Chief Justice does need to step down immediately (and have stated so publicly elsewhere) regardless of whether the constitutional process by which he can be impeached is triggered, it is important to understand that this issue is merely a manifestation of a larger, recurring problem. The current controversy surrounding the Chief Justice points to many troubling aspects about the way institutions operate and regularly fall into crises in Trinidad and Tobago. I contend that these are not only individual failings of office holders, but systemic structural failures: constitutional, sociological and cultural, at least.
While I strongly believe that the Chief Justice does need to step down immediately (and have stated so publicly elsewhere) regardless of whether the constitutional process by which he can be impeached is triggered, it is important to understand that this issue is merely a manifestation of a larger, recurring problem. The current controversy surrounding the Chief Justice points to many troubling aspects about the way institutions operate and regularly fall into crises in Trinidad and Tobago. I contend that these are not only individual failings of office holders, but systemic structural failures: constitutional, sociological and cultural, at least.
Research Interests:
Jurisprudence, Development Studies, Law and Development, Caribbean Studies, The Caribbean, and 15 moreLegal Ethics, Rule of Law, Caribbean, Trinidad, Political Development, Legal Ethics/professional Responsibility, Trinidad and Tobago, Latin America and the Caribbean, Trinidad & Tobago, Constitutional Law Ethics and Moral, Political and Legal Philosophy, Legal system, How Can Rule of Law Reduce Poverty and Foster Economic Development, Legal Professional Ethics and Responsiblity, Legal and Judicial Ethics, and Rule of Law and Poverty Reduction
The theme of this Symposium – Economic Governance and Job Creation – needs to be placed against the background of our Independence project for a number of reasons. 2012 marks the 50th year of the end of the West Indian Federation – the... more
The theme of this Symposium – Economic Governance and Job Creation – needs to be placed against the background of our Independence project for a number of reasons. 2012 marks the 50th year of the end of the West Indian Federation – the entity through which the most of the English-speaking Caribbean was to attain independent nationhood – and the beginning of the independence of smaller units, beginning with Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago in 1962.
Today, the region generally finds itself behind many other countries which were previously economically poorer than us in the 1960s – including Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, Dubai, Qatar, and other countries of the Middle East. The independence experience of the Caribbean Community has not been uniform, of course – for example, Barbados has consistently performed significantly better than others for the past few decades while, on the other hand, Guyana and Jamaica have faced decades of deep structural problems. However, even CARICOM’s largest economy – petroleum-rich Trinidad and Tobago – faces serious, structural economic problems despite its long spurt of economic growth in the 1990s and 2000s. To be sure, the global economic collapse of 2008 has hit CARICOM hard, and the process of recovery – where it is occurring at all – is slow and difficult.
The process of economic rebuilding requires political and intellectual focus, and it is here, we argue, that the region – as a whole – is found lacking. This has not always been so, and it is important to argue the case why we believe this to be so.
Today, the region generally finds itself behind many other countries which were previously economically poorer than us in the 1960s – including Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, Dubai, Qatar, and other countries of the Middle East. The independence experience of the Caribbean Community has not been uniform, of course – for example, Barbados has consistently performed significantly better than others for the past few decades while, on the other hand, Guyana and Jamaica have faced decades of deep structural problems. However, even CARICOM’s largest economy – petroleum-rich Trinidad and Tobago – faces serious, structural economic problems despite its long spurt of economic growth in the 1990s and 2000s. To be sure, the global economic collapse of 2008 has hit CARICOM hard, and the process of recovery – where it is occurring at all – is slow and difficult.
The process of economic rebuilding requires political and intellectual focus, and it is here, we argue, that the region – as a whole – is found lacking. This has not always been so, and it is important to argue the case why we believe this to be so.
Research Interests:
Development Economics, Development Studies, Commonwealth History, International Political Economy, British Imperial & Commonwelath History - 19th & 20th century, and 15 moreCommonwealth, British Imperial and Colonial History (1600 - ), Independence, Historical Epistemology, 19th & 20th century British Imperial & Commonwealth History, 19th & 20th century Britishish Imperial & Commonwealth History C, Third World, Epistemology of the Social Sciences, Imperialism, Caribbean, Latin America and the Caribbean, Neocolonialism, Third World Economy, Caribbean Development, and British Commonwealth
Research Interests:
Constitutional Law, Latin American and Caribbean History, Comparative Constitutional Law, British Empire, Colonization (British Empire), and 22 moreBritish Imperial and Colonial History (1600 - ), British Empire (in )Caribbean, Decolonialization, Constitutional Theory, Colonisation, Decolonisation and Regional/ Global Integration, West Indies (History), Constitutionalism, Constitutional Politics, History of the British Empire, Decolonisation, Decolonial Turn, Constitutional History, Decolonial Thought, Decolonization, West Indian History, Constituionalism and Constitutional Law, British, British Empire, Caribbean/Atlantic, Modernity/coloniality/decoloniality, Nationalism and Decolonization, Decolonizing Philosophies and Methodologies of Education and Educational Policy Studies, Decoloniality Thought, and Nineteenth Century British Empire
Research Interests:
Constitutional Law, Latin American and Caribbean History, Caribbean History, Comparative Constitutional Law, Caribbean Studies, and 28 moreThe Caribbean, British Empire, Colonization (British Empire), British Imperial and Colonial History (1600 - ), British Empire (in )Caribbean, British Imperialism, Decolonialization, Constitutional Theory, West Indies (History), Constitutionalism, Constitutional Politics, History of the British Empire, Decolonisation, Constitutional History, Decolonial Thought, Caribbean, Latin America and the Caribbean, West Indian History, Constituionalism and Constitutional Law, British Constituional History, British Imperialism - mentalities of Empire, British, British Empire, Caribbean/Atlantic, Modernity/coloniality/decoloniality, History of the British Empire In the 19th Century, Nationalism and Decolonization, Decoloniality Thought, Nineteenth Century British Empire, and Constitutional Law Theory
Research Interests:
Constitutional Law, Latin American and Caribbean History, British Imperial & Commonwelath History - 19th & 20th century, Colonialism, Caribbean History, and 44 moreComparative Constitutional Law, Caribbean Studies, Post-Colonialism, The Caribbean, British Empire, Colonization (British Empire), Colonial and Imperial (British) Legal History, British Imperial and Colonial History (1600 - ), British Empire (in )Caribbean, British Imperialism, Decolonialization, Constitutional Theory, West Indies (History), Constitutionalism, Constitutional Politics, History of the British Empire, 19th & 20th century British Imperial & Commonwealth History, Decolonisation, British Imperial and Colonial History, Constitutional History, Decolonial Thought, Colonization, Comparative Politics, Democratization, Authoritarian Regimes, Regime Change, Concept Analysis, Measurement, Comparative Constitutionalism, Comparative Constitutional Theory, West Indian History, Constituionalism and Constitutional Law, British Imperialism - mentalities of Empire, British Imperial History, West Indies history, Eighteenth-century British, European, and Imperial history, Constitutional Development and Polical Economy, History of the West Indies, West Indies, West Indian Slavery, Decolinization, History of the British Empire In the 19th Century, Nationalism and Decolonization, Decoloniality Thought, Constittuional Law, British Imperialism 1815-1947, Constitutional Law Theory, Emancipation In West Indies, and , Colonial and Imperial (British)
This paper argues that CARICOM’s main plank of relationship-building for economic development – securing market access through preferential trade agreements and quotas, increased foreign investment in vertically-integrated multinational... more
This paper argues that CARICOM’s main plank of relationship-building for economic development – securing market access through preferential trade agreements and quotas, increased foreign investment in vertically-integrated multinational industries, and development assistance through aid and soft loans for governments – continues to perpetuate underdevelopment and poverty in the Caribbean. Thirty years of pursuing this strategy has not changed the region’s peripheral position in the world economy. This failure, it is argued, arises from a flawed diagnosis. To remedy this, an empirical analysis of the Trinidad and Tobago economy is offered as a model for diagnosing CARICOM’s economic problems. It is found that the dual economy has facilitated a lopsided development of the offshore sector and Government dominance in the economy and society, at the expense of the onshore sector, citizen autonomy and well-being, and overall growth and development. A prescription for the development of an innovative-entrepreneurial onshore economy is offered, and a series of concrete recommendations are made to leverage CARICOM’s relationship-building accordingly.
Research Interests:
Entrepreneurship, Development Economics, Political Economy, Development Studies, Latin American and Caribbean History, and 21 moreForeign Policy Analysis, International Development, World Systems Analysis, International Political Economy, Caribbean Studies, CARICOM'S survival, Development Aid, World-Systems Analysis, Youth Entrepreneurship and development, World-Systems Theory, International Aid and Development, Foreign Aid and Development, International Trade and Development, Dependency Theory, Foreign Aid dependency, Modern World System, Caricom, Modern/colonial World System, World-Systems, World System, and Entrepreneurship and Academic Development
Research Interests:
Latin American and Caribbean History, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Nationalism And State Building, Decolonialization, and 24 moreColonisation, Decolonisation and Regional/ Global Integration, West Indies (History), History of Nationalism and Nation-Building, Decolonisation, Decolonial Turn, Decolonial Thought, Decolonization & Nationalism, Caribbean, Decolonizing Methodologies, Decolonization, Postcoloniality and decolonization, Organicism, Latin America and the Caribbean, Decolonizing Education, West Indies history, Decolonial Studies, Modernity/coloniality/decoloniality, Nationalism and Decolonization, Decolonizing Philosophies and Methodologies of Education and Educational Policy Studies, Decoloniality Thought, Emancipation In West Indies, West Indian Nationalism, Lloyd Best, and New World Group
The 2007 General Elections in Trinidad and Tobago have re-affirmed the country’s “one-party dominant system” in which the People’s National Movement (PNM) has held power for 41 of the last 52 years, and have been elected to hold five... more
The 2007 General Elections in Trinidad and Tobago have re-affirmed the country’s “one-party dominant system” in which the People’s National Movement (PNM) has held power for 41 of the last 52 years, and have been elected to hold five more. Despite significant positive resources for democratic development in Trinidad and Tobago, one-party dominance has weakened Parliament, blurred distinctions between ruling party and government, and created vulnerability and powerlessness for dissenting minorities. These generic hazards have been exacerbated by Trinidad and Tobago’s history of Crown Colony government and the “resource curse”. Since 1986, the PNM’s dominance has been fragile, consistently supported by less than a majority of voters. Despite this, the Opposition has remained fragmented for rather petty reasons, as there exist no insurmountable ideological, policy, or ethnic-based differences between them. The major group which refused to join the other forces in 2007 represents a political “Third Tribe” in Trinidad which constitutes roughly 23 percent of the country, and has a significant electoral effect in six or seven specific Trinidadian constituencies. In conclusion, it is argued that Trinidad and Tobago requires the political will and maturity to emerge from the dangers of one-party dominance by creating a viable second political force.
Keywords: one-party dominant system; People’s National Movement; democratic development; resource curse; Crown Colony government; political sociology
Keywords: one-party dominant system; People’s National Movement; democratic development; resource curse; Crown Colony government; political sociology
Research Interests:
This paper challenges the widely-accepted view that politics in Trinidad and Tobago is driven by ethnic rivalry between the country’s Africans and Indians, or ‘ethnic politics’. The paper demonstrates how this interpretation distorts the... more
This paper challenges the widely-accepted view that politics in Trinidad and Tobago is driven by ethnic rivalry between the country’s Africans and Indians, or ‘ethnic politics’. The paper demonstrates how this interpretation distorts the historical and sociological record. It forwards a subtler and more historically consistent understanding of the place of ethnicity in politics and society, which is more complex, more fluid, and looser than the popular model posits. Finally, a suggestion for moving beyond the ‘African-Indian rivalry’ hypothesis is forwarded, distinguishing ethnic mobilisation from ethnic politics, and understanding ethnic mobilisation as a by-product of insecurity in a ‘half-made society’.
Research Interests:
Chapter 1 of the book "Caricom Options: Towards Full Integration Into the World Economy" is presented. It explores the history of the civilization in the Caribbean region as well as the important events that shaped its culture. The book... more
Chapter 1 of the book "Caricom Options: Towards Full Integration Into the World Economy" is presented. It explores the history of the civilization in the Caribbean region as well as the important events that shaped its culture. The book also discusses the influence of West Indians on the perception of residents in the region on the concepts of autonomy and independence.
Research Interests:
Area Studies, Latin American and Caribbean History, Nationalism, Caribbean Literature, Latin America and Caribbean, and 28 moreCaribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Nationalism And State Building, The Caribbean, Decolonialization, West Indies (Area Studies), West Indies (History), Nations and nationalism, History of Nationalism and Nation-Building, Decolonisation, Civilization, Decolonial Thought, Caribbean, French and Francophone Studies, African and Caribbean Literature, New World Studies, Gender and Women Studies, West Indian Literature, Middle Passage, Atlantic World Slavery, African Diaspora, Slavery and Medicine, Black Women's History, Violence Studies, Caribbean History, Latin America and the Caribbean, West Indian History, West Indies (Antigua and the Leeward Islands), West Indies history, University of the West Indies, History of the West Indies, West Indies, Civilisation and Culture, Nationalism and Decolonization, Decolonizing Philosophies and Methodologies of Education and Educational Policy Studies, Decoloniality Thought, and West Indian Intellectual History
“Troubled genius” was how Ivar Oxaal referred to Dr. Rudranath Capildeo in a sensitive essay portrait, “Fragments of a Life” published in 1968. The phrase seems fitting, but Rudranath Capildeo’s story, successes, and failures are more... more
“Troubled genius” was how Ivar Oxaal referred to Dr. Rudranath Capildeo in a sensitive essay portrait, “Fragments of a Life” published in 1968. The phrase seems fitting, but Rudranath Capildeo’s story, successes, and failures are more than simply personal, they illustrate his times and his circumstances.
Capildeo was indeed a great man, not only of Queen’s Royal College, but of Trinidad and Tobago. Yet his greatness must be qualified; for he brought great tragedy to this country. Much, but not all, was of his own making.
Capildeo was indeed a great man, not only of Queen’s Royal College, but of Trinidad and Tobago. Yet his greatness must be qualified; for he brought great tragedy to this country. Much, but not all, was of his own making.
Research Interests:
Political Sociology, Comparative Politics, Caribbean Studies, Caribbean Politics, East Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, and 12 moreIndian Diaspora, Trinidad, Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad & Tobago, V.s. Naipaul, Indians in Trinidad and Tobago, V.S. Naipaul, Caribbean Studies, Caribbean Indentured Labour, Independence movements, Indian Diaspora Studies, V S Naipaul, and Quest for Roots In Naipaul's A House for Mr. Biswas
This paper challenges the widely-accepted view that politics in Trinidad and Tobago is driven by ethnic rivalry between the country’s Africans and Indians, or ‘ethnic politics’. The paper demonstrates how this interpretation distorts the... more
This paper challenges the widely-accepted view that politics in Trinidad and Tobago is driven by ethnic rivalry between the country’s Africans and Indians, or ‘ethnic politics’. The paper demonstrates how this interpretation distorts the historical and sociological record. It forwards a subtler and more historically consistent understanding of the place of ethnicity in politics and society, which is more complex, more fluid, and looser than the popular model posits. Finally, a suggestion for moving beyond the ‘African-Indian rivalry’ hypothesis is forwarded, distinguishing ethnic mobilisation from ethnic politics, and understanding ethnic mobilisation as a by-product of insecurity in a ‘half-made society’.
Research Interests:
Ethnic Studies, Race and Ethnicity, Ethnic and Racial Studies, African Diaspora, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), and 16 moreEthnic Conflict, Ethnicity, Ethnic Conflict and Civil War, Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts, Indian Diaspora, Trinidad, Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidadian French Creole, Trinidad & Tobago, Indians in Trinidad and Tobago, Ethnicity and National Identity, Ethnic politics, Indian Diaspora Studies, Portuguese In Trinidad, Ethnicity and Developmnet, and Trinidad and Tobago Culture
The 2007 General Elections in Trinidad and Tobago have re-affirmed the country’s “one-party dominant system” in which the People’s National Movement (PNM) has held power for 41 of the last 52 years, and have been elected to hold five... more
The 2007 General Elections in Trinidad and Tobago have re-affirmed the country’s “one-party dominant system” in which the People’s National Movement (PNM) has held power for 41 of the last 52 years, and have been elected to hold five more. Despite significant positive resources for democratic development in Trinidad and Tobago, one-party dominance has weakened Parliament, blurred distinctions between ruling party and government, and created vulnerability and powerlessness for dissenting minorities. These generic hazards have been exacerbated by Trinidad and Tobago’s history of Crown Colony government and the “resource curse”. Since 1986, the PNM’s dominance has been fragile, consistently supported by less than a majority of voters. Despite this, the Opposition has remained fragmented for rather petty reasons, as there exist no insurmountable ideological, policy, or ethnic-based differences between them. The major group which refused to join the other forces in 2007 represents a political “Third Tribe” in Trinidad which constitutes roughly 23 percent of the country, and has a significant electoral effect in six or seven specific Trinidadian constituencies. In conclusion, it is argued that Trinidad and Tobago requires the political will and maturity to emerge from the dangers of one-party dominance by creating a viable second political force.
Keywords: one-party dominant system; People’s National Movement; democratic development; resource curse; Crown Colony government; political sociology
Keywords: one-party dominant system; People’s National Movement; democratic development; resource curse; Crown Colony government; political sociology
Research Interests:
To view Best as part of the Radical Caribbean Tradition potentially misunderstands the man, his thought, and his lifework. It would amount to a serious error. We would more accurately speak of Best AGAINST the “Radical Caribbean... more
To view Best as part of the Radical Caribbean Tradition potentially misunderstands the man, his thought, and his lifework. It would amount to a serious error. We would more accurately speak of Best AGAINST the “Radical Caribbean Tradition,” about which he is very sceptical at the minimum, and directly hostile to, at the extreme.
Furthermore, if we are honest, we will acknowledge that over the years the feeling has been mutual: in Trinidad, Jamaica, and elsewhere. To more fully explain, this paper elaborates Best’s thought and lifework under the headings “orientation” and “method.” Best does not share with the Radical Tradition – in the Caribbean or elsewhere – its apocalyptic and millenarian vision – Marxist, Garveyite, or other – of working-class, racial, or nationalist triumph. Indeed, since the beginning of New World, Best has explicitly opposed these orientations and objectives. It seems to me that Best sees the crucial task in the West Indies to construct a society, not to destroy or to found it anew.
Best’s method has been Participant Observation, literally, with both parts having equal weight. Observation is crucial, and must be minute and patient. It requires years of intense work. And the accidents of living are crucial to gaining deep understanding. Indeed, I believe that Best is one of the only three people that truly understand Trinidad and Tobago. The other two are Vidia Naipaul and Eric Williams.
If the Caribbean Radicals are coming around to Best, it is perhaps because they are learning from him, or reaching similar conclusions independently. Best, however, stands against the Caribbean Radical Tradition, which has led so many of our best minds astray. As any perusal of his work from 1963 to the present will confirm, Best, though weathered by the sea, has stood as firm as a rock, above the shifting sands.
Furthermore, if we are honest, we will acknowledge that over the years the feeling has been mutual: in Trinidad, Jamaica, and elsewhere. To more fully explain, this paper elaborates Best’s thought and lifework under the headings “orientation” and “method.” Best does not share with the Radical Tradition – in the Caribbean or elsewhere – its apocalyptic and millenarian vision – Marxist, Garveyite, or other – of working-class, racial, or nationalist triumph. Indeed, since the beginning of New World, Best has explicitly opposed these orientations and objectives. It seems to me that Best sees the crucial task in the West Indies to construct a society, not to destroy or to found it anew.
Best’s method has been Participant Observation, literally, with both parts having equal weight. Observation is crucial, and must be minute and patient. It requires years of intense work. And the accidents of living are crucial to gaining deep understanding. Indeed, I believe that Best is one of the only three people that truly understand Trinidad and Tobago. The other two are Vidia Naipaul and Eric Williams.
If the Caribbean Radicals are coming around to Best, it is perhaps because they are learning from him, or reaching similar conclusions independently. Best, however, stands against the Caribbean Radical Tradition, which has led so many of our best minds astray. As any perusal of his work from 1963 to the present will confirm, Best, though weathered by the sea, has stood as firm as a rock, above the shifting sands.
Research Interests:
Black Studies Or African American Studies, Political Philosophy, Latin American and Caribbean History, Black/African Diaspora, African Diaspora Studies, and 27 moreConservatism, Conservative Revolution, Latin America and Caribbean, Caribbean History, Conservatism (Political Science), Caribbean Studies, Caribbean Politics, The Caribbean, African Diaspora, African American History, Ideology Critique, Social and Political Philosophy, Political and Social Philosophy, Ethics, West Indies (History), Afro-Caribbean History, Africana Studies, Radical political thought, Black Nationalism, Caribbean, African Philosophy and Political Philosophy, Afro-american studies, Trinidad and Tobago, Latin America and the Caribbean, Black Radical Thought, Black Conservatism, Radical Thought, and Third world Marxisms/Tricontinental Marxisms (Mao
Research Interests:
Latin American and Caribbean History, Politics, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), and 10 moreEast Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, Indian Diaspora, Trinidad, Trinidad and Tobago, Political Oppositions, Trinidad & Tobago, East Indian West Indies, Indians in Trinidad and Tobago, OPPOSITION PARTIES, and Indian Diaspora Studies
Chapter 7 of the book "Selected Issues and Problems in Social Policy: Studies in Caribbean Public Policy," edited by Deryck R. Brown is presented. It traces the emergence and the decline of the Left in Trinidad and Tobago. It also... more
Chapter 7 of the book "Selected Issues and Problems in Social Policy: Studies in Caribbean Public Policy," edited by Deryck R. Brown is presented. It traces the emergence and the decline of the Left in Trinidad and Tobago. It also examines the role of the Oilfields Workers Trade Union (OWTU) in the organization of the labor movement in the country.
Research Interests:
Latin American and Caribbean History, Political Theory, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Social Movements (Political Science), and 22 moreCaribbean Politics, Latin American social movements, Social movements and revolution, New Left, New social movements, Caribbean political culture, Trinidad, Social Movments, Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad & Tobago, CARIBBEAN POLITICAL THOUGHT, media studies, social movements in global south and new Left politics, Civil Society, Religion and Politics, New Social Movements, ideology, New Left, world-systems analysis, Political Pluralism, New Social Movement, Caribbean Political Economy, Labour Politics, Trade Union Politics, History and Politics Especially Labour and Socialist Movements, New Social Movements In Global South, and Left Wing Politics
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, Political Economy, Latin American and Caribbean History, Democratic Theory, Democratization, and 40 moreComparative Political Economy, Colonialism, Latin America and Caribbean, Caribbean History, Comparative Constitutional Law, Caribbean Studies, Post-Colonialism, Caribbean Politics, Marxist theory, The Caribbean, Colonial and Imperial (British) Legal History, British Imperial and Colonial History (1600 - ), Democracy, Decolonialization, Marxism (Political Science), Marxist political economy, Authoritarianism, Decolonisation, Consociationalism, Decolonial Thought, Colonial Discourse, Caribbean, Decolonization, Race and Class, Latin America and the Caribbean, Anti-Colonialism, British colonisation, British Colonialism, Democracy, political regimes, post-colonialism. Naming practices and identity. History and theory of colours, Political Economy and History, Post Colonial Theory, CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY, Marxist Political Economy, Marxist Political Economy Approach, Contemporary Democratic Theory, Third world Marxisms/Tricontinental Marxisms (Mao, Colonialism and Imperialism, Nationalism and Decolonization, Decoloniality Thought, and Liberal Authoritarianism
Research Interests:
Postcolonial Studies, Contemporary Art, Poststructuralism, Caribbean Studies, Post-Colonialism, and 20 moreThe Caribbean, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Postcolonial Theory, East Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, Visual Arts, Poststructuralist Theory, Critical, constructivist and poststructuralist approaches, Indo-Caribbean Diaspora, Diaspora, Indian Writing in English, Post colonial Theory, Caribbean, Indo-Caribbean Culture, Caribbean art, Indian Diaspora, Latin America and the Caribbean, Indian Diaspora Studies, Indian Diaspora In the West, Indo-Caribbean History, Third World Artists, Postcolonial Art, and The Arts in the Third-World
Research Interests:
Cultural History, Economic History, Latin American and Caribbean History, Caribbean Literature, Latin America and Caribbean, and 15 moreCaribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Caribbean Politics, The Caribbean, West Indies (History), Caribbean, French and Francophone Studies, African and Caribbean Literature, New World Studies, Gender and Women Studies, West Indian Literature, Middle Passage, Atlantic World Slavery, African Diaspora, Slavery and Medicine, Black Women's History, Violence Studies, Caribbean History, Latin America and the Caribbean, CLR James, Bhabha, Cricket, West Indies, Beyond a Boundary, West Indian History, Latin American and Caribbean Studies, CLR James, and Clr James Beyond a Boundary
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Cultural History, Black Studies Or African American Studies, African Studies, Latin American and Caribbean History, Black/African Diaspora, and 16 moreAfrican Diaspora Studies, Africa, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, African Diaspora, Social History, Suriname history, Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Caribbean History, African Diasporic Experience, West African Diaspora, Suriname, Latin America and the Caribbean, Afro-Caribbean Culture, Maroons, and Suriname Background
Research Interests:
Political Science, Caribbean Literature, Latin America and Caribbean, Commonwealth, The Caribbean, and 14 moreIndian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Postcolonial Literature, Caribbean, Indo-Caribbean Culture, CommonWealth Literaature, Indian Diaspora, Commonwealth and Postcolonial Literature, West Indian Literature, Latin America and the Caribbean, Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Indian Diaspora Studies, V S Naipaul, Writing of the Indian Diaspora, and The Round Table
Research Interests:
Chapter 7 of the book "Selected Issues and Problems in Social Policy: Studies in Caribbean Public Policy," edited by Deryck R. Brown is presented. It traces the emergence and the decline of the Left in Trinidad and Tobago. It... more
Chapter 7 of the book "Selected Issues and Problems in Social Policy: Studies in Caribbean Public Policy," edited by Deryck R. Brown is presented. It traces the emergence and the decline of the Left in Trinidad and Tobago. It also examines the role of the Oilfields Workers Trade Union (OWTU) in the organization of the labor movement in the country.
Research Interests:
Geography, Latin American and Caribbean History, Political Theory, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, and 15 moreCaribbean Politics, Latin American social movements, Democracy, New Left, New social movements, Caribbean political culture, CARIBBEAN POLITICAL THOUGHT, Plural, Political Pluralism, New Social Movement, Caribbean Political Economy, Labour Politics, History and Politics Especially Labour and Socialist Movements, New Social Movements In Global South, and Left Wing Politics
This book tells the story of twentieth-century politics in Trinidad and Tobago, a multiracial Caribbean state located on two small islands. The enquiry begins in 1925 with the then Colony's first elections for seats in the Legislative... more
This book tells the story of twentieth-century politics in Trinidad and Tobago, a multiracial Caribbean state located on two small islands. The enquiry begins in 1925 with the then Colony's first elections for seats in the Legislative Council. It ends in 2001, almost forty years after independence, with the two major parties in a historical dead-lock for which formal arrangements did not cater. The title derives from the Trinidad-born Sir Vidia Naipaul's characterization of Trinidad and Tobago as a "half-made society." This seemingly harsh and dismissive term is intended to point out that Trinidad and Tobago, founded in the late 18th century, is a society still in formation, without a firm base (intellectual, cultural, political, military, or economic), and in which solidity remains elusive, despite its successes. The bulk of the book is concerned with the actual development of politics in such a circumstance.
Research Interests:
SIGLEAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre-DSC:DXN039881 / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreGBUnited Kingdo
Research Interests:
Chapter 7 of the book "Selected Issues and Problems in Social Policy: Studies in Caribbean Public Policy," edited by Deryck R. Brown is presented. It traces the emergence and the decline of the Left in Trinidad and Tobago. It... more
Chapter 7 of the book "Selected Issues and Problems in Social Policy: Studies in Caribbean Public Policy," edited by Deryck R. Brown is presented. It traces the emergence and the decline of the Left in Trinidad and Tobago. It also examines the role of the Oilfields Workers Trade Union (OWTU) in the organization of the labor movement in the country.
Research Interests:
Latin American and Caribbean History, Political Theory, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Caribbean Politics, and 15 moreLatin American social movements, Social movements and revolution, New Left, New social movements, Caribbean political culture, Social Movments, CARIBBEAN POLITICAL THOUGHT, Political Pluralism, New Social Movement, Caribbean Political Economy, Labour Politics, Trade Union Politics, History and Politics Especially Labour and Socialist Movements, New Social Movements In Global South, and Left Wing Politics
The twelve tiny independent states of the Commonwealth Caribbean (Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, St. Vincent...
Research Interests:
Geography, Political Science, Public Health Policy, Jamaica, Public Health, and 15 moreCaribbean, Barbados, International health policy and financing in developing countrie, Tropical Infection Diseases, Trinidad and Tobago, Pandemic preparedness, Caribbean Economic Development, Politics of health in the Caribbean, Caricom, Pandemic, The Round Table, Looming, Caribbean public health, CoVid, and coronavirus outbreak
Vidiadhar Surajprasad (VS) Naipaul was a Commonwealth citizen extraordinaire. But from the unofficial side. He showed all of us what we can be on the world stage, even if we were born in its periphery. His advice to us was what his father... more
Vidiadhar Surajprasad (VS) Naipaul was a Commonwealth citizen extraordinaire. But from the unofficial side. He showed all of us what we can be on the world stage, even if we were born in its periphery. His advice to us was what his father gave to him when he left Trinidad: ‘Find your centre’. It is only then that we can find our way in the world.
Research Interests:
Political Science, Caribbean Literature, Latin America and Caribbean, Commonwealth, The Caribbean, and 14 moreIndian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Postcolonial Literature, Caribbean, Indo-Caribbean Culture, CommonWealth Literaature, Indian Diaspora, Commonwealth and Postcolonial Literature, West Indian Literature, Latin America and the Caribbean, Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Indian Diaspora Studies, V S Naipaul, Writing of the Indian Diaspora, and The Round Table
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The title “Post-Modern Politics” invokes the memory and legacy of that great world citizen born in Trinidad -- C.L.R. James, one of the greatest minds the world has ever produced. In 1960, James gave a series of public lectures at the... more
The title “Post-Modern Politics” invokes the memory and legacy of that great world citizen born in Trinidad -- C.L.R. James, one of the greatest minds the world has ever produced. In 1960, James gave a series of public lectures at the Trinidad Public Library in San Fernando entitled “Modern Politics”. Those lectures are still important and fresh today. Now, I do not pretend to approach James’s depth, breadth, or stature, but I would like to think that I approach his spirit. He was speaking at a time when Trinidad and Tobago was in its last stages of struggling for Independence, in the infancy of the Post-Colonial world. Today, however, we live in different times. We are in the infancy of a globalized world characterized by fluidity and a technology of images, information and symbols. This is the Postmodern world. Although all of us may not agree with this particular characterization, I think most of us will concede that Trinidad and Tobago has profoundly changed in the last 15 years. Whether we want to call this Postmodern or not is semantics.
Research Interests:
Critical Theory, Political Philosophy, Postcolonial Studies, Caribbean Studies, Caribbean Politics, and 15 morePostmodernism, Michel Foucault, Postcolonial Theory, Subaltern Studies, Jean Baudrillard, Frantz Fanon, Jean-François Lyotard, Media and Politics, Virtual Politics, Trinidad and Tobago, Social Media, Internet, Democracy and Politics, CLR James, Modernity/coloniality/decoloniality, Post-Western IRT, and Lloyd Best
This Independence Day, most people will not want to reflect on the triumph of the Nationalist movement as it defeated British Imperialism, but will rather be planning a pleasant day at the beach. Is this a problem? What does it mean? Are... more
This Independence Day, most people will not want to reflect on the triumph of the Nationalist movement as it defeated British Imperialism, but will rather be planning a pleasant day at the beach. Is this a problem? What does it mean? Are we ungrateful? Is Independence anything to celebrate?
Reflecting on their own country’s experience, Michael Witter and Omar Davies (1989) have bemoaned that Jamaica is more dependent today than it was at the beginning of Independence. While I agree, I do not find it necessarily lamentable. For this situation is not particular to Jamaica, the Caribbean, or “the South”. It is the condition of the entire contemporary world. And while not all good, it is not all bad either. As Peter Drucker noted in 1986, all countries of the globe have become more dependent on the world economy -- including the United States, England and Japan. Not just our Nation-States, but all Nation-States are crumbling. A story on CNN (which I gladly receive through my cable subscription) related that a child was asked the question, “Do you know why we have a holiday on Independence Day?” The answer was given, “That’s the day we defeated the aliens.” Well. The idea that somehow we in the West Indies are more prone to forgetting our history than others, or that the Third World been spellbound into abandoning patriotism by cunning imperialist overlords is both inadequate and small-town. Our situation of weakened Nation-States and waning National sentiment is not the result of imperialist designs. It is the condition of the contemporary world. And not only is this true of economics. It is true of politics and culture as well. Farewell to age of the Nation and Independence.
Reflecting on their own country’s experience, Michael Witter and Omar Davies (1989) have bemoaned that Jamaica is more dependent today than it was at the beginning of Independence. While I agree, I do not find it necessarily lamentable. For this situation is not particular to Jamaica, the Caribbean, or “the South”. It is the condition of the entire contemporary world. And while not all good, it is not all bad either. As Peter Drucker noted in 1986, all countries of the globe have become more dependent on the world economy -- including the United States, England and Japan. Not just our Nation-States, but all Nation-States are crumbling. A story on CNN (which I gladly receive through my cable subscription) related that a child was asked the question, “Do you know why we have a holiday on Independence Day?” The answer was given, “That’s the day we defeated the aliens.” Well. The idea that somehow we in the West Indies are more prone to forgetting our history than others, or that the Third World been spellbound into abandoning patriotism by cunning imperialist overlords is both inadequate and small-town. Our situation of weakened Nation-States and waning National sentiment is not the result of imperialist designs. It is the condition of the contemporary world. And not only is this true of economics. It is true of politics and culture as well. Farewell to age of the Nation and Independence.
Research Interests:
International Relations Theory, Postcolonial Studies, Sovereignty, George Orwell, Caribbean Studies, and 15 morePost Cold War Era, Theories of Sovereignty, Independence, Edward Said, Anti-imperialism, Trinidad and Tobago, Third World Nationalism, Anti-Colonialism, US hegemony, Post-Nationalism, CLR James, Self and the Other, Third World Politics, International Relations in the Post-Cold War era, and Postmodernism (International Relations)
The Left has to let go of one of its most constituting and sustaining romances and learn what everyone else has known for a long time now: Labour is not inherently revolutionary. Letting go of Labour is a hard thing for us Lefties to do.... more
The Left has to let go of one of its most constituting and sustaining romances and learn what everyone else has known for a long time now: Labour is not inherently revolutionary. Letting go of Labour is a hard thing for us Lefties to do. June 19, 1937 must always be celebrated for its radical cultural and political legacy, but we on the Left can no longer afford to be devoted to memories of the past. Labour cannot be the Left’s sweetheart anymore. The Left must allow Labour’s concerns, strategies, etc. to be autonomous. We must unburden Labour of its “historic mission” to transform society. The Left has to rethink itself, reconstitute and learn how to move on, for the relationship we once knew is over.
But this bond should not be simply forgotten. Indeed, the purpose of this essay is to look this relationship over, understanding why it lasted so long and why it is now over.
But this bond should not be simply forgotten. Indeed, the purpose of this essay is to look this relationship over, understanding why it lasted so long and why it is now over.
Research Interests:
Postcolonial Studies, Labour history, Post-Marxism, Marxist theory, Neoliberalism, and 15 morePostcolonial Theory, Social movements and revolution, Marxism (Political Science), Open Marxism, Working Class Studies, Working-Class History, Postmarxism, Trinidad and Tobago, CLR James, Third World Politics, Third world Marxisms/Tricontinental Marxisms (Mao, Postcolonialism, Postmodern Politics, (post)socialsim, and Postmodernism and Politics
It was my and my mother’s first ever trip to India. To my surprise, after our visit my feelings toward India were very different from what I thought they would be. I did not go to India to fortify some emotional bond with my... more
It was my and my mother’s first ever trip to India. To my surprise, after our visit my feelings toward India were very different from what I thought they would be.
I did not go to India to fortify some emotional bond with my “Motherland”. In fact, I expected this trip to finalise the sense of distance I felt from contemporary India – a sense developed from my experience with Indians in Toronto (where I grew up), in the United Kingdom, and the Indian nationals resident in Jamaica and Trinidad. In these places, I had met what we in Trinidad would simply call “Indians”, but are more properly referred to as South Asians, not only from the many linguistic, religious and regional groups of India itself, like the Punjabis, the Sindhis, Goans, Tamils, Malayalees, and Kannada speakers, but also from Fiji, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Tanzania, Kenya, South Africa, Mauritius, and other places of the Indian Diaspora. To the people whom I met from all these groups, Trinidad Indian culture was alien and unfamiliar. Our food – dhalpourie, saheena, kuchela, pholourie, kurma -- many of our names (like “Meighoo”), and other things that Trinidadians think “Indian” might as well have been Venezuelan as far as these others were concerned. Similarly, to me, their food, customs, languages, etc. were alien and unfamiliar. I had to learn about India and things Indian, and I eventually did.
I did not go to India to fortify some emotional bond with my “Motherland”. In fact, I expected this trip to finalise the sense of distance I felt from contemporary India – a sense developed from my experience with Indians in Toronto (where I grew up), in the United Kingdom, and the Indian nationals resident in Jamaica and Trinidad. In these places, I had met what we in Trinidad would simply call “Indians”, but are more properly referred to as South Asians, not only from the many linguistic, religious and regional groups of India itself, like the Punjabis, the Sindhis, Goans, Tamils, Malayalees, and Kannada speakers, but also from Fiji, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Tanzania, Kenya, South Africa, Mauritius, and other places of the Indian Diaspora. To the people whom I met from all these groups, Trinidad Indian culture was alien and unfamiliar. Our food – dhalpourie, saheena, kuchela, pholourie, kurma -- many of our names (like “Meighoo”), and other things that Trinidadians think “Indian” might as well have been Venezuelan as far as these others were concerned. Similarly, to me, their food, customs, languages, etc. were alien and unfamiliar. I had to learn about India and things Indian, and I eventually did.
Research Interests:
Travel Writing, Diasporas, South Asia, Diaspora, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), and 15 moreDiaspora Studies, East Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, Travel Literature, Diaspora and transnationalism, Indo-Caribbean Diaspora, India, Diaspora, Indian Writing in English, Post colonial Theory, Indo-Caribbean Culture, Indian Diaspora, Travel and travelogues, Trinidad and Tobago, Indian Diasporic Writings, Indian Diaspora Studies, Migration and Diaspora Studies, and Writing of the Indian Diaspora
Guyana seems hopeless. And unfortunately we are not so distant from its politics. I am not speaking about race. I do not have a problem with race politics. What I am most appalled at is the basis of its political thinking -- which itself... more
Guyana seems hopeless. And unfortunately we are not so distant from its politics. I am not speaking about race. I do not have a problem with race politics. What I am most appalled at is the basis of its political thinking -- which itself is tied to the entire politics of the Third World Nationalists as well as the feminists, cultural nationalists, Afrocentrists, anti-racists, socialists and trade unionists. It is all Nihilism and Looting. It is what Naipaul instinctively and acidly despises, I think, seeing it in our entire existence. I actually used to detest Naipaul in my more nationalist and “progressive” days. I now think I really understand him and his unspoken politics, through Nietzche (via the brilliant Camille Paglia) and Foucault (whom Paglia cannot stand). And these need to be taken more seriously.
Research Interests:
Social Theory, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Nationalism, Caribbean Studies, and 15 moreFriedrich Nietzsche, Michel Foucault, Nietzsche, Guyana, Civilization, Camille Paglia, Foucault power/knowledge - discourse, Moral Relativism, Cultural Relativism, Trinidad and Tobago, Dinesh D'Souza, Nietzsche’s evaluation on Men of Ressentiment, Genealogy of Morals, Michel Foucault and the theory of Power, and Michel Foucault: The subject and power
This paper will place Indian indentureship in its wider historical context as part of the historically central, long plunder of India by outside forces, and not simply an isolated, peripheral occurrence related to the end of slavery. This... more
This paper will place Indian indentureship in its wider historical context as part of the historically central, long plunder of India by outside forces, and not simply an isolated, peripheral occurrence related to the end of slavery. This gives a different meaning to the presence of the girmitya diaspora in the various countries where they are found.
The Gangetic Plain – from where the vast majority of indentures came – for millennia has been at the centre of India’s empires, mythology, economy, culture, philosophy, politics, and military might. Given this background, for much of human history, many peoples have attempted – and sometimes succeeded – in taking over this vast, wealthy and globally important territory.
As so vividly brought to life in Amitav Ghosh’s Sea of Poppies trilogy, Indian indentureship is intimately tied to the opium trade and the East India Company, as impoverished Indians were essentially economic refugees, trafficked to the plantations of Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, Fiji, South Africa, and up and down the Caribbean in the aftermath of slavery. This human trafficking was also organized by the rapacious East India Company.
The Indian Mutiny in 1857 was against the Company – the most powerful corporation in human history, to which the description “evil” is often applied. The Mutiny ended the Company, which was a remarkable feat. Many mutineers were also sent or fled to the plantations of the British Empire in the aftermath of the conflict.
Notably, also, the end of Indian indenture in 1920 was perhaps the first major victory of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and the Indian nationalist movement, which eventually led to India’s freedom.
Without understanding the wider contexts in which Indian indentureship occurred and was abolished, we impoverish our understanding of the history of the peoples of Indian origin in the various plantation countries, and the role that they can still play in the shaping of world history, now that in at least four countries, they are powerful players in national – and therefore international – politics.
The Gangetic Plain – from where the vast majority of indentures came – for millennia has been at the centre of India’s empires, mythology, economy, culture, philosophy, politics, and military might. Given this background, for much of human history, many peoples have attempted – and sometimes succeeded – in taking over this vast, wealthy and globally important territory.
As so vividly brought to life in Amitav Ghosh’s Sea of Poppies trilogy, Indian indentureship is intimately tied to the opium trade and the East India Company, as impoverished Indians were essentially economic refugees, trafficked to the plantations of Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, Fiji, South Africa, and up and down the Caribbean in the aftermath of slavery. This human trafficking was also organized by the rapacious East India Company.
The Indian Mutiny in 1857 was against the Company – the most powerful corporation in human history, to which the description “evil” is often applied. The Mutiny ended the Company, which was a remarkable feat. Many mutineers were also sent or fled to the plantations of the British Empire in the aftermath of the conflict.
Notably, also, the end of Indian indenture in 1920 was perhaps the first major victory of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and the Indian nationalist movement, which eventually led to India’s freedom.
Without understanding the wider contexts in which Indian indentureship occurred and was abolished, we impoverish our understanding of the history of the peoples of Indian origin in the various plantation countries, and the role that they can still play in the shaping of world history, now that in at least four countries, they are powerful players in national – and therefore international – politics.
Research Interests:
Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Indian nationalism, Indo-Caribbean Diaspora, and 15 moreOpium Trade in China, Indian Indenture, East India Company, Indo-Caribbean Culture, Dutch East India Company, Gandhian Studies, Indian Independence, Indian National Congress, Indentured Labour, Indenture System, British East India Company, Caribbean Indentured Labour, Indentured labour migration, East Indian Indentureship, and History of Indenture
This paper will explore Cultural Nationalism in the New World, its limitations and contradictions. It will do so by looking at experiences in the US and the Caribbean, and seeking to draw lessons and themes for further exploration.... more
This paper will explore Cultural Nationalism in the New World, its limitations and contradictions. It will do so by looking at experiences in the US and the Caribbean, and seeking to draw lessons and themes for further exploration.
These cultural nationalist movements influenced much in the social, political and cultural spheres since the 1960s. However, they also had serious limitations in terms of their mainstream political appeal and in their logical coherence, given the migrant nature of the New World. These limitations and contradictions will be explored.
These cultural nationalist movements influenced much in the social, political and cultural spheres since the 1960s. However, they also had serious limitations in terms of their mainstream political appeal and in their logical coherence, given the migrant nature of the New World. These limitations and contradictions will be explored.
Research Interests:
Cultural History, Cultural Studies, Political Sociology, Comparative Politics, Political Philosophy, and 27 morePolitical Theory, Religion and Politics, Cultural Theory, Political Science, Identity (Culture), Politics, Identity politics, Nationalism, National Identity, Nationalism And State Building, Politics and Religion, Decolonialization, History of Nationalism, Decolonization (African History), Nations and nationalism, History of Nationalism and Nation-Building, Decolonisation, Decolonial Thought, Decolonization, Nationalsim, Hindu Nationalism in Modern India, Historical and Comparative Sociology, Ethnicity and National Identity, Modernity/coloniality/decoloniality, Immigration Status & Nationality, Nationalism and Decolonization, and Cuban Nationalism
Research Interests:
Religion, Latin American and Caribbean History, Religion and Politics, African Diaspora Studies, Politics, and 15 moreCaribbean Studies, African Diaspora, Politics and Religion, Afro-Caribbean History, Hindutva, Indian Diaspora, Trinidad, Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad & Tobago, Ethics, Religion, and Politics, West Indian History, Indians in Trinidad and Tobago, Indian Diaspora Studies, Afro Caribbean Religion, and Afro caribbean Religions
Research Interests:
Black Studies Or African American Studies, Latin American and Caribbean History, Black/African Diaspora, Religion and Politics, African Diaspora Studies, and 31 moreCaribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Ethno Cultural Relations, The Caribbean, African Diaspora, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Politics and Religion, West Indies (History), Ethno-regional parties, Caribbean, Hindu nationalism, Hindutva, Indian Diaspora, Trinidad, Gobalization Hindu nationalism Education, Trinidad and Tobago, Middle Passage, Atlantic World Slavery, African Diaspora, Slavery and Medicine, Black Women's History, Violence Studies, Caribbean History, Latin America and the Caribbean, Religious Nationalism, Trinidad & Tobago, Hindu Nationalism in Modern India, East Indian West Indies, Ethno-Religious conflict and national development, Latin American and Caribbean Studies, A Vision for Hinduism: Beyond Hindu Nationalism, Anthropology of Religion, Indian Diaspora Studies, West Indies, Ethno Religious Conflicts, Ethno religious Identities, and Ethno-religious Classification
The manifestations of ancient Indic civilization -- from meditation, to Ayurveda, to yoga, to Hindu (and Buddhist) philosophy, to Indian cuisine -- have become more and more a part of the daily life, consciousness and practice in the... more
The manifestations of ancient Indic civilization -- from meditation, to Ayurveda, to yoga, to Hindu (and Buddhist) philosophy, to Indian cuisine -- have become more and more a part of the daily life, consciousness and practice in the Americas. However, for Indic culture to be more sustainable in the Americas, it needs to be more organically rooted and enmeshed. For a number of reasons, this is not likely to happen in the United States, outside of peculiar, generally marginal localities. Indic philosophy and practice in the Americas are arguably most firmly rooted and authentically manifested in the countries of the Southern Caribbean, particularly the island of Trinidad, from which Acharya Ramsamooj emerged, and after whom this annual lecture series in the United States is named. In order to grow Indic culture in the Americas more sustainably and organically, the Southern Caribbean region of the Americas – especially Trinidad – needs to have its vital role more explicitly acknowledged.
Research Interests:
Latin American and Caribbean History, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), East Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, and 15 moreIndo-Caribbean Diaspora, Indian Indenture, Hinduism in America, Caribbean, Indo-Caribbean Culture, Indian Diaspora, Latin America and the Caribbean, Indian civilization, Indentured Labours Guyana, Indian Indenturership, Caribbean Indentured Labour, Indian Diaspora Studies, East Indian Indentureship, North American Hinduism, and Indo-Caribbean History
The manifestations of ancient Indic civilization -- from meditation, to Ayurveda, to yoga, to Hindu (and Buddhist) philosophy, to Indian cuisine -- have become more and more a part of the daily life, consciousness and practice in the... more
The manifestations of ancient Indic civilization -- from meditation, to Ayurveda, to yoga, to Hindu (and Buddhist) philosophy, to Indian cuisine -- have become more and more a part of the daily life, consciousness and practice in the Americas. However, for Indic culture to be more sustainable in the Americas, it needs to be more organically rooted and enmeshed. For a number of reasons, this is not likely to happen in the United States, outside of peculiar, generally marginal localities.
Indic philosophy and practice in the Americas are arguably most firmly rooted and authentically manifested in the countries of the Southern Caribbean, particularly the island of Trinidad, from which Acharya Ramsamooj emerged, and after whom this annual lecture series in the United States is named. In order to grow Indic culture in the Americas more sustainably and organically, the Southern Caribbean region of the Americas – especially Trinidad – needs to have its vital role more explicitly acknowledged.
Indic philosophy and practice in the Americas are arguably most firmly rooted and authentically manifested in the countries of the Southern Caribbean, particularly the island of Trinidad, from which Acharya Ramsamooj emerged, and after whom this annual lecture series in the United States is named. In order to grow Indic culture in the Americas more sustainably and organically, the Southern Caribbean region of the Americas – especially Trinidad – needs to have its vital role more explicitly acknowledged.
Research Interests:
Hinduism, Latin American and Caribbean History, Caribbean History, Caribbean Studies, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), and 15 moreEast Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, Indo-Caribbean Diaspora, Indian Indenture, Hinduism in America, Indo-Caribbean Culture, Hindu Studies, Indian Diaspora, Trinidad and Tobago, Latin America and the Caribbean, Indian civilization, Indentured Labours Guyana, Neo-Hinduism, Indian Diaspora Studies, East Indian Indentureship, and Indo-Caribbean History
Research Interests:
Ethnic Studies, Racial and Ethnic Politics, Race and Ethnicity, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Ethnic minorities, and 12 moreIndian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Ethnic Conflict, Ethnicity, Racial and ethnic discrimination, Ethnic Conflict and Civil War, Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts, Indian Diaspora, Ethnicity and National Identity, Ethnic politics, Indian Diaspora Studies, Ethnicity and Developmnet, and Ethnicity and Identity Politics
Research Interests:
Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Indian Diaspora (Migration and Ethnicity), Language and Ethnicity, and 20 moreHindi, Colonialism, ethnicity, language, Bhojpuri Diaspora, Language Maintenance & Loss in diaspora, Historical Linguistics, Comparative Linguistics, Indian Diaspora, Trinidad, Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad & Tobago, Indians in Trinidad and Tobago, Bhojpuri, Mandaic Language Loss and Revitalization, Language Loss, Indian Diaspora Studies, Intersectionality (Particularly Religion, Ethnicity and Language), Trinidadian English Creole, Trinidadian Bhojpuri, Indo Trinidadians, Trinidad and Tobago Culture, and Race Ethnicity and Language
Research Interests:
Mythology And Folklore, Folklore, East Indian/South Asian diaspora in the Caribbean, Folklore (Literature), Mythology, folklore and supersition, and 13 moreFolklore (Anthropology), Indo-Caribbean Diaspora, Parapsychology, Anthropology, Mediumship, Phenomenology, Spiritualism, Paranormal, Supernatural, Folklore, Religion, Sociology, Indo-Caribbean Culture, identities, guyana, east Indians, Supernatural Folklore, East Indian West Indies, Indo-Caribbean Literature, East Indians immigrants, East Indian Indentureship, Religion, Spirits, Rituals, Indian Diaspora In the West, and Plural Societies
The countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean are all self-governing, determining their own futures. But some 40 years after gaining independence from Britain, the question remains whether these countries are truly democratic and whether... more
The countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean are all self-governing, determining their own futures. But some 40 years after gaining independence from Britain, the question remains whether these countries are truly democratic and whether the parliamentary and electoral systems adopted, are well suited to the Caribbean experience. Meighoo and Jamadar answer these questions in the negative. A true democracy, they argue, is one where the Legislature has the authority and the strength to make the Executive effectively accountable and responsible to it and where the electoral system results in the true practical separation of the Legislature and the Executive.
Using Trinidad and Tobago as the model, Democracy and Constitution Reform in Trinidad and Tobago offers an overview of the constitutional reform process in the Commonwealth Caribbean. In these young, postcolonial democracies, where party politics have had a negative impact on the process of democratic reform, the authors review the historical, political and cultural motivations that have spawned the most recent debates on constitutional reform; and more particularly on the proposals for parliamentary and electoral reform. The book concludes with a review of past proposals and recommendations, and puts forward the authors’ own suggestions for reform.
At a time when most of the Commonwealth Caribbean is undergoing a process of constitutional debate and change, this book makes a valuable contribution to the discussion and provides a basis for the informed citizen, student or pundit to judge the process of reform.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS:
Kirk Meighoo is a member of the Democratic National Assembly and the author of Politics in a Half-Made Society: Trinidad and Tobago 1925–2002.
Peter Jamadar is a Judge of the Supreme Court of Trinidad and Tobago and the author of The Mechanics of Democracy.
Using Trinidad and Tobago as the model, Democracy and Constitution Reform in Trinidad and Tobago offers an overview of the constitutional reform process in the Commonwealth Caribbean. In these young, postcolonial democracies, where party politics have had a negative impact on the process of democratic reform, the authors review the historical, political and cultural motivations that have spawned the most recent debates on constitutional reform; and more particularly on the proposals for parliamentary and electoral reform. The book concludes with a review of past proposals and recommendations, and puts forward the authors’ own suggestions for reform.
At a time when most of the Commonwealth Caribbean is undergoing a process of constitutional debate and change, this book makes a valuable contribution to the discussion and provides a basis for the informed citizen, student or pundit to judge the process of reform.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS:
Kirk Meighoo is a member of the Democratic National Assembly and the author of Politics in a Half-Made Society: Trinidad and Tobago 1925–2002.
Peter Jamadar is a Judge of the Supreme Court of Trinidad and Tobago and the author of The Mechanics of Democracy.
Research Interests:
Constitutional Law, Comparative Politics, Political Philosophy, Democratic Education, Democratic Theory, and 25 morePolitics, Comparative Constitutional Law, Democracy, New Models Of Participatory And Direct Democracy, Participatory Democracy, Constitutional Theory, West Indies (History), Constitutionalism, Constitutional Politics, Constitutional History, Democracy and Good Governance, Democratic Deficit, Trinidad, Trinidad and Tobago, Democratic Governance, Trinidad & Tobago, Democratic consolidation, West Indian History, Constituionalism and Constitutional Law, Democracy and Citizenship Education, Politial Science, political theory, democracy,democratization, social theory, political theory, Middel Eastern study, Political Clientelism,Comparative Politics, and Corruption (Political Science),clientelism, West Indies, Governance and Democracy, and Constitutional Law Theory
The word ‘democracy’ too often has been used to justify actions which seriously contradict the democratic ideal. We wish to help restore a real, practical meaning – and value – to the word and the concept of ‘democracy’ because it is... more
The word ‘democracy’ too often has been used to justify actions
which seriously contradict the democratic ideal. We wish to help restore a real, practical meaning – and value – to the word and the concept of ‘democracy’ because it is important to us in Trinidad and Tobago. Around the world, ‘democracy’ is regularly used to legitimate unpopular and repressive authority, used interchangeably with the ‘will of the people’ (embodied in the government or ruling party), ‘rule of law’, ‘majority rule’, ‘advancement of freedom’, or ‘end of tyranny’. Indeed, ‘democracy’ is so abused on all sides of the political prism that it seems to have little real meaning any longer. Unfortunately, the misuse of the word ‘democracy’ occurs not only for dishonourable reasons. It occurs also because of genuine misunderstanding and confusion by well-meaning people who have acquired simple, formulaic, but commonly expressed, understandings of democracy. The lack of clarity on what democracy precisely is, allows other less laudable – and occasionally sinister – goals to be advanced, sometimes unintentionally.
which seriously contradict the democratic ideal. We wish to help restore a real, practical meaning – and value – to the word and the concept of ‘democracy’ because it is important to us in Trinidad and Tobago. Around the world, ‘democracy’ is regularly used to legitimate unpopular and repressive authority, used interchangeably with the ‘will of the people’ (embodied in the government or ruling party), ‘rule of law’, ‘majority rule’, ‘advancement of freedom’, or ‘end of tyranny’. Indeed, ‘democracy’ is so abused on all sides of the political prism that it seems to have little real meaning any longer. Unfortunately, the misuse of the word ‘democracy’ occurs not only for dishonourable reasons. It occurs also because of genuine misunderstanding and confusion by well-meaning people who have acquired simple, formulaic, but commonly expressed, understandings of democracy. The lack of clarity on what democracy precisely is, allows other less laudable – and occasionally sinister – goals to be advanced, sometimes unintentionally.
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, Political Philosophy, Democratic Theory, Democratization, Comparative Constitutional Law, and 25 moreDemocracy, New Models Of Democracy, New Models Of Participatory And Direct Democracy, Participatory Democracy, Constitutional Theory, Participatory democracy (Political Science), Radical Democracy, Democracy and Good Governance, Democratic Deficit, Participatory governance, Trinidad, *Comparative Government (Political Systems) and Politics, Comparative Constitutionalism, Trinidad and Tobago, Comparative Constitutional Theory, Trinidad & Tobago, Comparative Constitutions, The Basic Principles of Modern Democracy, Democracy and Citizenship Education, Participatory and Deliberative Democracy, Ancient Democracy, Theories of radical democracy, International and Comparative Politics, Comparative Government Developmental Economics, and Comparative Constitutional Law & Theory
We in Trinidad and Tobago have found ourselves in a political and diplomatic mess, in the middle of a geo-political conflict between the US and Venezuela – perhaps even Iran now? – and apparently taking sides in the latest Venezuelan... more
We in Trinidad and Tobago have found ourselves in a political and diplomatic mess, in the middle of a geo-political conflict between the US and Venezuela – perhaps even Iran now? – and apparently taking sides in the latest Venezuelan civil war.
It appears as though we have lost sense of the fundamentals of our independence, foreign policy and international relations. Other interests appear to be taking us off course into dangerous territory which does not serve our short-, medium- or long-term interests.
An important place to start to regain our bearings is Lloyd Best’s seminal 1971 essay, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom”.
This was in many ways the seminal statement of the pan-Caribbean, political-intellectual New World Group – to which I have been connected for some decades.
It appears as though we have lost sense of the fundamentals of our independence, foreign policy and international relations. Other interests appear to be taking us off course into dangerous territory which does not serve our short-, medium- or long-term interests.
An important place to start to regain our bearings is Lloyd Best’s seminal 1971 essay, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom”.
This was in many ways the seminal statement of the pan-Caribbean, political-intellectual New World Group – to which I have been connected for some decades.
Research Interests:
March 30 this year marked the 50th Anniversary of the repeal of the Ordinance prohibiting the practices of Shouter Baptists. The holiday which we celebrate is not a holy feast day for the group, but the commemoration of a political... more
March 30 this year marked the 50th Anniversary of the repeal of the Ordinance prohibiting the practices of Shouter Baptists. The holiday which we celebrate is not a holy feast day for the group, but the commemoration of a political event.
The Ordinance prohibiting the Shouters was repealed in 1951 by the Government headed by Governor Sir Hubert Rance, before the advent of a credible nationalist politics in Trinidad and Tobago. Yet this was a recognisably progressive act occurring under Crown Colony Government. Unfortunately, our “nationalist” bias and mythology seems to dismiss almost all official political activity that occurred prior to 1956.
From 1950-6, the Legislative Council (or “LegCo” as it was known) consisted of the Governor, three Official Members (i.e. three civil servants – the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney General, and the Financial Secretary), 18 elected representatives, and five persons nominated by the Governor. This body was analagous to Parliament, where bills were debated and laws were passed.
The Ordinance prohibiting the Shouters was repealed in 1951 by the Government headed by Governor Sir Hubert Rance, before the advent of a credible nationalist politics in Trinidad and Tobago. Yet this was a recognisably progressive act occurring under Crown Colony Government. Unfortunately, our “nationalist” bias and mythology seems to dismiss almost all official political activity that occurred prior to 1956.
From 1950-6, the Legislative Council (or “LegCo” as it was known) consisted of the Governor, three Official Members (i.e. three civil servants – the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney General, and the Financial Secretary), 18 elected representatives, and five persons nominated by the Governor. This body was analagous to Parliament, where bills were debated and laws were passed.
Research Interests:
The elections of 2001 are the first elections resulting in an absolutely hung Parliament. The first hung Parliament was in 1995, with the UNC and PNM tied at 17, and the NAR holding the remaining two seats. If that sign was not obvious... more
The elections of 2001 are the first elections resulting in an absolutely hung Parliament. The first hung Parliament was in 1995, with the UNC and PNM tied at 17, and the NAR holding the remaining two seats. If that sign was not obvious enough for us that the country was endemically hung, we now face stalemate, compelling us to work out of our predicament politically.
Analysing the election results, incomplete as they necessarily are at this moment, reveals the extent of the stalemate.
To help understand the party dynamics, or lack thereof, it is instructive to compare the electoral performance of the parties since 1995, when the UNC first came into power, arguably against the odds, to now.
Over the last six years, we saw momentum move to the extreme limits of the UNC’s reach from 1995 to 2000. That has now been pulled back, almost to the direct centre.
Analysing the election results, incomplete as they necessarily are at this moment, reveals the extent of the stalemate.
To help understand the party dynamics, or lack thereof, it is instructive to compare the electoral performance of the parties since 1995, when the UNC first came into power, arguably against the odds, to now.
Over the last six years, we saw momentum move to the extreme limits of the UNC’s reach from 1995 to 2000. That has now been pulled back, almost to the direct centre.
Research Interests:
oday is President Arthur NR Robinson’s 75th birthday. And once again, in a full 45 years of public life, we find him in the centre stage of the affairs of Trinidad and Tobago. As Lloyd Best already has stated, Robinson seems to be... more
oday is President Arthur NR Robinson’s 75th birthday. And once again, in a full 45 years of public life, we find him in the centre stage of the affairs of Trinidad and Tobago.
As Lloyd Best already has stated, Robinson seems to be emerging as “the man of the match,” perhaps destined to claim a more pivotal role in the life of Trinidad and Tobago than even Dr. Eric Williams.
Robinson has consistently been placed in the national spotlight, compelled to initiate novel action. He has always made the initial steps, even if he has not always run towards the logical ends. He brought Tobago in to the PNM in 1958, protested the PNM’s handling of the Black Power demonstrations in 1970, initiated internal self-government in Tobago in 1977, led a successful national coalition to remove the PNM from national government in 1986, was the key to bringing in the country’s first Prime Minister of Indian descent and from the trade union movement in 1995, emerged as a key figure in restraining the arbitrary powers of the Prime Minister in 1999, and he is now playing a key role in introducing another novel arrangement in Government.
As Lloyd Best already has stated, Robinson seems to be emerging as “the man of the match,” perhaps destined to claim a more pivotal role in the life of Trinidad and Tobago than even Dr. Eric Williams.
Robinson has consistently been placed in the national spotlight, compelled to initiate novel action. He has always made the initial steps, even if he has not always run towards the logical ends. He brought Tobago in to the PNM in 1958, protested the PNM’s handling of the Black Power demonstrations in 1970, initiated internal self-government in Tobago in 1977, led a successful national coalition to remove the PNM from national government in 1986, was the key to bringing in the country’s first Prime Minister of Indian descent and from the trade union movement in 1995, emerged as a key figure in restraining the arbitrary powers of the Prime Minister in 1999, and he is now playing a key role in introducing another novel arrangement in Government.
Research Interests:
The country is hung. It has been hung for a long time, and it will continue to be hung for a long time. This is what the tied election results glaringly re-enforce to us, since we apparently did not take due notice of it before. After... more
The country is hung. It has been hung for a long time, and it will continue to be hung for a long time. This is what the tied election results glaringly re-enforce to us, since we apparently did not take due notice of it before.
After the NAR broke up and lost government in 1991, the PNM secured the slimmest government majority since 1961. Starting with 21 seats, government ended with 18 effective seats by 1995 (Arima MP Rupert Griffith was speaker of the House, Port of Spain North/St. Ann’s West MP Gordon Draper had taken up appointment at the Commonwealth Secretariat in London, and San Fernando West MP Ralph Maraj had resigned his seat in Parliament and joined the UNC).
Prime Minister Manning then called a snap election. He explained that having 18 members reduced the government’s ”flexibility” in conducting its business to “unacceptable levels” and he therefore sought a new mandate.
After the NAR broke up and lost government in 1991, the PNM secured the slimmest government majority since 1961. Starting with 21 seats, government ended with 18 effective seats by 1995 (Arima MP Rupert Griffith was speaker of the House, Port of Spain North/St. Ann’s West MP Gordon Draper had taken up appointment at the Commonwealth Secretariat in London, and San Fernando West MP Ralph Maraj had resigned his seat in Parliament and joined the UNC).
Prime Minister Manning then called a snap election. He explained that having 18 members reduced the government’s ”flexibility” in conducting its business to “unacceptable levels” and he therefore sought a new mandate.
Research Interests:
Important developments throughout the world have emerged this week: Afghanistan has a new post-Taliban government, fighting in Israel has escalated to the point of approaching war, and Argentina may be on the brink of financial collapse.... more
Important developments throughout the world have emerged this week: Afghanistan has a new post-Taliban government, fighting in Israel has escalated to the point of approaching war, and Argentina may be on the brink of financial collapse. Although it sounds absurd to say it, Trinidad and Tobago has a destiny to fulfill in the world (the success of our artists is a clear indication of our potential). But we first have to sort out the political mess at home, which may take years.
The most important political question that we face is not who will win tomorrow, but what is going to happen afterwards? We have had an entire year of government in limbo. We can only hope that after tomorrow, we will be able to begin government again.
The most important political question that we face is not who will win tomorrow, but what is going to happen afterwards? We have had an entire year of government in limbo. We can only hope that after tomorrow, we will be able to begin government again.
Research Interests:
It is well knows that there are tens of thousands of Trinidadians and Tobagonians in Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and a few in the unlikeliest of places around the globe. We are the grandchildren of immigrants.... more
It is well knows that there are tens of thousands of Trinidadians and Tobagonians in Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and a few in the unlikeliest of places around the globe.
We are the grandchildren of immigrants. Movement, perhaps, is in our blood. Significantly, this does not happen only in the form of emigration. Migration within Trinidad and Tobago is also quite important.
In total, in 1990 there were 286,406 persons who moved out of the area in which they were born. That is one out of every four persons in the country.
Indeed, when the 1960 census revealed that 148,200 persons had migrated internally since 1946, one government-employed demographer pointed to the “unsettled character” of the population.
We are the grandchildren of immigrants. Movement, perhaps, is in our blood. Significantly, this does not happen only in the form of emigration. Migration within Trinidad and Tobago is also quite important.
In total, in 1990 there were 286,406 persons who moved out of the area in which they were born. That is one out of every four persons in the country.
Indeed, when the 1960 census revealed that 148,200 persons had migrated internally since 1946, one government-employed demographer pointed to the “unsettled character” of the population.
Research Interests:
Last year, on the eve of the 2000 elections, I began my writing in the Sunday Guardian arguing the great political-historical significance of those elections. We can now see that they were so important that we are still fighting those... more
Last year, on the eve of the 2000 elections, I began my writing in the Sunday Guardian arguing the great political-historical significance of those elections. We can now see that they were so important that we are still fighting those same elections today!
The political landscape is changing. The UNC-PNM-NAR triarchy of the 1990s will not continue into the 21st century. What will replace it?
It seems certain that the 2001 elections will formally split the country between the UNC and PNM only. This will resemble the 1961-76 PNM-DLP configuration only superficially, however, for the UNC-PNM division will have a fundamental different balance of power. In addition, that arrangement may not be as able to withstand the pressure bubbling beneath the surface, opposed to both parties.
The political landscape is changing. The UNC-PNM-NAR triarchy of the 1990s will not continue into the 21st century. What will replace it?
It seems certain that the 2001 elections will formally split the country between the UNC and PNM only. This will resemble the 1961-76 PNM-DLP configuration only superficially, however, for the UNC-PNM division will have a fundamental different balance of power. In addition, that arrangement may not be as able to withstand the pressure bubbling beneath the surface, opposed to both parties.
Research Interests:
Ever since internal self-government in 1961, opposition parties have complained about the Elections and Boundaries Commissions. The two Commissions were originally established by the PNM Government’s Representation of the People Act... more
Ever since internal self-government in 1961, opposition parties have complained about the Elections and Boundaries Commissions.
The two Commissions were originally established by the PNM Government’s Representation of the People Act introduced in 1960. Their creation occurred in a context of very close elections: in 1956, the PNM secured 13 of the 31 seats in the Legislative Council and 38.7 per cent of the ballots cast.
In the Federal Elections of March 25, 1958, the recently formed Democratic Labour Party (DLP) won six seats (all in Trinidad) and the PNM four (three in Trinidad, one in Tobago). In the County Council General Elections of February 16, 1959, the DLP won a majority in five of the seven County Councils. In addition, they won two by-elections in Point-à-Pierre and St. Andrew/St. David and seats in the Port of Spain Municipal elections. In both elections the PNM received slightly more total votes than the DLP, but the PNM’s votes were more concentrated than the DLP’s.
The two Commissions were originally established by the PNM Government’s Representation of the People Act introduced in 1960. Their creation occurred in a context of very close elections: in 1956, the PNM secured 13 of the 31 seats in the Legislative Council and 38.7 per cent of the ballots cast.
In the Federal Elections of March 25, 1958, the recently formed Democratic Labour Party (DLP) won six seats (all in Trinidad) and the PNM four (three in Trinidad, one in Tobago). In the County Council General Elections of February 16, 1959, the DLP won a majority in five of the seven County Councils. In addition, they won two by-elections in Point-à-Pierre and St. Andrew/St. David and seats in the Port of Spain Municipal elections. In both elections the PNM received slightly more total votes than the DLP, but the PNM’s votes were more concentrated than the DLP’s.
Research Interests:
World War III is unfolding before us, and we remain largely perspectiveless. Our media are content to recycle BBC or CNN newscasts and leave it at that. We have nothing to add. In the important conversation of nations and civilisations,... more
World War III is unfolding before us, and we remain largely perspectiveless. Our media are content to recycle BBC or CNN newscasts and leave it at that. We have nothing to add.
In the important conversation of nations and civilisations, we are inarticulate, like someone who responds with a pathetic and ignorant, “huh?” when asked for his informed opinion.
When I was a boy I asked my grandmother (from Rio Claro) if my deceased grandfather fought in “the War.” I heard other little boys ask their grandfathers this question many times on American television programmes.
My grandmother rebuked me for being so foolish, “Trinidad ent fight in no war, boy!” I believed literally that the whole world was involved in World Wars I and II. I had to revise my idea.
In the important conversation of nations and civilisations, we are inarticulate, like someone who responds with a pathetic and ignorant, “huh?” when asked for his informed opinion.
When I was a boy I asked my grandmother (from Rio Claro) if my deceased grandfather fought in “the War.” I heard other little boys ask their grandfathers this question many times on American television programmes.
My grandmother rebuked me for being so foolish, “Trinidad ent fight in no war, boy!” I believed literally that the whole world was involved in World Wars I and II. I had to revise my idea.
Research Interests:
I had previously charged the NAR Government as the most disastrous in the history of Trinidad and Tobago. The split between ANR Robinson and Basdeo Panday in 1987-8 was demoralising, and the internal disaffection with Robinson continued... more
I had previously charged the NAR Government as the most disastrous in the history of Trinidad and Tobago. The split between ANR Robinson and Basdeo Panday in 1987-8 was demoralising, and the internal disaffection with Robinson continued with NAR MPs Kenneth Butcher, Jensen Fox, Theodore Guerra, Arthur Sanderson, and Eden Shand, President of the Senate Michael Williams. Others simply refused to contest the elections for the NAR in 1991, including Minister of Education Gloria Henry, Minister of Food Production Brinsley Samaroo, and Deputy Speaker Anselm St. George.
This great discontent combined with an unrelieved recession that steadily erased the gains made in the 1970s (after seven years of reversal, four years of stablisation, and seven years of expansion, only last year did we return to our 1982 level of GDP).
This great discontent combined with an unrelieved recession that steadily erased the gains made in the 1970s (after seven years of reversal, four years of stablisation, and seven years of expansion, only last year did we return to our 1982 level of GDP).
Research Interests:
n the middle of an election, it is easy to be swept away in the passions and issues of the moment. Paradoxically, this is also the time that we need to be most sober, to gauge the state of the country and determine where it may be... more
n the middle of an election, it is easy to be swept away in the passions and issues of the moment. Paradoxically, this is also the time that we need to be most sober, to gauge the state of the country and determine where it may be going.
The present election is part of a larger crisis. It can teach us much about our politics if we step back and examine what has brought us to this point where our government has broken down, just nine months into its term of office.
Firstly, we are once again repeating episodes that have already occurred in our political history. The UNC’s current problems share much with the splits in DLP, and also in the ULF (Raffique Shah vs. Basdeo Panday), with the NAR (Panday vs. ANR Robinson) and in the early UNC (Kelvin Ramnath vs. Panday).
The fact that these splits recur so regularly suggests that there is a fundamental problem that has yet to be solved.
The present election is part of a larger crisis. It can teach us much about our politics if we step back and examine what has brought us to this point where our government has broken down, just nine months into its term of office.
Firstly, we are once again repeating episodes that have already occurred in our political history. The UNC’s current problems share much with the splits in DLP, and also in the ULF (Raffique Shah vs. Basdeo Panday), with the NAR (Panday vs. ANR Robinson) and in the early UNC (Kelvin Ramnath vs. Panday).
The fact that these splits recur so regularly suggests that there is a fundamental problem that has yet to be solved.
Research Interests:
Sir Vidia Naipaul’s winning of the Nobel Prize last week provided a great relief from, and counterpoint to, the absurdity of the events occurring in Trinidad and Tobago. Although some have argued that the present political confusion is... more
Sir Vidia Naipaul’s winning of the Nobel Prize last week provided a great relief from, and counterpoint to, the absurdity of the events occurring in Trinidad and Tobago.
Although some have argued that the present political confusion is heralding a maturation of Trinidadian politics, I remain sceptical. Mixed in the political rhetoric about principle and corruption, I sense a reversion to the politics of “individualism” that Dr. Williams so stubbornly (and unsuccessfully) fought to dislodge, and that Naipaul lampooned in The Suffrage Elvira. That hilarious and richly observant novel fictionalised the 1950 General Elections in Trinidad as it took place in Naparima and Caroni. Indeed, Naipaul’s uncle, Simbhoonath Capildeo, ran as an unsuccessful candidate in Caroni for Albert Gomes’s and David Pitt’s United Front in 1946, when elections were first held under universal adult suffrage.
Although some have argued that the present political confusion is heralding a maturation of Trinidadian politics, I remain sceptical. Mixed in the political rhetoric about principle and corruption, I sense a reversion to the politics of “individualism” that Dr. Williams so stubbornly (and unsuccessfully) fought to dislodge, and that Naipaul lampooned in The Suffrage Elvira. That hilarious and richly observant novel fictionalised the 1950 General Elections in Trinidad as it took place in Naparima and Caroni. Indeed, Naipaul’s uncle, Simbhoonath Capildeo, ran as an unsuccessful candidate in Caroni for Albert Gomes’s and David Pitt’s United Front in 1946, when elections were first held under universal adult suffrage.
Research Interests:
As in 1991, so in 2001. Basdeo Panday once again finds himself fighting the choices of the party he leads. Panday has supported an obvious multi-racial national executive for his party, while the UNC rank and file seem to have supported... more
As in 1991, so in 2001. Basdeo Panday once again finds himself fighting the choices of the party he leads. Panday has supported an obvious multi-racial national executive for his party, while the UNC rank and file seem to have supported longer-standing members, who in general are mainly Indian. These differences between Panday and his supporters have led to near-fatal instability in the UNC, almost from the party’s beginning.
Research Interests:
At the time of writing, the “Three Musketeers” and the PNM were discussing strategy for the upcoming sitting of the Lower House on Friday. By today, the situation may or may not have become clearer. The emerging coalition, which I will... more
At the time of writing, the “Three Musketeers” and the PNM were discussing strategy for the upcoming sitting of the Lower House on Friday. By today, the situation may or may not have become clearer.
The emerging coalition, which I will call the “3M-PNM” for brevity’s sake, threatens to displace the UNC Government, and presumably give the Prime Ministership to Patrick Manning.
However, this parliamentary manoeuvre, at best, will not be easy. At worst, it will be impossible.
The emerging coalition, which I will call the “3M-PNM” for brevity’s sake, threatens to displace the UNC Government, and presumably give the Prime Ministership to Patrick Manning.
However, this parliamentary manoeuvre, at best, will not be easy. At worst, it will be impossible.
Research Interests:
As passions focus on Afghanistan and Usama bin Laden, it would do us well to understand the complexity of the situation in Central Asia. After the Afghan mujahideen victory over the Soviet Union in 1989, new fighting broke out in... more
As passions focus on Afghanistan and Usama bin Laden, it would do us well to understand the complexity of the situation in Central Asia.
After the Afghan mujahideen victory over the Soviet Union in 1989, new fighting broke out in Afghanistan when the mujahideen took over the Afghan capital Kabul in 1992. The country erupted in civil war as regional powers supported ethnic factions in an attempt to carve out spheres of influence, in much the same manner as the Central African countries have involved themselves in the Congolese civil war.
After the Afghan mujahideen victory over the Soviet Union in 1989, new fighting broke out in Afghanistan when the mujahideen took over the Afghan capital Kabul in 1992. The country erupted in civil war as regional powers supported ethnic factions in an attempt to carve out spheres of influence, in much the same manner as the Central African countries have involved themselves in the Congolese civil war.
Research Interests:
As passions focus on Afghanistan and Usama bin Laden, it would do us well to understand the complexity of the situation in Central Asia. After the Afghan mujahideen victory over the Soviet Union in 1989, new fighting broke out in... more
As passions focus on Afghanistan and Usama bin Laden, it would do us well to understand the complexity of the situation in Central Asia.
After the Afghan mujahideen victory over the Soviet Union in 1989, new fighting broke out in Afghanistan when the mujahideen took over the Afghan capital Kabul in 1992. The country erupted in civil war as regional powers supported ethnic factions in an attempt to carve out spheres of influence, in much the same manner as the Central African countries have involved themselves in the Congolese civil war.
After the Afghan mujahideen victory over the Soviet Union in 1989, new fighting broke out in Afghanistan when the mujahideen took over the Afghan capital Kabul in 1992. The country erupted in civil war as regional powers supported ethnic factions in an attempt to carve out spheres of influence, in much the same manner as the Central African countries have involved themselves in the Congolese civil war.
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Today ends an international conference commemorating CLR James’s 100th birthday. CLR James (born on January 4, 1901) was the first of four outstanding intellectual figures this country has produced. The others were Eric Williams (b.... more
Today ends an international conference commemorating CLR James’s 100th birthday. CLR James (born on January 4, 1901) was the first of four outstanding intellectual figures this country has produced. The others were Eric Williams (b. September 25, 1911); Vidia Naipaul (b. August 17, 1932), and Lloyd Best (b. February 27, 1934). It is interesting to note that the four were born between 1901 and 1934, and that they all went to Queen’s Royal College, the Government College of the day. Each of them spent a significant period in England.
Each had their own character, with a different balance of effects on intellectual life and on political life, within Trinidad and outside of it. It would do us well to consider the characters of the four men, and their particular imprints on the world.
Each had their own character, with a different balance of effects on intellectual life and on political life, within Trinidad and outside of it. It would do us well to consider the characters of the four men, and their particular imprints on the world.
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The recent, dramatic attack on the US has heightened concerns about the threat of terrorism and terrorist violence not only in that country, but around the world. It is quite correct to focus on this concern, and it is hoped that the... more
The recent, dramatic attack on the US has heightened concerns about the threat of terrorism and terrorist violence not only in that country, but around the world.
It is quite correct to focus on this concern, and it is hoped that the Trinidad and Tobago State will sensibly consider threats to national security.
However, I would like to focus on another aspect of the attack which may escape notice: the politics of nihilism.
In the US and Europe, the past two years have seen the spectacular rise of “anti-capitalist” anarchist-fringed, violent protests against the IMF, World Bank, G8, and other multilateral financial and governance bodies.
It is quite correct to focus on this concern, and it is hoped that the Trinidad and Tobago State will sensibly consider threats to national security.
However, I would like to focus on another aspect of the attack which may escape notice: the politics of nihilism.
In the US and Europe, the past two years have seen the spectacular rise of “anti-capitalist” anarchist-fringed, violent protests against the IMF, World Bank, G8, and other multilateral financial and governance bodies.
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Regardless of one’s agreement or disagreement with the outcome, it has to be admitted that Ramesh Lawrence Maharaj’s coup over the Political Leader in Monday night’s UNC executive meeting was a brilliant political stroke, unequaled by any... more
Regardless of one’s agreement or disagreement with the outcome, it has to be admitted that Ramesh Lawrence Maharaj’s coup over the Political Leader in Monday night’s UNC executive meeting was a brilliant political stroke, unequaled by any second-in-command or right-hand man in Trinidad and Tobago politics. No matter what happens next, we should not underestimate Maharaj’s political acumen and skill.
Playing against a venerable master of the game, with a well-thought out plan, correct judgment, and stiff resolution, Maharaj hung Panday’s jack, with an audience to witness.
Playing against a venerable master of the game, with a well-thought out plan, correct judgment, and stiff resolution, Maharaj hung Panday’s jack, with an audience to witness.
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Ramesh Lawrence Maharaj has further emphasised this week that he is seeking to strengthen the UNC party by giving life to its role outside of electioneering and support for the political leader: he wants the party to be able to influence... more
Ramesh Lawrence Maharaj has further emphasised this week that he is seeking to strengthen the UNC party by giving life to its role outside of electioneering and support for the political leader: he wants the party to be able to influence the Government, and to prepare for a post-Panday future.
In the meanwhile, Prime Minister Panday seems to have gained a sense of humour about Maharaj’s potential challenge, which signals a gaining of a sense of proportion. Maharaj, on the other hand, has remained impressively unperturbed, wisely insisting that he is not seeking to challenge the Prime Minister’s unchallengeable position in the party. The two men may be able to live together in the same party.
In the meanwhile, Prime Minister Panday seems to have gained a sense of humour about Maharaj’s potential challenge, which signals a gaining of a sense of proportion. Maharaj, on the other hand, has remained impressively unperturbed, wisely insisting that he is not seeking to challenge the Prime Minister’s unchallengeable position in the party. The two men may be able to live together in the same party.
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On August 1, 1985 Trinidad and Tobago became the first country in the world to declare a national holiday to commemorate the abolition of slavery. Obviously, we celebrate the abolition of slavery in the British Empire in 1834. However,... more
On August 1, 1985 Trinidad and Tobago became the first country in the world to declare a national holiday to commemorate the abolition of slavery.
Obviously, we celebrate the abolition of slavery in the British Empire in 1834. However, individual colonies in British North America (which later became the United States of America) abolished slavery beginning with Rhode Island in 1774. The first national abolition was declared in the French Revolution of 1789, and maintained afterward only in the independent Republic of Haiti. Slavery was abolished permanently in the French Empire in 1848, in the Spanish Empire in 1880, and in Brazil in 1888. (Brazil is central, since it received more than one-third of all Africans imported in the slave trade.)
Obviously, we celebrate the abolition of slavery in the British Empire in 1834. However, individual colonies in British North America (which later became the United States of America) abolished slavery beginning with Rhode Island in 1774. The first national abolition was declared in the French Revolution of 1789, and maintained afterward only in the independent Republic of Haiti. Slavery was abolished permanently in the French Empire in 1848, in the Spanish Empire in 1880, and in Brazil in 1888. (Brazil is central, since it received more than one-third of all Africans imported in the slave trade.)
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We are in the middle of a fluid moment in our politics. The short-term manifestation is understandably the focus of public debate: the rift in the UNC following the party’s executive elections, the failure of the constitutional motions of... more
We are in the middle of a fluid moment in our politics. The short-term manifestation is understandably the focus of public debate: the rift in the UNC following the party’s executive elections, the failure of the constitutional motions of Peters and Chaitan in the Court of Appeal, and the serious charges of corruption against the Government. These immediate developments point to the imminent possibility of a general election.
From a longer-term perspective, T&T is at the tail-end of the current configuration of our party politics. In other words, the PNM-UNC-NAR configuration of our political interests is near its end, if only because the NAR is facing oblivion.
From a longer-term perspective, T&T is at the tail-end of the current configuration of our party politics. In other words, the PNM-UNC-NAR configuration of our political interests is near its end, if only because the NAR is facing oblivion.
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The Prime Minister’s change of Ministerial responsibility announced Wednesday August 22 had to be expected. The situation could not go on for long without some action from Prime Minister Panday. Lloyd Best’s argument that the PM both... more
The Prime Minister’s change of Ministerial responsibility announced Wednesday August 22 had to be expected. The situation could not go on for long without some action from Prime Minister Panday.
Lloyd Best’s argument that the PM both cannot afford and may not have the even ability to more severely discipline AG Maharaj is intriguing, insightful, and well-grounded. One must always remember that public statements and pronouncements in political battle are almost always designed to obscure real intentions and positions.
Lloyd Best’s argument that the PM both cannot afford and may not have the even ability to more severely discipline AG Maharaj is intriguing, insightful, and well-grounded. One must always remember that public statements and pronouncements in political battle are almost always designed to obscure real intentions and positions.
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The pressure on the UNC Government at present should not come as a surprise to observers of Trinidad and Tobago politics. Discontent with authority for all practical purposes is a permanent feature of our political culture. Since we... more
The pressure on the UNC Government at present should not come as a surprise to observers of Trinidad and Tobago politics.
Discontent with authority for all practical purposes is a permanent feature of our political culture. Since we started to govern ourselves in 1956 no government has ever escaped popular challenges to its legitimacy, even by its own supporters. This was true for Williams, Chambers, Robinson, Manning, as well as Panday.
Until Basdeo Panday became Prime Minister, however, it was only Dr. Eric Williams who weathered these challenges, even when faced with the Black Power movement and the army mutiny led by Raffique Shah and Rex LaSalle.
Discontent with authority for all practical purposes is a permanent feature of our political culture. Since we started to govern ourselves in 1956 no government has ever escaped popular challenges to its legitimacy, even by its own supporters. This was true for Williams, Chambers, Robinson, Manning, as well as Panday.
Until Basdeo Panday became Prime Minister, however, it was only Dr. Eric Williams who weathered these challenges, even when faced with the Black Power movement and the army mutiny led by Raffique Shah and Rex LaSalle.
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Last week’s rumour that the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition were contriving to create an Executive Presidency for the present Prime Minister, and a possible leadership of the legislature for the present Leader of the... more
Last week’s rumour that the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition were contriving to create an Executive Presidency for the present Prime Minister, and a possible leadership of the legislature for the present Leader of the Opposition, struck me over its resemblance to the actual power-sharing arrangement between the “Creole” and “Indian” leaders in the island Republic of Mauritius in the Indian Ocean.
Beginning in 1721 Mauritius, previously uninhabited, became a French sugar colony. The British captured the island in 1810. Although Indian indentured labour was used during the slavery period, it was after abolition that the massive immigration of Indian labourers began. (The Trinidadian planters were able to import Indian labour following the success of the Mauritian scheme. As a result, the Indians of both islands come from the same place. Mauritian Indians’ ancestral language is bhojpuri, they eat dhalpourie, pharata, and even peynouse, and they sing the same bhojpuri songs, which we now call “chutney” music.)
Beginning in 1721 Mauritius, previously uninhabited, became a French sugar colony. The British captured the island in 1810. Although Indian indentured labour was used during the slavery period, it was after abolition that the massive immigration of Indian labourers began. (The Trinidadian planters were able to import Indian labour following the success of the Mauritian scheme. As a result, the Indians of both islands come from the same place. Mauritian Indians’ ancestral language is bhojpuri, they eat dhalpourie, pharata, and even peynouse, and they sing the same bhojpuri songs, which we now call “chutney” music.)
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Transparency International’s (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) was made available on the worldwide web on June 27, 2001 at www.transparency.org. Trinidad and Tobago tied at 31 on the list with a score of 5.3. The index ranged from... more
Transparency International’s (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) was made available on the worldwide web on June 27, 2001 at www.transparency.org.
Trinidad and Tobago tied at 31 on the list with a score of 5.3. The index ranged from 0 (highly corrupt) to 10 (highly clean). The two other countries with the same score as Trinidad and Tobago were Hungary and Tunisia.
In Trinidad, journalists, activists, commentators, editorials, and radio and television presenters reported that Trinidad and Tobago was ranked as the 31st most corrupt country in TI’s list of 91 countries.
This is absolutely incorrect.
Trinidad and Tobago tied at 31 on the list with a score of 5.3. The index ranged from 0 (highly corrupt) to 10 (highly clean). The two other countries with the same score as Trinidad and Tobago were Hungary and Tunisia.
In Trinidad, journalists, activists, commentators, editorials, and radio and television presenters reported that Trinidad and Tobago was ranked as the 31st most corrupt country in TI’s list of 91 countries.
This is absolutely incorrect.
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The recent violence in Jamaica gives us an opportunity to consider the differences between that island-state and Trinidad and Tobago, both of which gained Independence in August 1962. The political dimension of the violence should not be... more
The recent violence in Jamaica gives us an opportunity to consider the differences between that island-state and Trinidad and Tobago, both of which gained Independence in August 1962.
The political dimension of the violence should not be over-emphasised, but it is important. It is widely accepted that the gangs of downtown Kingston were organised and armed by the two established political parties, particularly in the 1970s. These gangs have fought over territory and created constituencies in which the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) or the People’s National Party (PNP) can win with 100% of the votes cast (and sometimes more!).
The political dimension of the violence should not be over-emphasised, but it is important. It is widely accepted that the gangs of downtown Kingston were organised and armed by the two established political parties, particularly in the 1970s. These gangs have fought over territory and created constituencies in which the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) or the People’s National Party (PNP) can win with 100% of the votes cast (and sometimes more!).
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The agreement between Prime Minister Panday and Patrick Manning two Fridays ago was highly reminiscent of the agreement reached between Prime Minister Eric Williams and Leader of Opposition, Dr. Rudranath Capildeo, in May 1962. Both... more
The agreement between Prime Minister Panday and Patrick Manning two Fridays ago was highly reminiscent of the agreement reached between Prime Minister Eric Williams and Leader of Opposition, Dr. Rudranath Capildeo, in May 1962.
Both accords ended Opposition so embittered as to further undermine the already-thin legitimacy which even the most successful of Governments normally have in Trinidad and Tobago.
Both accords ended Opposition so embittered as to further undermine the already-thin legitimacy which even the most successful of Governments normally have in Trinidad and Tobago.
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It seems safe to say that from a long historical perspective the 1995-2000 Panday administration will stand out as one of the three most important terms of government in Trinidad and Tobago's short history, the other two being the... more
It seems safe to say that from a long historical perspective the 1995-2000 Panday administration will stand out as one of the three most important terms of government in Trinidad and Tobago's short history, the other two being the Williams administration of 1956-61 and the Robinson administration of 1986-91. Further into the future we may better evaluate what aspects of the administration have been salient, what have been ephemeral, which actions we can view as successful, and which ones as failures. However, at this point it is possible to discern themes that have persisted in those controversy-laden five years. While the Panday administration has been beholden by generic World Bank-type policy-poverty reduction, human development, gender balance, non-governmental organisations, sustainable development, etc. (its universality is its weakness, since it misses our own special historical problems)-the UNC Government has in some measure moved beyond this and stamped an identifiable character onto the government, for good or ill. A strong economy coinciding with leadership by an outspoken, aggressive Prime Minister willing to confront political and social challengers does resemble the oil boom era of the 1970s under the irrepressible Dr. Eric Williams. Unlike Williams, however, Panday has not devoted much effort to intellectually articulating his perspective. The slogan of "National Unity" was most used during Panday's first term of office, and there was a failed effort to popularise the graceless motto, "Total Quality Nation." Despite the lack of articulation, the UNC, and Basdeo Panday in particular, consistently have held, reinforced, and developed a fairly distinctive vision whose fundamentals were in fact articulated during the campaign of 1995, if not before: a greater emphasis on law and order in society, national unity through the affirmation of cultural plurality, and a results-focused approach to economic and social development. Equally persistent, on the other hand, has been the intense opposition to the Panday administration from a number of quarters-the media, the political parties, the THA, the trade unions, and other more diffuse groups and interests-accusing the government of belligerence, racism, and corruption/nepotism. Disputes between the government and its various centres of opposition have been continuous and overlapping, sometimes with two or three events peaking simultaneously, as on May 28, 1998 when a bitter two-month strike at the UWI had come to an end, a Cabinet rationalisation had been announced in a nationwide broadcast, and the Express led that day's news with unsubstantiated PSA allegations of racism by the state-owned Airports Authority. Though controversy is not new in Trinidad and Tobago, perhaps distinguishing the UNC administration from other post-Williams governments has been Panday's seemingly limitless determination, and great ability, to prevail over his sundry opposition and to govern (in Panday's phraseology, "to do my duty"). His style has reminded more than one observer of Dr. Williams. The UNC's situation has been similar to the PNM's in 1956 as well, as both won their elections with less than 50 percent of votes and seats, and crystallised hostile opposition around them. Panday's missionary zeal is perhaps most evident in the amount of legislation that had been introduced in the House of Representatives between 1996 and 1998, averaging 51 bills per year, surpassed only by the Williams governments of 1971-81. The increased activity has generated both strong enthusiasm and fearful resistance. Panday has undoubtedly been the most colourful-and passion-arousing-prime minister since Williams. Despite the expectations of some commentators, the UNC government did not split as the NAR did in 1988. The UNC has lasted for five years and secured another term. Notable our present political period is the relative fixedness of the political parties, as opposed to the 1971-91 period when parties formed and dissolved continuously. The determination of the Panday administration to prevail in the face of opposition was perhaps best illustrated by the case of Dole Chadee, who was hanged two years ago on June 4, 1999.
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In 1971, General Elections were held on May 24. This was an unusual date, and it seemed to take the other parties by surprise. Parliament was due to be dissolved in November 1971, and it was common for general elections to be held around... more
In 1971, General Elections were held on May 24. This was an unusual date, and it seemed to take the other parties by surprise.
Parliament was due to be dissolved in November 1971, and it was common for general elections to be held around that time.
The PNM Government at the time had experienced a mutiny in the army the year before and called a State of Emergency to prevent the labour movement from linking up with the “Black Power” marchers. (Interestingly, NJAC did not call the movement “Black Power,” but instead marched under the banners “Indians and Africans Unite Now,” “Power to the People,” and an end to “imperialism at home and abroad.”)
Parliament was due to be dissolved in November 1971, and it was common for general elections to be held around that time.
The PNM Government at the time had experienced a mutiny in the army the year before and called a State of Emergency to prevent the labour movement from linking up with the “Black Power” marchers. (Interestingly, NJAC did not call the movement “Black Power,” but instead marched under the banners “Indians and Africans Unite Now,” “Power to the People,” and an end to “imperialism at home and abroad.”)
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As one grows and develops, in the circumstances in which one finds oneself, one acquires an idea of one’s strengths and weaknesses, of one’s relationship in the overall scheme of things. Individuals, families, communities, peoples,... more
As one grows and develops, in the circumstances in which one finds oneself, one acquires
an idea of one’s strengths and weaknesses, of one’s relationship in the overall scheme of
things. Individuals, families, communities, peoples, nations all develop particular views of
themselves given particular circumstances.
an idea of one’s strengths and weaknesses, of one’s relationship in the overall scheme of
things. Individuals, families, communities, peoples, nations all develop particular views of
themselves given particular circumstances.
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I was surprised and curious about Arthur Lok Jack’s statement about the racial objectives of Vision 2020. I did not know him to have these concerns, that he saw one of the most fundamental needs of the society to “reduce the... more
I was surprised and curious about Arthur Lok Jack’s statement about the racial objectives
of Vision 2020. I did not know him to have these concerns, that he saw one of the most
fundamental needs of the society to “reduce the identification of race with occupation."
of Vision 2020. I did not know him to have these concerns, that he saw one of the most
fundamental needs of the society to “reduce the identification of race with occupation."
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The President-appointed Senators must be commended for their efforts in maintaining the
high profile of Constitution reform on the national agenda
high profile of Constitution reform on the national agenda
Research Interests:
Previously, I have made comparisons of Fiji and Trinidad and Tobago. Perhaps even more enlightening is a comparison with India. Compared to what obtains in India, Trinidad and Tobago’s pluralism is frivolous. India is the world's... more
Previously, I have made comparisons of Fiji and Trinidad and Tobago. Perhaps even more enlightening is a comparison with India.
Compared to what obtains in India, Trinidad and Tobago’s pluralism is frivolous.
India is the world's second most populous nation and the seventh largest in area. It is perhaps better to think of India as akin to Europe, rather than to a single country.
The earliest Indian civilization grew up in the Indus Valley from 4000 to 2500 BC. Today India ranks among the top ten indus
Compared to what obtains in India, Trinidad and Tobago’s pluralism is frivolous.
India is the world's second most populous nation and the seventh largest in area. It is perhaps better to think of India as akin to Europe, rather than to a single country.
The earliest Indian civilization grew up in the Indus Valley from 4000 to 2500 BC. Today India ranks among the top ten indus
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One year ago on May 19, George Speight and a group of rebels stormed the Fijian Parliament and held Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhury and 26 others hostage. Prime Minister Chaudhury, elected to office via a coalition in May 1999, was the... more
One year ago on May 19, George Speight and a group of rebels stormed the Fijian Parliament and held Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhury and 26 others hostage.
Prime Minister Chaudhury, elected to office via a coalition in May 1999, was the first Fijian Prime Minister of Indian descent. The rebels demanded that Fijian Indians be constitutionally debarred from the Fijian Prime Ministership and Presidency.
Prime Minister Chaudhury, elected to office via a coalition in May 1999, was the first Fijian Prime Minister of Indian descent. The rebels demanded that Fijian Indians be constitutionally debarred from the Fijian Prime Ministership and Presidency.
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Last week Sunday marked the 41st Anniversary of the “March in the Rain” for Chaguaramas, organised by the PNM in 1960. It was a decisive moment in the history of the country, and more particularly of the PNM. The PNM’s first... more
Last week Sunday marked the 41st Anniversary of the “March in the Rain” for Chaguaramas, organised by the PNM in 1960. It was a decisive moment in the history of the country, and more particularly of the PNM.
The PNM’s first administration strongly campaigned to re-negotiate 1941 Anglo-American Bases Agreement, which had granted the United States a 99-year lease on Chaguaramas, the site recommended for the Federal West Indian capital by the Standing Federal Committee on May 17, 1957.
The PNM’s first administration strongly campaigned to re-negotiate 1941 Anglo-American Bases Agreement, which had granted the United States a 99-year lease on Chaguaramas, the site recommended for the Federal West Indian capital by the Standing Federal Committee on May 17, 1957.
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Thirty-one years ago, on the night of April 20, 1970 Prime Minister Dr. Eric Williams advised the Acting Governor-General to call a State of Emergency to prevent a radical labour demonstration linking up with the “Black Power” marches in... more
Thirty-one years ago, on the night of April 20, 1970 Prime Minister Dr. Eric Williams advised the Acting Governor-General to call a State of Emergency to prevent a radical labour demonstration linking up with the “Black Power” marches in Port of Spain.
Adding further intrigue, Lieutenants Raffique Shah and Rex LaSalle mutinied on the morning of April 21, 1970 by refusing the orders of their officers, in broad sympathy with the marchers. From the perspective of Government, it was perhaps the lowest point of the PNM’s reign
Adding further intrigue, Lieutenants Raffique Shah and Rex LaSalle mutinied on the morning of April 21, 1970 by refusing the orders of their officers, in broad sympathy with the marchers. From the perspective of Government, it was perhaps the lowest point of the PNM’s reign
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On March 13, 2001 the Wall Street Journal featured a front page story titled, “How Trinidad Became A Major US Supplier Of Liquefied Natural Gas.” The star of the piece was Gordon Shearer of Cabot Corp., who in 1987 was given... more
On March 13, 2001 the Wall Street Journal featured a front page story titled, “How Trinidad Became A Major US Supplier Of Liquefied Natural Gas.”
The star of the piece was Gordon Shearer of Cabot Corp., who in 1987 was given responsibility for turning around the company’s LNG business. At that time, that business consisted of a receiving terminal in Massachusetts that had been shut down because of a contract dispute with Algerian suppliers.
The star of the piece was Gordon Shearer of Cabot Corp., who in 1987 was given responsibility for turning around the company’s LNG business. At that time, that business consisted of a receiving terminal in Massachusetts that had been shut down because of a contract dispute with Algerian suppliers.
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Trinidad and Tobago is not the only country in the world at present using the courts to test the legitimacy of its Government and electoral system. In the South Pacific, on March 1, the Court of Appeal in Fiji upheld the 1997... more
Trinidad and Tobago is not the only country in the world at present using the courts to test the legitimacy of its Government and electoral system.
In the South Pacific, on March 1, the Court of Appeal in Fiji upheld the 1997 Constitution, ruling that the military-appointed Government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase was illegal, and that President Ratu (chief) Josefa Ilo-ilo should reconvene parliament and resign by March 15.
In the South Pacific, on March 1, the Court of Appeal in Fiji upheld the 1997 Constitution, ruling that the military-appointed Government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase was illegal, and that President Ratu (chief) Josefa Ilo-ilo should reconvene parliament and resign by March 15.
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Dr. Eric Eustace Williams died exactly nine weeks after he commemorated the 25th Anniversary of the establishment of the People’s National Movement on 24 January 1956. The collection of his selected speeches published to mark that event,... more
Dr. Eric Eustace Williams died exactly nine weeks after he commemorated the 25th Anniversary of the establishment of the People’s National Movement on 24 January 1956.
The collection of his selected speeches published to mark that event, Forged From the Love of Liberty, was assembled in the last year of his life in collaboration with Dr. Paul Sutton and published after his death in 1981. It is a sad fact, even scandalous, that the book is out of print. Far and away, it is the most important book on the politics of Trinidad and Tobago. I purchased the collection from a local used book dealer at an overmuch price, wiping away the fee I receive from this newspaper to write this piece
The collection of his selected speeches published to mark that event, Forged From the Love of Liberty, was assembled in the last year of his life in collaboration with Dr. Paul Sutton and published after his death in 1981. It is a sad fact, even scandalous, that the book is out of print. Far and away, it is the most important book on the politics of Trinidad and Tobago. I purchased the collection from a local used book dealer at an overmuch price, wiping away the fee I receive from this newspaper to write this piece
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Most Trinidadians and Tobagonians perhaps do not realise how much backward movement we made during our recession in the 1980s. Indeed, despite the impressive growth over the past seven years, our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has not yet... more
Most Trinidadians and Tobagonians perhaps do not realise how much backward movement we made during our recession in the 1980s. Indeed, despite the impressive growth over the past seven years, our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has not yet returned to our 1982 level of TT$2,983.40 million, measured in constant 1970 dollars. This economic fact is reflected in the decay of our health and education services, in our battered buildings and dated infrastructure. (Much of this, of course, derives from the larger fact that we are mainly consumers and mimics, rather than innovators. That is, when we can afford it, we always buy the latest technology, we never make it. We are bound to lag behind from this position. This may change, even if only slightly, we hope, with the record-breaking activity that has occurred recently in LNG, methanol, and ammonia production.)
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Trinidad and Tobago’s economy, though limited by broad parameters, has nevertheless continued to change significantly in each decade since the 1950s. GDP expanded at the extraordinary rate of 8.5 percent per year in real terms from... more
Trinidad and Tobago’s economy, though limited by broad parameters, has nevertheless continued to change significantly in each decade since the 1950s.
GDP expanded at the extraordinary rate of 8.5 percent per year in real terms from 1951-61, even exceeding growth rate during the oil boom. After this expansion, coinciding with the first decade of political Independence, the economy slowed down, with GDP growth slowing, but significantly not reversing despite the economic difficulties that largely spurred the popular protests of 1968-72
GDP expanded at the extraordinary rate of 8.5 percent per year in real terms from 1951-61, even exceeding growth rate during the oil boom. After this expansion, coinciding with the first decade of political Independence, the economy slowed down, with GDP growth slowing, but significantly not reversing despite the economic difficulties that largely spurred the popular protests of 1968-72
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At the beginning the first decade of the 21st century Trinidad and Tobago is at an economic juncture similar to that which it was at twenty years ago. On 18 January 1982 in the first Budget speech of his new Administration Prime... more
At the beginning the first decade of the 21st century Trinidad and Tobago is at an economic juncture similar to that which it was at twenty years ago.
On 18 January 1982 in the first Budget speech of his new Administration Prime Minister George Chambers had the foresight to warn the country of a coming global recession, inflation, monetary instability, high interest rates, growing unemployment, and “a wholly unprecedented level of indebtedness.” Prime Minister Chambers highlighted the weaknesses of the Trinidad and Tobago economy which the country had to confront – such as inflation rates between 10 and 22 percent per year, a domestic budget deficit reaching TT$2,227 million in 1980 (hidden by oil revenues), significant increases in wage rates at the same time as productivity had been declining, and the inefficiency of producers in the protected domestic market. He cautioned, “It would be naive for us to believe that petroleum – a non-renewable resource – can insulate us completely from the effects of economic recession; that the pursuit of private interest to which so many of our citizens are dedicated will automatically add up to the well being of all; that gains in real income and standards of living can be achieved without increasing productivity; that some pre-ordained destiny has decreed that Trinidad and Tobago shall have only the breaks and soft options. …Trinidad and Tobago is a fortunate country in many ways, but we can no longer permit our vision to be obscured by selfishness and the pursuit of instant affluence. Perhaps, Mr. Speaker, you would permit to me end in the vernacular by saying that the fete is over and the country must go back to work
On 18 January 1982 in the first Budget speech of his new Administration Prime Minister George Chambers had the foresight to warn the country of a coming global recession, inflation, monetary instability, high interest rates, growing unemployment, and “a wholly unprecedented level of indebtedness.” Prime Minister Chambers highlighted the weaknesses of the Trinidad and Tobago economy which the country had to confront – such as inflation rates between 10 and 22 percent per year, a domestic budget deficit reaching TT$2,227 million in 1980 (hidden by oil revenues), significant increases in wage rates at the same time as productivity had been declining, and the inefficiency of producers in the protected domestic market. He cautioned, “It would be naive for us to believe that petroleum – a non-renewable resource – can insulate us completely from the effects of economic recession; that the pursuit of private interest to which so many of our citizens are dedicated will automatically add up to the well being of all; that gains in real income and standards of living can be achieved without increasing productivity; that some pre-ordained destiny has decreed that Trinidad and Tobago shall have only the breaks and soft options. …Trinidad and Tobago is a fortunate country in many ways, but we can no longer permit our vision to be obscured by selfishness and the pursuit of instant affluence. Perhaps, Mr. Speaker, you would permit to me end in the vernacular by saying that the fete is over and the country must go back to work
Research Interests:
I was struck by the BBC news on Monday this week: the Prime Minister of Turkey warned that a serious crises had arisen between himself and the President. He declared, “A very serious incident occurred today. At the opening of the... more
I was struck by the BBC news on Monday this week: the Prime Minister of Turkey warned that a serious crises had arisen between himself and the President.
He declared, “A very serious incident occurred today. At the opening of the National Security Council meeting, before the discussion of the agenda items, the honourable president spoke in front of public officials and levelled grave accusations against me, using impolite language.
He declared, “A very serious incident occurred today. At the opening of the National Security Council meeting, before the discussion of the agenda items, the honourable president spoke in front of public officials and levelled grave accusations against me, using impolite language.
Research Interests:
The President-appointed Senators must be commended for their efforts in maintaining the
high profile of Constitution reform on the national agenda
high profile of Constitution reform on the national agenda
Research Interests:
I hesitate to get involved in philosophical debates in a newspaper column of 1,000 words. The restrictions risk adding to confusion rather than clarity. But the exchange between two eminent regional thinkers, David de Caires and Lloyd... more
I hesitate to get involved in philosophical debates in a newspaper column of 1,000 words. The
restrictions risk adding to confusion rather than clarity. But the exchange between two eminent
regional thinkers, David de Caires and Lloyd Best, resulting from the former’s review of my book,
Politics in a ‘Half-Made Society’: Trinidad and Tobago 1925-2001, compels me to enter the forum,
even if I only have enough space (and finite readership patience) to clarify.
restrictions risk adding to confusion rather than clarity. But the exchange between two eminent
regional thinkers, David de Caires and Lloyd Best, resulting from the former’s review of my book,
Politics in a ‘Half-Made Society’: Trinidad and Tobago 1925-2001, compels me to enter the forum,
even if I only have enough space (and finite readership patience) to clarify.
Research Interests:
The PNM must be upset that it is not allowed to bask in its local government election
victory of last week.
The problem of runaway crime – and emigrating nationals – interrupts any such
celebration.
victory of last week.
The problem of runaway crime – and emigrating nationals – interrupts any such
celebration.
Research Interests:
The assessments of the Prime Minister and Minister of Finance’s 2003/4 Budget have been
widely divergent. Some have criticised it heavily, and others have praised it not only as a
good budget, but an excellent one.
widely divergent. Some have criticised it heavily, and others have praised it not only as a
good budget, but an excellent one.