Andy Wilson
Manchester Metropolitan University, Sociology, Faculty Member
-
Violence, Drugs And Addiction, Drugs and drug culture, Drugs And Alcohol, Political Violence, Terrorism, and 32 moreYouth gangs, Gangs, Criminology, Social Exclusion, Young People, Longitudinal Research, Illicit Drug Use, Anti Social Behaviour, Illicit Drug markets, Neighbourhood Regeneration, Drugs Policy, Riots, Illegal Entrepreneurship, Post Conflict Societies, Urban riots in london, Criminal Justice, Political Violence and Terrorism, Conflict, Human Rights, Peace and Conflict Studies, International Security, Security, Peacebuilding, Multiculturalism, Ethnicity, Subcultures, Sociology of Violence, Stigmatization, Substance Misuse, Alcohol Addiction, Addiction Relapse Prevention, and Social and Cultural Capital edit
-
Visiting Research Fellow PhD (London School of Economics) Sociology. Supervisors: Professors Stan Cohen and David Dow... moreVisiting Research Fellow
PhD (London School of Economics) Sociology. Supervisors: Professors Stan Cohen and David Downes.
Previously Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Nottingham Trent University;
Police Foundation Research Fellow at the University of Sheffield.
Senior Research and Evaluation Officer - Nacro. edit -
Former member of Advisory Panel on Substance Misuse to Welsh Governmentedit
Amphetamines were a popular recreational substance before the 1960s but the arrival of the disco at turn of the decade made them the drug of choice for the mod club culture. Up until 31 July 1964 pep pills, as central nervous stimulants... more
Amphetamines were a popular recreational substance before the 1960s but the arrival of the disco at turn of the decade made them the drug of choice for the mod club culture. Up until 31 July 1964 pep pills, as central nervous stimulants of the amphetamine class were called, were legal to possess
but only available on prescription. This chapter charts the way amphetamines were supplied in an era where use of the drug was normalised within British society. The grey market for pills was almost completely eradicated by the changed legal status of amphetamines. The chapter identifies two central changes to the supply of amphetamines in the wake of the Drugs (Prevention of Misuse) Act.
First, that the element of the grey market that remained in place was dominated by more criminally involved characters, and that it attracted established criminals like the Krays to the market. Second, that it gave incentive to the more delinquent members of the mod club culture to engage in the burglary of chemist shops. We argue that these two forms of dealing need to be separated. The first can be conceptualised as a form of external exploitation while the second, though criminal, was a form of internal exploitation. The latter category gained support from a subculture that was shaped by the heavy handed policing of dance clubs and coffee bars. The chapter goes on to demonstrate how policing the supply of pharmaceutically manufactured pills did less to stem demand and more to create opportunity for more external criminal exploitation through the supply of illicitly manufactured amphetamine.
*Please note, this is a pre-publication copy that may differ slightly from the published version (it may include typos, repetition and errors)
but only available on prescription. This chapter charts the way amphetamines were supplied in an era where use of the drug was normalised within British society. The grey market for pills was almost completely eradicated by the changed legal status of amphetamines. The chapter identifies two central changes to the supply of amphetamines in the wake of the Drugs (Prevention of Misuse) Act.
First, that the element of the grey market that remained in place was dominated by more criminally involved characters, and that it attracted established criminals like the Krays to the market. Second, that it gave incentive to the more delinquent members of the mod club culture to engage in the burglary of chemist shops. We argue that these two forms of dealing need to be separated. The first can be conceptualised as a form of external exploitation while the second, though criminal, was a form of internal exploitation. The latter category gained support from a subculture that was shaped by the heavy handed policing of dance clubs and coffee bars. The chapter goes on to demonstrate how policing the supply of pharmaceutically manufactured pills did less to stem demand and more to create opportunity for more external criminal exploitation through the supply of illicitly manufactured amphetamine.
*Please note, this is a pre-publication copy that may differ slightly from the published version (it may include typos, repetition and errors)
Research Interests:
The chapter hinges on the notion that the term "subculture" should be used to describe phenomena that has greater depth than an expression of style. The dynamics of the northern soul scene offers a good example of the way a scene can move... more
The chapter hinges on the notion that the term "subculture" should be used to describe phenomena that has greater depth than an expression of style. The dynamics of the northern soul scene offers a good example of the way a scene can move from being subcultural to mainstream. The commercialisation process does not mean that there was no longer subcultural aspects within the scene but it did mean that the relationships that defined the subculture had been diluted and/or superseded by a new set of relationships. The basis of the subcultural relationships will be discussed in more detail in a chapter on drug dealing in the 1970s ((eds) Ayres and Ancrum). The essential point is that the proactive policing of drugs, which involved police raids on clubs, roadblocks to search cars and coaches, indiscriminate searches and arrests that were then used to revoke the licences of clubs, forced the soul scene into an underground status. It is important to make a distinction between this kind of policing and the illicit status of the drugs - drugs can be illegal but not policed in this way. The chapter draws on my own experience of being subject to such policing attentions - resulting in several prison sentences. The 'inside' culture is a significant aspect of the subcultural status of the scene.
A second point of the chapter was to use my experience to illustrate that the criminality of individuals involved in chemist burglary and the supply of amphetamines did not mean they were somehow separate from the other members of the scene. By that I mean the drug supply was a form of 'internal exploitation' (a term I use in preference to social supply). The forthcoming chapter on drug dealing offers a full account of this distinction.
A second point of the chapter was to use my experience to illustrate that the criminality of individuals involved in chemist burglary and the supply of amphetamines did not mean they were somehow separate from the other members of the scene. By that I mean the drug supply was a form of 'internal exploitation' (a term I use in preference to social supply). The forthcoming chapter on drug dealing offers a full account of this distinction.
Research Interests:
The chapter stems from an invitation from Dick Hobbs to write something for the collection in honour of Geoff Pearson on the ‘the continued relevance of subcultures’. Accepting the challenge was the easy part. The thought of defending a... more
The chapter stems from an invitation from Dick Hobbs to write something for the collection in honour of Geoff Pearson on the ‘the continued relevance of subcultures’. Accepting the challenge was the easy part. The thought of defending a concept that I had once discarded because its use to analyse styles that lacked substance – top heavy on theory and light on research – made it a daunting task. That may appear to be at odds with the fact that ‘subcultural identity’ appears in the title of my northern soul book published in the series edited by Geoff and Dick, but it was used in ‘a loose way’ (Wilson 2007: 8) that made little attempt to shape a clear conceptual difference between its meaning a rhetorical device (to describe style) and the way it was used analytically to explain the more deviant activities taking place within the northern scene. This chapter goes some way to developing a distinction, though a forthcoming article on skinheads offers greater clarity.
It seemed fitting to draw on my own experience of involvement in a delinquent subculture. There were two good reasons for that, one being the emphasis Geoff gave to listening to subjects of the research, letting them speak; the second was Geoff’s advice not to give my biographical details away. The first draft was over 4000 words over the limit so the details of those experiences, the aspects that Geoff advised against detailing because people ‘would use it against you’, were edited out. This is worth noting because the missing biography leaves a hole exposed by comments that appear as loose strands.
It seemed fitting to draw on my own experience of involvement in a delinquent subculture. There were two good reasons for that, one being the emphasis Geoff gave to listening to subjects of the research, letting them speak; the second was Geoff’s advice not to give my biographical details away. The first draft was over 4000 words over the limit so the details of those experiences, the aspects that Geoff advised against detailing because people ‘would use it against you’, were edited out. This is worth noting because the missing biography leaves a hole exposed by comments that appear as loose strands.
Research Interests:
This chapter assesses the rising popularity of the Scene and the impact of its commercialisation from 1974. After considering the ways that people became involved in the Scene, by looking at the way influences spread within one group of... more
This chapter assesses the rising popularity of the Scene and the
impact of its commercialisation from 1974. After considering the ways that people became involved in the Scene, by looking at the way influences spread within one group of participants, the study turns to the way social relationships were formed and extended. The allnighter was the organising principle of the Scene, providing a setting for the enactment of all the main activities associated with the being ‘on the Scene’. Attempting to explain or describe the Scene by only focusing on the action carried out at the all-nighter would distort the reality of the 1970s’ Northern Scene as much as its commercial portrayal.
impact of its commercialisation from 1974. After considering the ways that people became involved in the Scene, by looking at the way influences spread within one group of participants, the study turns to the way social relationships were formed and extended. The allnighter was the organising principle of the Scene, providing a setting for the enactment of all the main activities associated with the being ‘on the Scene’. Attempting to explain or describe the Scene by only focusing on the action carried out at the all-nighter would distort the reality of the 1970s’ Northern Scene as much as its commercial portrayal.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Draft copy. Final version published as: Bottoms, A., Wilson, A. (2006) 'Civil Renewal, Control Signals and Neighbourhood Safety' in Brannan, T., John, P., and Stoker, G. Re-energising Citizenship: Strategies for Civil Renewal.... more
Draft copy. Final version published as:
Bottoms, A., Wilson, A. (2006) 'Civil Renewal, Control Signals and Neighbourhood Safety' in Brannan, T., John, P., and Stoker, G. Re-energising Citizenship: Strategies for Civil Renewal. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan.
Bottoms, A., Wilson, A. (2006) 'Civil Renewal, Control Signals and Neighbourhood Safety' in Brannan, T., John, P., and Stoker, G. Re-energising Citizenship: Strategies for Civil Renewal. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan.
Questionnaire used to assess levels of community engagement among a random selection of residents in low income areas of Sheffield.
Research Interests:
This draft copy of research I carried out in Barnsley for Simon Holdaway's research assessing public perceptions of local policing changes is the only copy I have. The reason for that has much to do with my dissatisfaction with the... more
This draft copy of research I carried out in Barnsley for Simon Holdaway's research assessing public perceptions of local policing changes is the only copy I have. The reason for that has much to do with my dissatisfaction with the analysis of the survey – I was disappointed that it was not subjected to a more rigorous statistical assessment. I understood the reasoning, but many of the questions were repeated in a Sheffield research study. That may give the wrong impression about the residential survey. The random survey of two neighbourhoods in Barnsley that were experiencing high levels of antisocial behaviour was backed with observations taken in the areas and other qualitative assessments during the survey process. In short, I talked to people at every opportunity between the house calls. The interviews were about one hour long, with each area returning a 49-50% response rate.
I have uploaded the report in response to Home Secretary Suella Braverman’s instruction that the police must respond to all reported crime. The crime profile has changed a lot since the research was carried out in the four months at the end of 2004 to early 2005 but there is little difference between concerns about antisocial behaviour. Crime levels were higher in 2004 but antisocial behaviour was the main concern of residents. Importantly, the majority of residents were aware that police resources were scarce and that priority should be given the more serious crimes. There was some support for the Home Secretary’s statement in that residents wanted a courtesy call to acknowledge their report. Owner occupiers had the most demanding expectations of the police so were more likely to use the emergency number to report low level crimes.
It is worth noting that the response rate was affected by the timing of the research. The winter conditions, including restricted daylight hours, may have deterred some residents from responding to my house call. For a few days of the research Barnsley experienced snowfalls heavy enough to restrict movement around the area.
I have uploaded the report in response to Home Secretary Suella Braverman’s instruction that the police must respond to all reported crime. The crime profile has changed a lot since the research was carried out in the four months at the end of 2004 to early 2005 but there is little difference between concerns about antisocial behaviour. Crime levels were higher in 2004 but antisocial behaviour was the main concern of residents. Importantly, the majority of residents were aware that police resources were scarce and that priority should be given the more serious crimes. There was some support for the Home Secretary’s statement in that residents wanted a courtesy call to acknowledge their report. Owner occupiers had the most demanding expectations of the police so were more likely to use the emergency number to report low level crimes.
It is worth noting that the response rate was affected by the timing of the research. The winter conditions, including restricted daylight hours, may have deterred some residents from responding to my house call. For a few days of the research Barnsley experienced snowfalls heavy enough to restrict movement around the area.
Research Interests:
This is the first draft of the second report to the British Academy. Neither mugging or the text 'Policing the Crisis' (PTC) were the focus of the research but during the course of looking for evidence for the primary study (skinhead... more
This is the first draft of the second report to the British Academy. Neither mugging or the text 'Policing the Crisis' (PTC) were the focus of the research but during the course of looking for evidence for the primary study (skinhead racist attacks on Asian people) I happened across evidence that contradicted the argument in PTC that mugging was a convenient cover for the crisis of capitalism in the early 1970s.
I have uploaded a draft of the report (please excuse any typos or grammatic errors, I have ADHD which makes editing difficult). The upload is more an act of desperation than completion - too much detail in the main text and a rambling conclusion as I abandoned ship. But I think the points made are sound.
I have added four Appendix sections at the end of the document to allow others to make judgement about the evidence. I would welcome comments (good and bad) about the argument and/or the format (adding appendix sections).
I have uploaded a draft of the report (please excuse any typos or grammatic errors, I have ADHD which makes editing difficult). The upload is more an act of desperation than completion - too much detail in the main text and a rambling conclusion as I abandoned ship. But I think the points made are sound.
I have added four Appendix sections at the end of the document to allow others to make judgement about the evidence. I would welcome comments (good and bad) about the argument and/or the format (adding appendix sections).
Research Interests:
Substance misuse among many older adults is a hidden problem. Older adults may not talk about their substance misuse or may play down their intake; this may be due to a feeling of shame, fear of stigma, or embarrassment. In many cases,... more
Substance misuse among many older adults is a hidden problem. Older adults may not talk about their substance misuse or may play down their intake; this may be due to a feeling of shame, fear of stigma, or embarrassment. In many cases, they may not even realise they are exceeding the recommended limits for alcohol use, or developing a dependence on their prescribed medication. Their problems may not be
identified, as the effects of substance misuse are sometimes mistaken for physical or mental health problems associated with ageing, or, due to a false belief that ‘older adults don’t experience substance misuse problems’, they may not be asked questions about alcohol and drugs. This may mean that the person does not get the help that they need.
This Report examines the evidence on substance misuse among older adults: it draws on the academic literature; on data collected by (among others) the Welsh Government and Public Health Wales; and the knowledge and experience of the APoSM Ageing Population Sub-Committee members, both those from the Panel and the co-opted members. APoSM called for evidence from a range of relevant organisations and held an evidence-gathering day (see Annex B). The
Panel aimed to develop population projections to identify what the current trends might indicate for future demands of an ageing population on services. Some population data are included at Annex D; the Panel’s work on this issue is ongoing and it is intended that a short report on this matter will be published in 2017.
This Report concludes that substance misuse among older adults is a significant and growing problem that, despite significant and appropriate actions, is not always being fully addressed. It makes recommendations that arise from this conclusion.
identified, as the effects of substance misuse are sometimes mistaken for physical or mental health problems associated with ageing, or, due to a false belief that ‘older adults don’t experience substance misuse problems’, they may not be asked questions about alcohol and drugs. This may mean that the person does not get the help that they need.
This Report examines the evidence on substance misuse among older adults: it draws on the academic literature; on data collected by (among others) the Welsh Government and Public Health Wales; and the knowledge and experience of the APoSM Ageing Population Sub-Committee members, both those from the Panel and the co-opted members. APoSM called for evidence from a range of relevant organisations and held an evidence-gathering day (see Annex B). The
Panel aimed to develop population projections to identify what the current trends might indicate for future demands of an ageing population on services. Some population data are included at Annex D; the Panel’s work on this issue is ongoing and it is intended that a short report on this matter will be published in 2017.
This Report concludes that substance misuse among older adults is a significant and growing problem that, despite significant and appropriate actions, is not always being fully addressed. It makes recommendations that arise from this conclusion.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The article was based on my return to the northern soul scene in the 1990s to track down old friends for my doctoral research. I was a part-time self funding student so the article supplemented my legitimate income from indexing for BFI... more
The article was based on my return to the northern soul scene in the 1990s to track down old friends for my doctoral research. I was a part-time self funding student so the article supplemented my legitimate income from indexing for BFI books.
Apart from the odd gaff and cringeworthy editorial liberty the account holds up pretty well in that it captures something of the return. Not that the passage of time has reduced the ambivalence of attending such events - each beat that confirms the joy of the music and dancing also invokes a memory of when the mix had vitality. The article picks up some of that sentiment without, I hope, being too jaundiced.
One edit that needs the detail restoring to make sense is the account of John (a composite character based on two people) in the snow wearing just his underpants. Without it the comment about rigging his electric meter makes no sense... John was one of those characters that made things happen. Like his expulsion from school for giving his classmates drugs. It came after he attended his first allnighter. He told them about the pills he'd take to stay up and the ones to get to sleep - they were easy to come by so he'd been given a handful. His mates didn't believe him so he gave them a barbiturate - Mandrax etc. During the science lesson the teacher turned to write notes of the giant roller board (blackboard that the teacher could move up while writing). When he turned around some (in John's account all) of the class apart from the one grinning boy had their head in their hands on the desk fast asleep. The teacher assumed they had been gassed from the Bunsen burners on the desks... he picked up his chair and smashed the classroom window.... John's life was littered with stories like this, dying and being revived (twice),convicted of firearm offences when trying to do someone a favour, sacked for defending a building company secretary from misogynist builders, to Dutch dealers shooting at his home. That's maybe more context than needed but it helps to explain why, when I turned up at his house to find the central heating stuck on full blast after months of free "pinned" electricity (meter rigged), it struck a chord in John's "Kafkaesque" world... John's father was a miner that told jokes like Les Dawson. It is incomprehensible that John didn't know just how hilarious this moment was, or maybe he was too busy trying to get the stick up the dog's arse to pay any attention to the laughing idiot.
Arena No 61 September 1996 pp 136-141
Apart from the odd gaff and cringeworthy editorial liberty the account holds up pretty well in that it captures something of the return. Not that the passage of time has reduced the ambivalence of attending such events - each beat that confirms the joy of the music and dancing also invokes a memory of when the mix had vitality. The article picks up some of that sentiment without, I hope, being too jaundiced.
One edit that needs the detail restoring to make sense is the account of John (a composite character based on two people) in the snow wearing just his underpants. Without it the comment about rigging his electric meter makes no sense... John was one of those characters that made things happen. Like his expulsion from school for giving his classmates drugs. It came after he attended his first allnighter. He told them about the pills he'd take to stay up and the ones to get to sleep - they were easy to come by so he'd been given a handful. His mates didn't believe him so he gave them a barbiturate - Mandrax etc. During the science lesson the teacher turned to write notes of the giant roller board (blackboard that the teacher could move up while writing). When he turned around some (in John's account all) of the class apart from the one grinning boy had their head in their hands on the desk fast asleep. The teacher assumed they had been gassed from the Bunsen burners on the desks... he picked up his chair and smashed the classroom window.... John's life was littered with stories like this, dying and being revived (twice),convicted of firearm offences when trying to do someone a favour, sacked for defending a building company secretary from misogynist builders, to Dutch dealers shooting at his home. That's maybe more context than needed but it helps to explain why, when I turned up at his house to find the central heating stuck on full blast after months of free "pinned" electricity (meter rigged), it struck a chord in John's "Kafkaesque" world... John's father was a miner that told jokes like Les Dawson. It is incomprehensible that John didn't know just how hilarious this moment was, or maybe he was too busy trying to get the stick up the dog's arse to pay any attention to the laughing idiot.
Arena No 61 September 1996 pp 136-141
Research Interests:
The overwhelming focus of criminology is on the failed criminal: individuals who are high on risk factors and low on ability to navigate a successful path between crime and the criminal justice system. Drawing on life histories of... more
The overwhelming focus of criminology is on the failed criminal: individuals who are high on risk factors and low on ability to navigate a successful path between crime and the criminal justice system. Drawing on life histories of offenders used in previous research (published as Northern Soul: music, drugs and subcultural identity) this paper considers the factors that contribute to successful criminal enterprise. The individuals in this paper offer valuable insights into the move from criminal failure, measured by frequent arrest and imprisonment, to criminal success. This transition involved a number of factors with the self-efficacy of the individuals concerned playing a central part in their ability to learn from mistakes and adopt a successful strategy.
This paper places the notion of “independence” at the centre of an analysis of the motivations of two persistent offenders. Understanding how this shapes their attitude towards crime offers insights into offending and approaches for dealing with offenders in the criminal justice system. The first problem is defining what independence entails. This is not so easy because there are a number of factors that feed into something that is best described as a state of mind than something marked by a specific type of behaviour. State of mind in this context suggests something more than an individual trait or personality. Indeed while the idea of the criminal loner, the person who acts without assistance, either in the commission of the crime or at some later stage, is a rarity. In most cases crime involves a level of cooperation and trust, whether in commission of the crime or after. The essential question is not around the characteristics of independence that rests on an action focused view of offending, it is more about what the individual is independent from, or the quality of this state. One useful way of framing this issue is to compare it with the factors that make self-employment attractive within the legitimate economy.
Comparing criminal activity self-employment may not appear to offer an obvious connection but, as the paper argues, there is much to be gained from recognising the similarities that can help to appreciate how forcing some offenders into programmes that challenge independence instead of building on the attributes, or forces them into work that requires surrendering independence without offering appropriate compensation or saving face (Goffman, 1952) increases both the chance of the programme failing or can add motive to remain independent.
This paper places the notion of “independence” at the centre of an analysis of the motivations of two persistent offenders. Understanding how this shapes their attitude towards crime offers insights into offending and approaches for dealing with offenders in the criminal justice system. The first problem is defining what independence entails. This is not so easy because there are a number of factors that feed into something that is best described as a state of mind than something marked by a specific type of behaviour. State of mind in this context suggests something more than an individual trait or personality. Indeed while the idea of the criminal loner, the person who acts without assistance, either in the commission of the crime or at some later stage, is a rarity. In most cases crime involves a level of cooperation and trust, whether in commission of the crime or after. The essential question is not around the characteristics of independence that rests on an action focused view of offending, it is more about what the individual is independent from, or the quality of this state. One useful way of framing this issue is to compare it with the factors that make self-employment attractive within the legitimate economy.
Comparing criminal activity self-employment may not appear to offer an obvious connection but, as the paper argues, there is much to be gained from recognising the similarities that can help to appreciate how forcing some offenders into programmes that challenge independence instead of building on the attributes, or forces them into work that requires surrendering independence without offering appropriate compensation or saving face (Goffman, 1952) increases both the chance of the programme failing or can add motive to remain independent.
Research Interests:
Drawing on personal experience of involvement in gangs and ‘organised criminal networks’ this paper reflects on the motives and implications of the classification of youth groups as gangs. There are two objectives to this the first is to... more
Drawing on personal experience of involvement in gangs and ‘organised criminal networks’ this paper reflects on the motives and implications of the classification of youth groups as gangs. There are two objectives to this the first is to offer an account of the moral economy of the drugs trade that includes situating the majority of transactions within friendship networks that link subcultural and conventional groupings through leisure activities. The apparently banal observation is worth making given the unanimity found in the coalition of discourses exaggerating drug market dysfunction to justify more policing or less regulation.
The second objective is to use past policing of the drug market to illustrate the longstanding police practice of linking arrested members of (friendship) networks to present an exaggerated image of organisation. This also suggestion that changes to police evidence gathering following the introduction of the 1984 Police and Criminal Evidence Act has added to police perceptions of a ‘justice gap’ by making it harder to secure convictions through the (mis)use of circumstantial evidence. The methods used fill the gap has facilitated police perceptions to fill the void of circumstantial evidence and in doing so serves to undermine basis principles of justice.
Themes from this talk are published in 'Mischief, Morality and Mobs: Essays in Honour of Geoffrey Pearson' edited by Dick Hobbs (forthcoming)
The second objective is to use past policing of the drug market to illustrate the longstanding police practice of linking arrested members of (friendship) networks to present an exaggerated image of organisation. This also suggestion that changes to police evidence gathering following the introduction of the 1984 Police and Criminal Evidence Act has added to police perceptions of a ‘justice gap’ by making it harder to secure convictions through the (mis)use of circumstantial evidence. The methods used fill the gap has facilitated police perceptions to fill the void of circumstantial evidence and in doing so serves to undermine basis principles of justice.
Themes from this talk are published in 'Mischief, Morality and Mobs: Essays in Honour of Geoffrey Pearson' edited by Dick Hobbs (forthcoming)
Research Interests:
This paper is a development of the earlier ‘Gable-enders’ presentation at Huddersfield in 2008 (below) and the later attempt this think through the different forms of conflict in the ‘Fractured communities’ paper presented at the BSA in... more
This paper is a development of the earlier ‘Gable-enders’ presentation at Huddersfield in 2008 (below) and the later attempt this think through the different forms of conflict in the ‘Fractured communities’ paper presented at the BSA in Leeds. The added ingredient of ‘hate crime’ to those themes stemmed from my own diagnosis as having the neurodevelopmental psychiatric disorder attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) though now without the hyperactivity. There are a number of ironies to this diagnosis, including the fact that I have advocating against the classification and criticised use of medication as a response – medication I now find useful.
Looking back over my own history of involvement in antisocial behaviour it is clear that much of what I did and the way I responded was a consequence of the AD(H)D. It was not the only factor but the often-unfair responses, teachers lifting me by my cheek jowls, the repeated corporal punishment in front of the class, the detentions, for minor infractions shaped resentment of authority. Response to unfair treatment is one element informs this paper, the other is recognition that my responses often bore little relationship to intent – in that the eruption of obscenities and threats were in the moment and evaporated as quickly as they appeared. This is the subtext to this paper.
Looking back over my own history of involvement in antisocial behaviour it is clear that much of what I did and the way I responded was a consequence of the AD(H)D. It was not the only factor but the often-unfair responses, teachers lifting me by my cheek jowls, the repeated corporal punishment in front of the class, the detentions, for minor infractions shaped resentment of authority. Response to unfair treatment is one element informs this paper, the other is recognition that my responses often bore little relationship to intent – in that the eruption of obscenities and threats were in the moment and evaporated as quickly as they appeared. This is the subtext to this paper.
The 1998 Crime and Disorder Act introduced a changed the way the authorities responded to antisocial behaviour by prioritising the local community. Crime surveys and research identified residents’ experience of crime and disorder but this... more
The 1998 Crime and Disorder Act introduced a changed the way the authorities responded to antisocial behaviour by prioritising the local community. Crime surveys and research identified residents’ experience of crime and disorder but this was soon translated into policy that addressed their fears and perceptions of disorder. The proposed changes to the regulation of antisocial behaviour set out in the Injunction to Prevent Nuisance and Annoyance continues a process of lowering the threshold for censure by the authorities. This process has been dominated by the empowered voice of the victim, a welcome development but one that has marginalised the voice of the perpetrator and diminished out understanding of the problem.
This paper is drawn from observations made during the course of fieldwork for several research projects in disadvantaged areas that were experiencing high levels of crime and disorder. The focus is on repeated acts of antisocial behaviour that become protracted conflicts between a resident and young people. Drawing on a community conflict model to disaggregate the differing forms of communal conflict the paper explains how many incidents develop from a misinterpretation of intent and an over-reaction to an innocent action. Using case studies of reasonable and unreasonable responses to ASB the paper illustrates the importance of understanding victim-perpetrator interaction to appreciate that the defining down of behaviour has the potential to increase a sense of injustice among young people who are treated as a threat and responded to with hostility without good cause.
This paper is drawn from observations made during the course of fieldwork for several research projects in disadvantaged areas that were experiencing high levels of crime and disorder. The focus is on repeated acts of antisocial behaviour that become protracted conflicts between a resident and young people. Drawing on a community conflict model to disaggregate the differing forms of communal conflict the paper explains how many incidents develop from a misinterpretation of intent and an over-reaction to an innocent action. Using case studies of reasonable and unreasonable responses to ASB the paper illustrates the importance of understanding victim-perpetrator interaction to appreciate that the defining down of behaviour has the potential to increase a sense of injustice among young people who are treated as a threat and responded to with hostility without good cause.
This paper is based on archive research at the National Archive and the British Library for a British Academy funded project on racist violence by skinheads in the late 1960s. While addressing the issues around violence in this period... more
This paper is based on archive research at the National Archive and the British Library for a British Academy funded project on racist violence by skinheads in the late 1960s. While addressing the issues around violence in this period evidence emerged that challenged some of the claims set out in the seminal text ‘Policing the Crisis’. While there is little disagreement about the fact that young black males became identified as a significant threat it became clear in the course of the research that too little attention was given to the independence of the judiciary and to the role played by ‘maverick’ judges handing out disproportionate sentences. The evidence from government papers suggest that the outspoken response of police officers and harsh sentences imposed by judges were seen as an embarrassment to the government rather than a welcome distraction from the economic problems.
The paper suggests that the harsh responses of judges were driven by mixture of contextual factors and personal failing to appreciate the limitations of punitive sentencing, whether through corporal punishment or lengthy prison sentences, as a deterrent to crime. And that the focus on the crisis presented a conspiratorial view of the authority’s response that is not supported by the documentary evidence.
The paper suggests that the harsh responses of judges were driven by mixture of contextual factors and personal failing to appreciate the limitations of punitive sentencing, whether through corporal punishment or lengthy prison sentences, as a deterrent to crime. And that the focus on the crisis presented a conspiratorial view of the authority’s response that is not supported by the documentary evidence.
Skinheads have a long established image as ‘folk devils’ in British culture but there is some dispute over the nature of the violence they were associated with in the early years of the style. While Skinhead groups of the mid-1970s on... more
Skinheads have a long established image as ‘folk devils’ in British culture but there is some dispute over the nature of the violence they were associated with in the early years of the style. While Skinhead groups of the mid-1970s on have been strongly associated with attacks on ethnic minority groups there is a tendency to regard ‘traditional’ Skinheads’ as a stylistic variant that embraced black culture. The evidence to the contrary, the attacks on Asian people (so called Paki-bashing) is dismissed as the behaviour of an unrepresentative minority.
This research seeks to place violence against immigrants within the wider political context of response to the growing insecurities of the 1960s, including rationalisation in industry, protests, and the government’s response to students and immigration. The argument presented is that these strands, the ingredients of a moral panic, gave what Durkheim referred to as ‘social energy’ to the issue of immigration. These conditions explain Skinhead violence as a consequence of wider social forces that reduced the moral boundary. The paper details the implications of those forces and the similarity between the energy of the 1960s and the current climate clouded by work insecurity and concerns about immigration.
This research seeks to place violence against immigrants within the wider political context of response to the growing insecurities of the 1960s, including rationalisation in industry, protests, and the government’s response to students and immigration. The argument presented is that these strands, the ingredients of a moral panic, gave what Durkheim referred to as ‘social energy’ to the issue of immigration. These conditions explain Skinhead violence as a consequence of wider social forces that reduced the moral boundary. The paper details the implications of those forces and the similarity between the energy of the 1960s and the current climate clouded by work insecurity and concerns about immigration.
This paper is based on observations drawn from involvement in a group of small town ‘traditional’ skinheads in the late 1960s to early 1970s and on follow up interviews with around fifteen of them for a historical ethnography of... more
This paper is based on observations drawn from involvement in a group of small town ‘traditional’ skinheads in the late 1960s to early 1970s and on follow up interviews with around fifteen of them for a historical ethnography of subcultural influences in this period. The paper considers the construction of skinheads in literature and reflects on the influences giving shape to the style and action of the group and how this was reconciled for those who moved on to the northern soul scene. Finally, it asks what these changes in style and action tell us about involvement in subcultures.
The deaths of Fiona Pilkington and her daughter raised important issues around victimisation of people with learning difficulties, bullying by young people, and police response. This paper is based on retrospective research carried out to... more
The deaths of Fiona Pilkington and her daughter raised important issues around victimisation of people with learning difficulties, bullying by young people, and police response. This paper is based on retrospective research carried out to identity the extent of the problem among a sample of multiple repeat calls to Sheffield police for assistance in a 35 month period between 2002 and 2006.
The research began with analysis of the Sheffield reported crime and incident reports for the period. Careful ‘cleaning’ of these revealed that 400 households made upward of 33 calls (the number made by Fiona Pilkington) in half of the time. Selecting households that made 50 or more calls (to a high of 475) produced a list of 166 addresses. The list comprising of just addresses and number of incidents was used by the researcher to make house calls to find out the story behind the reports. Given the five year lapse we did not expect to contact many victims directly but we anticipated that neighbours may recall if the previous occupant had ongoing problems.
Calls to 100 addresses revealed many cases with a strong ‘communal memory’ of the former occupant, providing valuable background information absent in the police data and contributing a fascinating insight into the lives of the multiple-reporting residents. It revealed a more complex picture than the image of abusive youths presented by the Pilkington case, with mental health issues, alcoholism, and abuse being central to a problem that may require government leadership.
The research began with analysis of the Sheffield reported crime and incident reports for the period. Careful ‘cleaning’ of these revealed that 400 households made upward of 33 calls (the number made by Fiona Pilkington) in half of the time. Selecting households that made 50 or more calls (to a high of 475) produced a list of 166 addresses. The list comprising of just addresses and number of incidents was used by the researcher to make house calls to find out the story behind the reports. Given the five year lapse we did not expect to contact many victims directly but we anticipated that neighbours may recall if the previous occupant had ongoing problems.
Calls to 100 addresses revealed many cases with a strong ‘communal memory’ of the former occupant, providing valuable background information absent in the police data and contributing a fascinating insight into the lives of the multiple-reporting residents. It revealed a more complex picture than the image of abusive youths presented by the Pilkington case, with mental health issues, alcoholism, and abuse being central to a problem that may require government leadership.
While experts continue to consider the possible health risks arising from the consumption of 'legal highs' (the various compounds produced to mimic the effects of illicit recreational drugs) the government, stimulated by negative media... more
While experts continue to consider the possible health risks arising from the consumption of 'legal highs' (the various compounds produced to mimic the effects of illicit recreational drugs) the government, stimulated by negative media reports, has acted to criminalise a range of these substances.
Two divergent narratives about the consequences of criminalisation emerged in this process: the experts warned that banning the substances would add to their attraction, while the government argued that criminalisation would deter users. Both of these accounts have some intuitive resonance to support them but there has been little research into the way legal status may impact on drug user decisions.
This paper is drawn from an online survey of 'legal high' users. It aims to shed some light on how the legality of legal highs affects perceptions of the drugs, in terms of purity and strength. It will also illustrate how different opportunities for buying the drugs, including the way they are marketed, affects user decision making.
The findings suggest that legality matters. Furthermore because it does, it means drugs that are potentially more harmful than the clinically tested ones they mimic, appear as a safer option. The impact on decision making suggests that legal highs undermine prohibition to such an extent that the classification system needs rethinking so that health risks can be appropriately signalled to the public.
Two divergent narratives about the consequences of criminalisation emerged in this process: the experts warned that banning the substances would add to their attraction, while the government argued that criminalisation would deter users. Both of these accounts have some intuitive resonance to support them but there has been little research into the way legal status may impact on drug user decisions.
This paper is drawn from an online survey of 'legal high' users. It aims to shed some light on how the legality of legal highs affects perceptions of the drugs, in terms of purity and strength. It will also illustrate how different opportunities for buying the drugs, including the way they are marketed, affects user decision making.
The findings suggest that legality matters. Furthermore because it does, it means drugs that are potentially more harmful than the clinically tested ones they mimic, appear as a safer option. The impact on decision making suggests that legal highs undermine prohibition to such an extent that the classification system needs rethinking so that health risks can be appropriately signalled to the public.
Drawing on interviews with former members of the Northern Soul Scene with a history of delinquency prior to joining the subculture, this paper uses three case studies to illustrate how their drift into crime was marked by the type of... more
Drawing on interviews with former members of the Northern Soul Scene with a history of delinquency prior to joining the subculture, this paper uses three case studies to illustrate how their drift into crime was marked by the type of missed opportunities described by Laub and Sampson (2003). The opportunities can be seen as ‘turning points’ where failure to secure a form of stability, an anchor point, added momentum to a move into more serious offending. While the life histories of all three reveal the kind of risk factors that are seen as predictors of the high rates of offending they went on to engage in, it can be argued that the missed opportunities reflected crucial moments where their lives may have taken a different course. The three accounts reveal the way blocked pathways and misfortune can conspire to create a sense of injustice that serves to justify, or motivate, offending in a way that offers insights into offending that is too often missed by the focus on poor socialisation. The emphasis on these negative turning points allows for appreciation of the way poorly resourced individuals can be hampered by the proliferation of CRB based discrimination and the move to low level enforcement of breaches of control stipulations.
This document consists of slides from a two hour talk given to students at MMU in February 2019 with added notes from a forthcoming book chapter on drug dealing in the 1960s and 70s. In some respects this is opportunity to upload slides... more
This document consists of slides from a two hour talk given to students at MMU in February 2019 with added notes from a forthcoming book chapter on drug dealing in the 1960s and 70s. In some respects this is opportunity to upload slides with images of some of the newspaper articles that helped to inform the chapter.
The talk focused on the way amphetamines moved from being a socially acceptable and legal substance regularly consumed as a pick-me-up without prescription to a drug that was subject to heavy handed policing. I have written enough about the impact on the northern soul scene elsewhere, though it was only on finding the magnitude of the police activity following criminalisation of amphetamines in 1964 that I appreciated the full extent of the policing effect. The forthcoming chapter (2023) deals with the impact on supply, this offers a snapshot of the process leading to what I called 'internal criminal exploitation' of a subculture of amphetamine users. The use of internal is to distinguish the criminal activity as that committed by members of the subculture from the external exploitation by those outside the grouping driven solely by profit. Again, this is explained in the chapter.
The talk focused on the way amphetamines moved from being a socially acceptable and legal substance regularly consumed as a pick-me-up without prescription to a drug that was subject to heavy handed policing. I have written enough about the impact on the northern soul scene elsewhere, though it was only on finding the magnitude of the police activity following criminalisation of amphetamines in 1964 that I appreciated the full extent of the policing effect. The forthcoming chapter (2023) deals with the impact on supply, this offers a snapshot of the process leading to what I called 'internal criminal exploitation' of a subculture of amphetamine users. The use of internal is to distinguish the criminal activity as that committed by members of the subculture from the external exploitation by those outside the grouping driven solely by profit. Again, this is explained in the chapter.
Research Interests:
ESRC Seminar Series: Crime, Insecurity and Well-being Seminar Four: Thursday 16 December, 2004 Additional notes to the paper “Attitudes to Punishment in two high-crime communities” We were asked to make this contribution to the ESRC... more
ESRC Seminar Series: Crime, Insecurity and Well-being
Seminar Four: Thursday 16 December, 2004
Additional notes to the paper
“Attitudes to Punishment in two high-crime communities”
We were asked to make this contribution to the ESRC Seminar because, apparently, the Seminar has so far focussed very predominantly on individual dimensions of victimization and the fear of crime, and raising the issue of a potential community dimension was thought to be valuable.
Our principal empirical contribution rests in the paper that has already been circulated, concerning a recent study of attitudes to punishment in two high-crime communities in Sheffield. That paper is not as irrelevant to the general themes of the ESRC Seminar as might appear at first sight, because in order to explain the difference in punitiveness between the two neighbourhoods it was necessary to explore issues relating to disorder and ‘control signals’ in the two areas. However, in order to relate the circulated paper more closely to the main concerns of the ESRC Seminar, it has been considered helpful to prepare also this brief additional note.
Seminar Four: Thursday 16 December, 2004
Additional notes to the paper
“Attitudes to Punishment in two high-crime communities”
We were asked to make this contribution to the ESRC Seminar because, apparently, the Seminar has so far focussed very predominantly on individual dimensions of victimization and the fear of crime, and raising the issue of a potential community dimension was thought to be valuable.
Our principal empirical contribution rests in the paper that has already been circulated, concerning a recent study of attitudes to punishment in two high-crime communities in Sheffield. That paper is not as irrelevant to the general themes of the ESRC Seminar as might appear at first sight, because in order to explain the difference in punitiveness between the two neighbourhoods it was necessary to explore issues relating to disorder and ‘control signals’ in the two areas. However, in order to relate the circulated paper more closely to the main concerns of the ESRC Seminar, it has been considered helpful to prepare also this brief additional note.
Research Interests:
Uploaded again at request (the other upload is "hidden" behind the notes on regression for non-registered visitors to the website (along with the tables). This is just the questionnaire. Hope you find it useful. The findings are available... more
Uploaded again at request (the other upload is "hidden" behind the notes on regression for non-registered visitors to the website (along with the tables). This is just the questionnaire. Hope you find it useful. The findings are available in SPSS on request
Research Interests:
ABSTRACT Activities that previous generations engaged in as a rite of passage are now regarded as not just anti-social but as risk factors to predict potential misdeanours. Drawing on Ian Hacking’s (1986) notions of ‘making up people’... more
ABSTRACT Activities that previous generations engaged in as a rite of passage are now regarded as not just anti-social but as risk factors to predict potential misdeanours. Drawing on Ian Hacking’s (1986) notions of ‘making up people’ that is classifying people through ‘looping effects’ (Hacking 1996), we examine the way that the recreational drug use of youth in poorer neighbourhoods has been merged with an anti-social behaviour agenda and problematic drug users to create a ‘criminogenic group’ who are deemed likely to cause criminal behaviour.