Corruption

This Court should not follow the Panel’s suggestion that Petersons’ challenge to personal jurisdiction be waived because no party made this argument to either this Court or the Court of Appeals. Under our system of government, the role of courts is not to advance arguments in
support of any of the adverse parties. United States v. Sineneng-Smith, 140 S. Ct. 1575 (2020)(“In our adversarial system of adjudication, . . . in both civil and criminal cases, in the first instance and on appeal . . ., we rely on the parties to frame the issues for decision and assign to courts the role of neutral arbiter of matters the parties present.” Id. at 140 S. Ct at 1579 (quotation marks omitted).) Cf. English v. Buss, supra., at **11-14 (unpublished) (Held one judge could review the order of another judge where lack of procedural due process was apparent.) See also RAP 2.5.
Had Division One panel’s waiver argument been made by the opposing party and its counsel the Petersons, through their counsel, would have been able to demonstrate this position should be rejected because the record reflects the Petersons never agreed to waive their right to adequate, non-fraudulent service of process, which includes being “duly cited to appear.” As to this right, see e.g., Hovey v. Elliott, 167 U.S. 409, 418 (1897); Garrison v. Cheeney, 1 Wash. Terr, 489, 503 (1875); Galpin v. Page, 85 U.S. (18 Wall.) 350, 368-69 (1873) (“It is a rule, old as the law, . . . , that no one shall be personally bound until he has had his day in court, by which is meant, until he has been duly cited to appear, and has been afforded an opportunity to be heard.”)

As to the law that waiver of constitutional rights must be knowing, intelligent, and voluntary, see State v. Herron, 183 Wn.2d 737, 743-45, 356 P.3d 709, 712-13 (2015). In fact, a court must “indulge every reasonable presumption against waiver of fundamental rights.” State v. Frawley, 181 Wn.2d 452, 461, 334 P.3d 1022 (2014). Under these constitutional principles there was no waiver of the Petersons’ right, asserted in their answer and other pleadings, not to be hailed into
a court that had no personal jurisdiction over them.

Another reason that failure to file a specific motion to dismiss for a lack of personal jurisdiction pursuant to KCLR 7(b)(5) was not required is because CR 12(h)(1) specifically provides “A defense of lack of jurisdiction over the person, improper venue, insufficiency of process, or insufficiency of service of process is waived . . . (B) if it is neither made by motion under this rule nor included in a responsive pleading or an amendment thereof permitted by rule 15(a) to be made as a matter of course.” Here, these personal jurisdiction defenses were clearly asserted in the Petersons’ Answer, Affirmative Defenses, and Response to the Bank’s motion for summary judgment. And even if it was the intent of this superior court to require persons to file motions to dismiss under these circumstances, a superior court does not have the authority to
compel this result as local rules cannot alter the Washington Rules of Civil Procedure. See Parry v. Windermere Real Estate/East, 102 Wn. App. 920, 928-29 (2000)(Local Rule cannot waive right under CR 12(h) to assert personal jurisdiction defenses in answer); See also Harbor Enters. v. Gudjonsson, 116 Wn.2d 283, 293 (1991); State v. Chavez, 111 Wn.2d 548, 554 (1988)(Local court rules are subordinate to state rules of civil procedure).

In summary, and with such respect as is due the Panel’s suggestion that the Bank’s motion to amend should be granted, it is Petersons’ contention that judges must respect citizens constitutional rights and not waive them without a factual basis for doing so. Similarly, with
respect, the Panel had no constitutional authority—and violated the Petersons’ right to due process of law—when it invented an argument to help the Bank, which was inconsistent with the Civil Rues and cases interpreting them. Thus, this Court should also not waive the Petersons’ right to adequate service of process before granting a motion to amend because such a result would be futile under existing law, notwithstanding anything the Court of Appeals panel has said. Colvin v. Inslee, 195 Wn.2d 879, 899-901 (2020)
                                      *                                  *                                  *

Not since the United States Supreme Court’s constitutionally and morally bankrupt decision in Sanford v. Scott, 60 U.S. 393 (1857)2 has the integrity of America’s judicial system been more in doubt than it is now. See e.g., The Wall Street Journal, “131 Federal Judges Broke the Law
by Hearing Cases Where They Had a Financial Interest” (September 28, 2021); House Judiciary Committee, Nadler & Johnson Statement on Reports Federal Judges Broke the Law by Hearing Cases
Where They Had a Financial Interest (September 29, 2021)4. The problem an economically biased judiciary poses for our democratic republic is that it undercuts the basic premises upon which this
nation was founded, i.e., separation of powers, checks and balances, federalism, and due process of law. Unfortunately, for us, the People, these constitutional structures are not self enforcing, but must be enforced by those who have been economically incentivized to promote the interests of government workers—and their creditor allies—against this nation’s citizens.

This edition has been dedicated to Democracy, Corruption and Development in Africa. It addresses the following issues:
a)  Democracy: Are regular elections enough?  Do election observer missions matter?
b) How can Africa strengthen its democracy and achieve development?
c)  How are data used and abused to manipulate election results?
d) Does corruption reduce chances of a sitting president or party n power being reelected?
e) How have governance institutions failed or slowed down African development?
f) How can aid help Africa to develop?
g) What role should  mass media, community media, social media and formal education play to catalyze African democracy and development?

Africa is not poor, it is poorly led. – Omoruyi Aigbe

ABSTRACT

Africa's colonial legacy has been blamed for the socioeconomic, security, political challenges, the tension and hostility among the many ethnic groups, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. Political historians have traced security challenge, conflict and instability in most Africa nations, especially in Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Central African Republic (CAR), Nigeria, Rwanda, Sudan, and elsewhere to colonial programs of division, discrimination, collective exclusion, and manipulation of ethnic identity envisioned to ensure power and control over vast natural resources.

Africa's natural resource wealth, which ought to be a blessing, is arguably a curse, natural resource in Africa has become a source of tremendous suffering, which Collier, (2007) referred to natural resource trap. There is a strong correlation between natural resource, conflict and security challenge in Africa, the ongoing conflict, which is arguably a civil war in the world’s newest country, South Sudan demonstrates the effect of natural resource made conflict.

Conflicts involving the ownership, management and control of natural resources have engaged attention about Africa in the last decade. To date, there has been limited empirical study, which examines the effect of natural resource and leadership on conflict and poverty. However, there is a handful of research which analyses the relationship between conflict and poverty. While this paper also seeks to look at conflict and poverty in Africa, it is interested in exploring the role of natural resource and leadership.

Demonetisation is the mechanism by which the government states to withdraw the money which is current legal tender. The government being sovereign can take such decision. The effect of this announcement is that the currency notes in circulation will now cease to be valid tender and can only be exchanged at the banks. India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced to the citizens on Nov 8, 2016 that 500 and 1000 rupee notes are worthless, effective immediately – and they had until the end of the year to deposit or exchange them for newly introduced 2000 rupee and 500 rupee bills. The move by the government is to tackle the menace of black money, corruption, terror funding and fake currency. The total value of old Rs.500 and Rs.1000 notes in the circulation is to the tune of Rs.14.2 trillion, which is about 85% of the total value of currency in circulation. This means that the total cash has to now pass though the formal banking channels to get legitimacy. There are higher chances of larger proportion of this unaccounted currency getting extinguished as the tax rate and subsequent legal issues could be prohibitively high for such money.
The paper elucidates and analyses the various economic aspects of the recent demonetization move with an attempt to draw out critical derivatives of the decision on various economic variables.

This contribution analyzes the socio-cultural, political and legal factors underlying the rise of corruption to the rank of emergency in criminal law. In the increasingly fiercer fight undertaken by the state and by supranational organizations against corruption as a criminal phenomenon and against the corrupt (in a broad sense) as a “type of  offender”, the “emergency criminal paradigm” has now been fully
defined by combining all of its typical substantive, penitentiary and investigativeprocedural devices, which often conflict with fundamental principles and rights. The final part of the paper offers a minimum program for overcoming the emergency ideology in the field of anti-corruption regulations

Il contributo analizza i fattori — socio-culturali, politici e giuridici — dell’ascesa della corruzione al rango di emergenza nella dimensione penalistica. Nella lotta sempre più intensa intrapresa dallo Stato e dalle organizzazioni sovranazionali contro la corruzione come fenomeno criminoso e il corrotto (in senso lato) come “tipo d’autore”, il paradigma penale emergenziale si è andato delineando a tutto tondo, combinando i suoi caratteristici congegni sostanziali, penitenziari e investigativo-processuali, che sovente entrano in conflitto con principi e diritti fondamentali. Nella parte conclusiva del lavoro viene proposto un programma minimo per il superamento dell’ideologia emergenziale nel settore dell’anticorruzione.

In the Matter of: Credit Suisse Securities (USA) LLC; DLJ Mortgage Capital, Inc.; Credit Suisse First Boston Mortgage Acceptance Corp.; Credit Suisse First Boston Mortgage Securities Corp.; and Asset Backed Securities Corporation Respondents.

ORDER INSTITUTING CEASE AND DESIST PROCEEDINGS PURSUANT TO SECTION 8A OF THE SECURITIES ACT OF 1933 AND SECTION 21C OF
THE SECURITIES EXCHANGE ACT OF 1934, MAKING FINDINGS, AND
IMPOSING A CEASE-AND-DESIST ORDER

This chapter explores the use of music and digital media in the Chanjo campaign against corruption in Tanzania, focusing on mediations of agency. Building on Latour (2005), I use the concept mediated agency to refer to a process in which different cultural forms (mediators) bring about social transformation (agency). In so doing I recognize the ‘agency of art,’ especially its embeddedness in networks of social relations and its ‘practical mediatory role’ in processes of social change (Gell 1998). Similarly, I appreciate media and other mediators in the broader sense of ‘social mediation,’ with an emphasis on social interaction and exchange (Boyer 2012). Thus, while understanding agency in the sense of transformative action or practice, I build on anthropological theories of mediation, focusing on social processes of intervention and interaction that include but go beyond different forms of media. In this chapter, I will argue that the Chanjo campaign creates a platform that mediates the agency of participants, empowering them to speak up against corruption. The music itself is of course an important form of mediation, but so is the method of delivery, not least the interaction with the audience, as well as the mobility of the campaign. These layers of mediation intersect in different ways, which enforces the process of social and cultural transformation. Through digital mediations and remediations (Bolter and Grusin 1999), especially through social and mobile media, the campaign expands in time and space, thus extending agency beyond the tour itself.

Fresh off a California court victory in the Cindy Brown vs. Bank of New York Mellon case, this report showcases the ongoing crisis of inequalities in access to civil justice facing all Americans regardless of income or race and sets the stage for a long-awaited trial court showdown on March 15, 2022.

Generally characteristic of poor nations are special or vulnerable populations of the poor, especially the helpless and
malnourished. The global health phenomenon Covid 19 brings to the fore an interplay of how the physical and mental
health of a citizenry could either mitigate or contribute to the deepening of vulnerable populations. With particular
reference to Nigeria, the paper critically examined the bioethical dimensions of the content of governmental responses to
covid19. A philosophical commentary, the paper carried out critical and analytic reflections on data gathered from
existing literature on governmental responses to Covid19 in Nigeria. The major finding is that the phenomenon of
corruption is not only an established ethical threat to the Nigerian nation, but also a threat that has deep bioethical
implications for the health sector in Nigeria; a phenomenon which the paper conceptualized as a twindemic (that is, a
combination of Covid pandemic and Corruption pandemic). In its quest for sustainable healthcare for vulnerable poor
populations in Nigeria, the paper deepened discussions on the need to fight corruption in the health sector - through
conscious adoption and implementation of appropriate bioethical policies and frameworks.
Keywords: Bioethics, Twindemic, Covid-19, corruption

The beginning of Vladimir Putin’s third term was characterised by the politicisation of corruption. Opposition forces focused on corruption and criticised the regime for tolerating it. This article explores how the regime reacted to opposition criticism. The regime encountered a dilemma: it could not ignore the opposition but promoting anti-corruption reforms was risky for the regime. This study focuses on the regime’s use of the All-Russia People’s Front (Obshcherossiiskii Narodnyi Front—ONF) and concludes that it functioned as a ‘parastatal’ anti-corruption movement, enabling the regime to deflect the blame without directly involving itself in the process.

We have a problem in the arena of divorce and custody. We have a system that is not impartial and often serves as a breeding ground for disingenuous and unethical actions committed by players in the legal arena and sometimes (knowingly and unknowingly) enabled by the very courts people believe will determine fact from fiction. Many Fathers have an uphill challenge awaiting them as they seek what many others before the law and courts seek...fairness and the right to be heard.

As demand for infrastructure around the globe and especially in developing economies continues to outstrip supply, it is pertinent that the public authority partners with the private sector to design, fund, build or rehabilitate, operate and maintain public infrastructure. The public-private partnership (PPP) model of infrastructure as distinct from traditional procurement requires a transfer of a public asset to a private entity for a term after which the facility will be returned to the government. This chapter examines the PPP framework for Nigeria and how best the model of procurement might be used to close the infrastructure gap. Further, the chapter discusses the challenges corruption poses to the PPP system in the country and how best this challenge can be dealt with. The Chapter recommends among others the need to ensure that the PPP procurement process in Nigeria is transparent as well as the need to co-opt all stakeholders from inception through the entire stages of the PPP cycle in the country.

The present volume focuses on the relationship between office-holders and local communities in premodern Europe. It aims to further our understanding of popular political participation in practices of controlling officers by shifting the emphasis from bureaucratic expansion and state-building to the agency of the people. The underlying assumption is that communities played a central role in holding office-holders to account and thereby contributed fundamentally to shaping premodern rule and authority.
The essays in the volume address different mechanisms of accountability in various geographical and chronological contexts. Yet none offers a traditional study of office-holders using institutional and prosopographical approaches. Instead, they all focus on the people in their various communities and their interactions with representatives of central authority taking a bottom-up perspective and highlighting these communities as key actors who exerted tangible and visible control over the officers’ behaviour, their self-image, and their individual scope for action. This article serves as an introductory essay to the historiographical context in which the volume operates, before developing its methodological and thematic approach. A last section will introduce the individual contributions connecting them to the themes and the main questions of the volume.

"The Nigeria Police Force is widely perceived by the public as the most corrupt and violent institution in Nigeria in a way that is not evidently insincere. In light of the generalization and banalization of police corruption and deviance, it is surprising that few works have addressed this problem that most directly affects the aggrieved Nigerian public. This article critically examines the embeddedness and ramifications of police corruption and deviance in Nigeria. The article is historically anchored and foregrounds colonial and military administrative policies that inculcated a strategy of corruption by coercion in the Nigeria Police Force."

The publication reviews the policies and institutional mechanisms for countering police corruption in several EU member states. To be effective, anti-corruption efforts should be based on a system of independent and mutually accountable institutions which are sufficiently empowered to implement their objectives. This report emphasises the last two decades of experience in the UK, Belgium and Austria in modernising their anti-corruption policies and institutions. In addition to the institutional and legal framework, concrete measures and methods (risk assessment, integrity tests, etc.) are also examined. The Bulgarian and Romanian experience in countering corruption in law enforcement institutions is also reviewed with an emphasis on some of the main problems and gaps that undermine effective counter measures.

Since the 2003 revolution that brought to power President Mikheil Saakashvili, the post-Soviet Republic of Georgia has implemented a major programme of police reforms, including the mass dismissal of corrupt officers, the restructuring of police agencies, and significant changes in recruitment, training, and compensation. The reforms have eliminated many forms of corruption and have transformed what was a criminalised and dysfunctional police force into the most disciplined and service-oriented law enforcement agency in the post-Soviet region. The paper describes the scope and nature of these police reforms, analyses their effectiveness, and explains their origins. The Saakashvili government implemented police reforms as part of a broader agenda of reversing the decay of the Georgian state in the post-Soviet period and reasserting its control of the national territory and its effective independence from Georgia's neighbour, Russia. Police reforms in Georgia were also the product of a revolutionary moment in which the new government could take extraordinary measures to reshape the police. In part because the Georgian government remains domestically and internationally embattled, the reformed police have become closely associated with the Saakashvili presidency. Georgia therefore suggests that we need to rethink the different ways that democracy and state building contribute to successful police reforms.

Corruption risks can occur before, during, or after the investigation of a crime. They arise from the actions of individual police officers and their police departments, but the degree of risk is affected by the actions of supervisory government agencies, the media, nongovernmental groups, and civil society. The following sections examine corruption risks in the three stages of a criminal investigation. A final section reviews three types of tools to measure both the risk and the incidence of police corruption.

We show how a price analysis of stable relations between customer and supplier in the public procurement of homogeneous goods can help differentiate opportunistic from honest behaviour among economic agents. We consider two types of stable relations: repeated procurements and connections based on the state ownership of suppliers. On the basis of a large dataset on the procurement of granulated sugar in Russia from 2011 to 2013, we find that for private suppliers, prices of repeated contracts were lower compared to one-time deals when procured through more transparent procedures and higher when procured through non-transparent procedures. For non-transparent procedures, we observe significant overpricing of contracts with state-owned suppliers compared to private suppliers, especially in the case of repeated contracts, whereas for competitive e-auctions, there is only a small difference between the contract prices of state-owned suppliers and private suppliers.

CHAPTER 8 Economic Reforms, Growth, and Governance: The Political Economy Aspects of Bangladesh's Development Surprise Wahiduddin Mahmud, Sadiq Ahmed, and Sandeep Mahajan Bangladesh emerged from its war of independence desperately poor, overpopulated, and ...

Ovaj izvještaj istražuje pokretače neprijavljenog gospodarstva u Hrvatskoj, dosadašnju organizaciju borbe protiv neprijavljenog rada i preispituje aktualni te potencijalni pristup politika i mjera u rješavanju problema neprijavljenog rada u Hrvatskoj.

Pokretači neprijavljenog gospodarstva u Hrvatskoj
Značajni je napredak nedavno postignut u objašnjavanju odrednica neprijavljenog rada.  Da bi se objasnio neprijavljeni rad, podrazumijeva se da svako društvo ima institucije koje određuju, prate i provode „pravila igre“ vezane za ono što je društveno prihvatljivo.  U svim društvima postoje dva tipa takvih institucija: formalne institucije koje određuju „državni moral“ o tome što je društveno prihvatljivo (tj. zakoni i propisi) i neformalne institucije koje određuju „građanski moral“ (tj. zajednička društvena pravila koja su najčešće nepisana). 
Gledano iz perspektive navedenih institucija neprijavljeni se rad pojavljuje kada se zbog propusta formalnih institucija državni moral počne razlikovati od građanskog.  Posljednjih godina više je studija prepoznalo o kojim se propustima formalnih institucija radi. Neprijavljeni rad prevladava kada imamo: niži BDP po glavi stanovnika; rašireniju korupciju u javnom sektoru i slabiju kvalitetu upravljanja; nisku potrošnju za intervencije na tržištu rada u svrhu pomoći najranjivijim skupinama; niska izdavanja za socijalnu zaštitu i sustave socijalnih transfera koji su neučinkoviti u smanjivanju razine nejednakosti i teške materijalne deprivacije. 
Stoga, da bi se riješio problem neprijavljenog gospodarstva u Hrvatskoj potrebno je nastaviti sa sljedećim mjerama:
• poboljšati razinu BDP-a po glavi stanovnika,
• poboljšati upravljanje i smanjiti korupciju u javnom sektoru,
• održati i povećati potrošnju za intervencije na tržištu rada u svrhu pomoći najranjivijim skupinama sa aktualne niske, relativno osnovne razine,
• ustrajati na povećanju izdavanja za socijalnu zaštitu, i to povezati s 
• razvijanjem učinkovitijih sustava socijalnih transfera koji smanjuju razinu nejednakosti u prihodima i razinu teške materijalne deprivacije u hrvatskom društvu.
Pored navedenih strukturnih odrednica, postoje mnoge dodatne organizacijske i političke inicijative koje se mogu poduzimati u rješavanju problema neprijavljenog gospodarstva. 

Organizacija borbe protiv neprijavljenog rada: institucionalni okvir
Hrvatska nema nijednu agenciju zaduženu za borbu protiv neprijavljenog rada, ni središnje tijelo koje bi osiguralo koordinirano djelovanje različitih sektora uključenih u rješavanje problema neprijavljenog rada. Umjesto toga, postoji pristup koji je vrlo fragmentaran. Nadležnost za rješavanje neprijavljenog rada raspoređena je po cijelom nizu institucija od kojih svaka preuzima odgovornost za različite segmente neprijavljenog gospodarstva. Dok je kršenje radnog prava u nadležnosti Inspektorata rada, neplaćanje poreza u nadležnosti je Ministarstva financija, a prijevare u osiguranju i socijalnom osiguranju su u nadležnosti tijela socijalnog osiguranja. Trenutačno je suradnja između različitih institucija u borbi protiv neprijavljenog rada nedostatna u strateškom i operativnom smislu i u smislu dijeljenja podataka te ne postoje zajednički tematski ciljevi. Stoga je potrebno unaprijediti kvalitetu upravljanja. Potrebna je reakcija koja je više koordinirana, a taj problem će se dijelom riješiti odlukom kojom se krajem 2017. godine osniva Državni inspektorat.
Uključenost socijalnih partnera u rješavanju problema neprijavljenog rada za sada je relativno slaba a njihovo sudjelovanje u procesu donošenja odluka zanemarivo je. S obzirom na to da rješavanje problema neprijavljenog rada zahtjeva njihovo sudjelovanje, preporuča se njihovo intenzivnije uključivanje. 

Aktualni pristup politika i mjera: evaluacija
Hrvatska trenutno ima relativno suženi pristup odvraćanja i mjere politika su uvelike usredotočene na odvraćanje sudjelovanja u neprijavljenom radu povećavanjem kazni i rizika od otkrivanje. Malo se pažnje posvećuje poboljšanju prednosti i poticaja prijavljenog rada, ili čak neizravnim preventivnim alatima kao što su kampanje za podizanje svijesti i rješavanja nepravilnosti i propusta formalnih institucija (npr. osiguravanje proceduralne i redistributivne pravednosti i pravičnosti te provođenje sveobuhvatnih ekonomskih i socijalnih politika). Stoga je potrebno odmaknuti se od pretjeranog oslanjanja na mjere odvraćanja prema široj primjeni preventivnih poticaja kao i prema podizanju svijesti, i usredotočiti se na ciljanje i rješavanje najvećih pokretača neprijavljenog gospodarstva.
 

What has happened to Tacloban after super typhoon Haiyan flattened it in November 2013 and killed almost 8,000 people? How are the locals coping with the loss of their loved ones and the need to rebuild not only their houses but themselves? How steadfast is the Philippine government in its rehabilitation efforts and in providing the best services to the victims so that they can live a decent life once again? After a short chat with a few college classmates (who are themselves victims) from Tacloban and Palo through Facebook Messenger, and after investigating what's in the news and reports, it is a forlorn to say that too little was done for the local people, especially the poor and the marginalised, despite the spill over of international donations that reached the Philippine government during the height of the devastation. Transparency, clean government and moral integrity are tested in times of natural disasters. In the case of Haiyan, graft and corruption bred like insects, and as this practice continues, it will gravely impact the lives of the underprivileged.

This article shows the need for the current units of governance to cut the long tentacles that corruption has chocked our public institutions with. Through existing cases, The judiciary has a chance to act on evidence provided by EACC to nub all corruption suspects, prosecute them and sentence them appropriately.

Even if certain actuations of these gods-that-be were already malicious and inimical to public interest, so many Filipinos still persist in believing that the decisions and actions of their “superstars” were right, and anyone who oppose to it should be branded as enemy of the state.  Ideally, leaders in society, by nature of their official function, must always meet our demands as it is, without regard to political affiliation or social influence.  Their decisions and actions should not be derailed by petty justifications such as “studying further the matter . . .” as it only delays something that has no reason not to be done right away.

Economists always have disputes over the relationship between corruption and economic growth. From the end of 2012 to the present, the Communist Party of China has launched a fierce anti-corruption campaign so that a large number of officials suspected of corruption were investigated. Anti-corruption, however, did not actually promote economic growth. To explain this, we build a framework based on government regulation and mixed oligopoly. The basic views are as follows: First, on the premise of meeting the government's budget balance, fighting against corruption accompanied with removing inefficient regulation is the optimal anti-corruption policy, which will facilitate economic growth. Second, given there are inefficient regulations, lower cost of corruption and superior employment pressure; no anti-corruption is a better choice than anti-corruption. Current Chinese anti-corruption campaigns focusing solely on anti-corruption rather than removal of regulation are useless to economic development. These movements contribute to the development of the state-owned enterprises at the cost of private sectors' growth. As a result, the whole economic growth has been dragged down.

Leo Huberts' recent book starts and ends with a moral imperative: “Integrity is the thing to have, for politicians and public servants, for managers and employees in the business sector, for all of us in our personal lives” (1). This statement, which also constitutes the motto of the book, implies that integrity is a neglected and perhaps outdated principle that should be brought back and placed high on the political agenda. Such a call on its own makes this book a timely contribution, particularly in contemporary politics where corruption, fraud, manipulation, and all other forms of integrity violations have become worldwide phenomena. Surprisingly enough, integrity is not only a “scarce good” in the political sphere, but has been largely neglected by academic debates. Considering the above, Huberts' present work contributes to the limited scholarship on integrity of governance and, at the same time, generates awareness on the significance of a value that should be playing a regulatory role in current politics. Overall, this book is a theoretically grounded study that can be used for both research and pedagogical purposes. It can serve as a practical guideline for politicians, bureaucrats, and all those individuals who are in position to alter the environment in which the public sector operates.

The killing of Mahmoud al-Mabhou reportedly by agents of Israel‟s Mossad service in Dubai a year ago1 serves as a quick reminder that extrajudicial executions, assassinations and other targeted killing operations are taking place and are part of a modern democracy‟s arsenal of antiterrorism and counter-terrorism means. Targeted Killing Operations reportedly form part of NATO‟s operational practice: depending on the circumstances they represent just another option of the lawful use of force in an armed conflict or assimilated situations. Consequently, it is argued that International Law does not impose an explicit ban on the lethal neutralization of certain persons in an armed conflict scenario. This opinion provides a provocative view on possible justifications using targeted killing as an actual means of present day security operations – which must not be confused with traditional methods of domestic „policing‟ in a democratic state.

Around the world police institution has been established for ensuring peace, enforcing law and protecting life and property of public. Policeplays a vital role in controlling crimes in society and their services are considered as good, but police corruption has also been occurred throughout history and therefore it is by no means a new phenomenon. In Pakistan too police are perceived as corrupt and there exist various social, economic, political and structural causes of police corruption.The multiplicity of these causes and its aftermaths in delivery of justice require immense research in the field. Looking into the issue the current study was conducted in province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan to know the opinion of in-service police about prevalence of corruption in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the contributing factors which compel police personnel for corruption. Data was collected through structured questionnaires from in-service police, using purposive sampling techniques. The data collected from 150 respondents who were serving in police department.According to findings of the study 88.7% respondents opined that corruption prevails in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study identified low salaries, lack of accountability, recruitment through bribes, political patronage, corruption of senior officers, lack of public awareness and lack of resources as major causes of police corruption. To eliminate corruption from police department, the study suggestsstrict and unbiased accountability, increase in salaries, public awareness,discouraging political

Анотація У статті проаналізовано міжнародний досвід правого захисту викривачів корупції. Проведено порівняння чинного українського законодавства в даній сфері. Наводяться пропозиції щодо необхідності посилення захисту викривачів корупції.

Аннотация. В статье проанализирован международный опыт правовой защиты осведомителей коррупции. Проведено сравнение действующего украинского законодательства в данной сфере. Приводятся предложения о необходимости усиления защиты осведомителей коррупции.

Summary. The article considers the international experience of legal protection of whistleblowers. The authors provide a comparison of current Ukrainian legislation in this field. Proposals on the need to strengthen the protection of whistleblowers are made.

Law, as a set of sources including legislation, administrative regulations, custom, and judicial decisions, is one of the causes of systemic corruption, intended as the generalised practice of various forms of abuse of entrusted power for private gain as part of the culture and the institutional system of a country. This paper assesses the validity of the outcomes of the most significant research conducted in Europe on the unintended criminogenic effects of legislation and the viability of the mechanism of legislative crime proofing developed for EU law in the particular legal context of Commonwealth countries. The first objective is to offer some original theoretical perspectives and practical solutions, and, particularly, to develop a comprehensive, principled strategy capable of suiting the most disparate legal systems. A secondary objective of this paper is to stimulate further discussion and research on the crime and corruption risks of the law, as a necessary step towards the elimination of systemic corruption.