Extractive industries

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

It is through specific genealogies of scholarship on race and coloniality, Indigenous feminisms, and Black feminisms that we can escape the well-rehearsed trope of 'land as body'. Within a comparative hemispheric American studies framework, I consider the centre of struggles over empire and extractivism that show the unravelling of the binary between embodiment and territories. I also consider submerged perspectives and forms of solidarity by those who refuse the material and symbolic infrastructures of racial and extractive capitalism.

Informal gold miners in South Africa are not “illegal" because they mine gold. They are criminalized from the start, and mine gold because the substance makes it difficult for police and private industry to forensically track and trace them. My chapter on “Zama-Zamas” (criminal miners) who take big risks to avoid surveillance, in a new United Nations sponsored book that contains writing from leading experts on crime and corruption inside the global mining industry.

A partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX resurgió en todo el continente latinoamericano un paradigma 'extractivista' de la mano de la idea del 'Estado desarrollista'. El proceso de descolonización del mundo y el reconocimiento del principio de soberanía permanente sobre los recursos naturales fueron elementos esenciales en los proyectos de los Estados desarrollistas que se implementaron en el continente latinoamericano y que de la mano de Instituciones como la CEPAL, la política de Industrialización por Sustitución de Importaciones -ISI y  la teoría de la dependencia marcarían el 'camino hacia el desarrollo' de los países latinoamericanos antes de que se produjera el giro neoliberal en el mundo.

With its focus on Afghanistan, this chapter considers the practical dimension of the relationship between investment and human rights. It discusses the protection of the right to water in Afghanistan within the context of the country’s booming extractive sector, in order to outline how conflict areas represent a worst-case scenario for the practical implementation of both investment and human rights protections. In order to identify ways to harness investment for sustainable development, the chapter considers the relevance of the United Nations (UN) Frame- work and Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights (respec- tively, the Framework and the GPs; GPs, A/HRC/17/31, 2011: 10–11), as developed by the former UN Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), Professor John Ruggie. The Framework consists of three complementary pillars: the state duty to protect against human rights abuses by third parties, including business; the corporate respons- ibility to respect human rights; and the availability of effective remedies (Framework, A/HRC/8/5, 2008). According to the commentary to GP 7, in conflict contexts home states ‘should review whether their policies, legislation, regulations and enforcement measures effectively address this heightened risk, including through provisions for human rights due diligence by business. Where they identify gaps, States should take appropriate steps to address them’ (A/HRC/17/31, 2011: 11). The com- mentary does not exclude the possibility for home states to introduce ‘civil, administrative or criminal liability for enterprises domiciled or operating in their territory and/or jurisdiction’ (ibid). Taking the position of the commentary as a starting point for further analysis, this chapter focuses on the extraterritorial dimension of the obligations enshrined in pillar one of the Framework, and outlines the home state’s duty (rather than the possibility) to protect human rights when investors operate in conflict contexts.

In 1872, José Hernández published an epic poem, Martín Fierro, the eponymous story of an outlaw Argentine gaucho, or cowboy. The text was canonized over the years, seen as a special window into the nineteenth-century national soul of Argentina. In form and content, Gabriela Cabezón Cámara’s short novel, Las aventuras de la China Iron – originally published in 2017, translated into English in 2019, and shortlisted for the International Booker Prize the same year – is a radically subversive encounter with Martín Fierro. Cabezón, born in Buenos Aires in 1968, has several acclaimed novels under her belt, and was a founding member of the feminist collective Ni Una Menos.

Extractive capitalism has long been the driving force of settler colonialism in Canada, and continues to threaten the sovereignty, lands and waters of Indigenous nations across the country. While ostensibly counterposed to extractivism, state-led conservation has similarly served to alienate Indigenous peoples from their territories, often for capitalist gain. Recognizing the inadequacy of the colonial-capitalist conservation paradigm to redress the biodiversity crisis, scholars in political ecology increasingly call for radical, convivial alternatives rooted in equity and justice. Indigenous Protected and Conserved Areas (IPCAs) are one such alternative, representing a paradigm shift from colonial to Indigenous-led conservation that reinvigorates Indigenous knowledge and governance systems. Since the Indigenous Circle of Experts finalized a report in 2018 on how IPCAs could contribute to Canada's conservation targets and reconciliation efforts, an increasing number of Indigenou...

International institutions and agencies from the Global North are no longer the sole initiators of development norms and best practices. The proliferation of exports and imports of social, economic and policy management models have called for a rethinking of South–South relations. To date, most studies have focused on the drivers and strategies of international initiatives made by emerging powers; none have analysed the impact of these initiatives on the receiving country’s institutions, and on the structures of international organisations. In this book, Carolina Milhorance examines the content, process and consequences of the internationalisation of Brazil’s rural public policy instruments. Brazil earned wide international recognition in the early 2000s for its agricultural modernisation and social policies; its increasing influence illustrated the specific political interests of coalitions that are embedded in domestic and international struggles. Drawing on extensive field research – including more than 280 interviews – conducted in Brazil, Mozambique, South Africa, Malawi, France and Italy, Milhorance analyses the effects of the internationalisation of Brazilian policy solutions on national and local political systems in recipient countries, highlighting specifically the case of Mozambique. Relying on a new theoretical approach to International Relations – one based on public policy analysis and international political sociology – she moves beyond a debate about conventional notions of international power.

New Geographies of Global Policy-Making will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, public policy analysis, political sociology, comparative politics, and Latin American studies.　

Digitalization is a fundamental vector of data capitalism. It has profound power implications for the public and private actors that are contesting the redefinition of the rules and practices of a global political economy in transition to a data capitalism. These changes are the focus of cyberpolitics, a growing interdisciplinary field that is making contributions to the IR/IPE literature. However, at least two elements are problematic of this literature. First, it has not fully explored the implications of the digitalization process in the structuring a new global political economy associated with the power of data generation, access and control. Second, research in cyberpolitics remains largely concentrated in the small group of countries that are leading or disputing the hegemony of data technology and practices. Contributions from research in the Global South have been minimal. To fill this gap this chapter looks at the implications of the digitalization process in four strategic areas: cybersecurity; governance of digital trade and global finance; human rights and citizenship on the Internet; the environment and the environment-sustainable development nexus.

Conflict surrounding the Kumtor gold mine in Kyrgyzstan is primarily about the equitable distribution of resources, but advocates for the nationalisation of the mine present it as a battle for the sovereignty of the country. The Government has sought to increase its shares in the mine to gain greater control and bigger revenues. While debates continue in Parliament on how this should be done, protests and violence have become people’s outlet for frustration at the drawn-out process. The proposed framework agreement is an achievement, but remains to be finalised. The deal, however, should not overshadow the need to address underlying challenges that communities affected by mining operations experience and the lack of communication between stakeholders. Without this, Kyrgyzstan’s attempts to reform the mining sector will fall far short of the goal and result in further conflict.

This paper is written by Shapiom Noningo and is the 6th chapter from the report “Peru: Deforestation in times of climate change” (2019), edited by Alberto Chirif.

The most harmful of these dynamics is the expansion of illegal coca growing and alluvial mining. The environmental impacts are, nonetheless, also the result of official policies aimed solely at promoting economic growth that benefits the investment companies to the detriment of the population and the environment. The state has promoted such policies through a strategy of tax reduction (meaning less public investment in social services such as education and health) and a lowering of environmental standards and social rights, such as job security. Their policies have also included the construction of roads that enable companies and extractors alike to gain easy access to new areas rich in natural resources, which are then rapidly plundered. As recent judicial inquiries have shown, these infrastructure projects are based on a logic of corruption rather than national interest.
As for the indigenous peoples, they are suffering serious aggression aimed above all at minimising, or even trying to abolish, the rights protecting them, such as the guarantee of free, prior and informed consultation as provided by ILO C169, the aim of which is to reach an agreement on initiatives affecting them.

This publication forms part of a project on the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) mechanism. The project is being funded by Norway’s International Climate and Forest Initiative (NICFI) and is providing support to Servindi (Intercultural Communication Services), Onamiap (National Organisation of Andean and Amazonian Indigenou4s Women of Peru) and Coharyima (Harakbut, Yine and Matsiguenka Council), this latter being a member organisation of Fenamad (Federation of Native Communities of Madre de Dios and its Tributaries) in Madre de Dios.

This article focuses on the right of consent for women and their communities in respect of extractives and large-scale (or 'mega') infrastructure projects that affect their access to, and control over land and natural resources indispensable to their lives and livelihoods. As we point out, the right of consent is determined by prevailing deeply unequal power structures. Poor women confront a double exclusion from power and decision-making about land and resource use – on the basis of both their class and gender. The political economy of power and vested interest surrounding these projects at all levels from the community to the international spheres mean that communities, and women within them, rarely enjoy the right of consent on a free, prior, informed and ongoing basis. In addition, women are locked out of rights of land ownership in communities living under common property and this, combined with other patriarchal power relations in family and community, inhibits their voice and influence in community decision-making. This is the second exclusion they suffer this time on the basis of their gender. Consent, even if legislated or institutionalised in policy and systems of state, corporate or multilateral body is rarely granted but rather won through struggle and demand. The article will present an inspiring case in the South African context where unequal power has been inverted and a unique community, with women playing a leading role, has claimed the right of consent in practice through struggle. It concludes with some suggestions for the work needed to strengthen women's rights of consent in respect of mega 'development' projects in Africa.

La quema ha sido la herramienta ancestral de pueblos para trabajar la tierra, para prepararla a los fines de producir en ella por un tiempo y seguir (la tierra dando vida naturalmente y la humanidad rumbeando en busca de nuevos espacios para producir alimentos). Sin embargo, los incendios son hoy (y desde hace mas de dos décadas) un negocio redondo para el capitalismo. Los incendios también encuentran a la gente más organizada desde asambleas ciudadanas, organizaciones de base, centros vecinales y otros espacios colectivos para defender los múltiples territorios de la vida en las cuencas que habitamos en Argentina. Particularmente esto ha ocurrido en este año 2020, al gual que en años anteriores, en la provincia de Córdoba, que arde a partir de las avanzadas del agronegocio, la megamienría de canteras y el extractivismo urbano o desarrollismo inmobiliario. Es más que claro en la letra de las leyes vigentes en Argentina que después de los incendios no se puede cambiar el uso de la tierra. Pero a pesar de estar los bosques bajo protección ambiental en categorías amarilla o roja, según dicen la ley provincial 9814 (Córdoba), y las leyes nacionales 26331 y 26815, y de no poderse cambiar el uso del suelo, esto se hace igual. Se usan los incendios y después los circuitos de enduro, quads y motocros para cambiar el uso del suelo donde está prohibido. Cómo? Con la omisión del cumplimiento de leyes por parte de determinados agentes de organismos estatales (in)competentes. Así, se impermeabilizan porciones amplias de las cuencas, se desmontan y "limpian" de bosque nativo la serranía y el pie de monte, se avanza con ganadería (desplazada por la sojización), con minería (al servicio del agronegocio) y con barrios cerrados (fragmentando el Chaco Serrano, el Espinal, los pastizales pampeanos y las vidas en ellos). Con los incendios se alteran las energías y fuerzas dadoras de vida,. El ciclo del agua se ausenta tras las crecidas e inundaciones que todo lo arrastran. Con los incendios las comunidades se organizan y arden en broncas colectivas, primero apagando el fuego y después luchando para reverdecer con el monte. Potencias de sujetos de lucha que alzan su voz y sus accionares en aras de que ¡Donde hubo fuego, el monte vuelva!

Argentina ha experimentado un auge de las actividades mineras, sobre todo de la megaminería meta-lífera, en el escenario de una acelerada expansión de actividades extractivas en América Latina. La instalación de emprendimientos mineros a gran escala y a cielo abierto desencadena profundas recon-figuraciones de los espacios de extracción. El presente artículo toma como ejemplo la expansión minera en la provincia argentina de Santa Cruz que ha llegado a ocupar un lugar central en la carto-grafía minera argentina en los últimos veinte años. A partir del caso del mega-emprendimiento a cielo abierto Cerro Vanguardia y la localidad más cercana, Puerto San Julián, discutimos cómo la expan-sión mega-minera cambia de manera fundamental la relación entre actores privados y públicos, cómo contribuye a legitimar las actividades mineras de la operadora minera transnacional y minimizar las consecuencias socio-ambientales. Primero se indaga en las particularidades de la expansión de la minería santacruceña, y segundo, se analiza el rol de la Agencia de Desarrollo de Puerto San Julián como institución creada por la operadora transnacional que materializa la relación entre los actores políticos, privados y sociales de la localidad.

Russian energy law and policy Energy megaprojects Indigenous peoples of the Arctic a b s t r a c t For the past three decades, risk has occupied center stage in the energy discourse. Systemic risks have proven particularly challenging for government energy planners and corporate executives, as they are characterized by their complexity, uncertainty, ambiguity, and ability to causing ripple effects throughout economic, social, and political structures. In this article we analyze two approaches to governing systemic risks arising out of energy megaprojects, one mandated under the Russian legal and regulatory regime and one employed by the largely indigenous hunters, fishermen, and reindeer herders residing in the Sakha Republic. Our study focuses on the 4000-km-long natural gas transmission system " Power of Siberia " to be constructed in the sub-Arctic part of the region. We employ a complimentary and cor-roborative analysis of legal texts, fieldwork observations, semi-structured interviews, and transcripts of official meetings. We establish that the approach to risk taken by the people who occupy the land that the Power of Siberia traverses could provide a useful insight for handling systemic risks in connection with pipeline transportation systems. We also determine that the current Russian legal and regulatory regime fails to provide an adequate basis for governing such risks. We conclude the article by identifying four pathways for integrating valuable elements of the indigenous approach into the current legal and regulatory framework.

Kazakhstan was admitted as an Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) candidate country on September 27, 2007. Since 2005, it has published seven EITI reports covering all material revenues and payments from oil, gas, and mining companies for eight consecutive years. There has been an incremental increase in company participation in Kazakhstan’s EITI reporting from 38 companies in 2005, to 103, 108, 109 and 123 companies in 2006, 2007, 2008 and 2009 respectively. In its latest 2013 EITI report, the number of companies that participated in the reporting reached 203. Total revenues collected in 2013 was over US $30 billion as documented in the report. Oil and gas revenues were responsible for 93% of the revenue from the sector, with mining accounting for the remaining 7%. Revenue from the extractives sector has steadily increased between 2005 and 2011 from around US $2.5bn to $38bn.

This Simplified Guide provides comprehensive and comprehensible information and infographics about the law (as amended) to equip citizens with knowledge of the PRMA. With enhanced knowledge of the governing framework for the management of petroleum revenues, it is our hope that the public will be in a position to better understand the PRMA and thus demand transparency and accountability from the Government on the judicious use of petroleum revenues. This will advance the development of Ghana’s oil and gas sector in an effective and efficient manner for the benefit of all citizens. It is our hope that this document together with other public campaigns and efforts, will contribute to the development of an oil and gas sector that reflects the desires and aspirations of all Ghanaians.

This paper is written by Timothy R. Baker, Dennis del Castillo Torres, Eurídice N. Honorio Coronado, Ian Lawson, Manuel Martín Brañas,
Mariana Montoya, Katherine Roucoux and is the 10th chapter from the report “Peru: Deforestation in times of climate change” (2019), edited by Alberto Chirif.

The most harmful of these dynamics is the expansion of illegal coca growing and alluvial mining. The environmental impacts are, nonetheless, also the result of official policies aimed solely at promoting economic growth that benefits the investment companies to the detriment of the population and the environment. The state has promoted such policies through a strategy of tax reduction (meaning less public investment in social services such as education and health) and a lowering of environmental standards and social rights, such as job security. Their policies have also included the construction of roads that enable companies and extractors alike to gain easy access to new areas rich in natural resources, which are then rapidly plundered. As recent judicial inquiries have shown, these infrastructure projects are based on a logic of corruption rather than national interest.
As for the indigenous peoples, they are suffering serious aggression aimed above all at minimising, or even trying to abolish, the rights protecting them, such as the guarantee of free, prior and informed consultation as provided by ILO C169, the aim of which is to reach an agreement on initiatives affecting them.

This publication forms part of a project on the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) mechanism. The project is being funded by Norway’s International Climate and Forest Initiative (NICFI) and is providing support to Servindi (Intercultural Communication Services), Onamiap (National Organisation of Andean and Amazonian Indigenou4s Women of Peru) and Coharyima (Harakbut, Yine and Matsiguenka Council), this latter being a member organisation of Fenamad (Federation of Native Communities of Madre de Dios and its Tributaries) in Madre de Dios.

This essay examines the continuing currency of the idea of progress, a set of doctrines that furnish an important justification for the continued state and corporate sponsored transfer of indigenous peoples’ lands and the diminution of their rights. I situate my concern for indigenous dispossession by first outlining the idea of progress, its use in the context of European colonial expansion, and the centrality of industrialization as a marker of progress. The essay then turns to the relationship between industrialization and indigenous peoples, focusing upon the Innu peoples of the Labrador-Quebec peninsula and the Newfoundland government sponsored Lower Churchill hydroelectric project, especially its Muskrat Falls megadam component. Drawing on the author’s long association with the Innu and recent media reports, the essay will show how the megadam is framed by a narrative of progress and that it is made possible by the violation of the Aboriginal Title of the Innu. As dam construction has proceeded, the project’s financial viability looks perilous and serious environmental consequences have been predicted. These realities coincide with increasing silence about the Innu and their lands in the mass media, signalling that appeals to progress are strategic to short term economic gain and have little to do with either universal principles or improving the situation of indigenous peoples.

AUTOSAR XML (.arxml) is a format introduced by the Automotive Open System Architecture consortium to contain the data used in and required by Electric Control Units which is based on Automotive Open System Architecture. Electric Control Unit development is done by 3 groups i.e. OEM like BMW, Tier1like Bosch, and Tier2 like a vector. Each one has its own data that is required for Software development. OEM shares the information with Tier1.Tier1 shares the same with Tier2 for implementing into Electric Control Unit. The DataBase Container (DBC) describes the properties of the Controller Area Network (CAN) / Controllable Area Network Flexible Data Rate (CAN FD). Data analysis in ECU Extract ARXML is very difficult due to the complex structure of data. Performing two-way and three-way comparisons/merges of XML files is difficult. To handle the mentioned challenges manually is a big task that requires huge manual efforts and time which may even result in a manual error. In this paper, we are presenting a newly developed Python-based tool that overcomes the above-mentioned drawbacks.

During the 2006‒2014 mining boom in Marampa Chiefdom, Sierra Leone, local discourse around the performance and responsibilities of iron-ore miner London Mining toward its local environment was strongly informed by narratives of the colonial mining company DELCO. As different mining actors, such as the mining corporation, local community members and local political authorities, referred to the time and effects of DELCO (which operated from 1933 to 1975), a plurality of contrasting pasts involving stories of both lost glory and poor legacy was produced. Crucially, more than being memories of a bygone past, these narratives (produced under the conditions and imaginations of both the present and the future) serve as a political instrument to pursue specific interests: to voice a social commentary on the present, to legitimize certain positions, claims and expectations, and to negotiate for different trajectories of the future. As such, these diverging narratives offer key insights into how the past can be turned into a political instrument to express, legitimize and negotiate claims about the performance and responsibilities of mining corporations in Sierra Leone and beyond.

This article examines the encroachment of capitalist resource extraction on Amerindian lands in late colonial and postcolonial Guyana. Amerindians practiced sustainable resource extraction and horticulture along the coast and in the interior of Guyana long before the colonial era. However, the ways of life introduced by European colonialism have been socially and environmentally destructive and unstable. The postcolonial era has inherited all of the contradictions of the colonial era, and with increased investment in extractive industries during the fifty years since Independence, the destructive impact of these industries on Amerindian life and land has increased as well. Extractive capitalism in the Guyanese interior has been characterized by miserable social and labour conditions for its workers, and has posed a serious threat to the health and survival of Amerindian communities. This article argues that while Guyana has been deeply racially divided (historically and at present), ending the domination of extractive industry by national and international capital will require the involvement of Guyanese workers from all sectors and from all backgrounds acting in solidarity with one another. In order for development in Guyana to be socially and environmentally sustainable, ownership and control of its extractive industries and natural resources need to be in the hands of its workers and indigenous people.

A B S T R A C T Renewable energy has emerged as one of the predominant means for addressing global climate change, as well as a remedy for energy workers and communities displaced by declining fossil fuels industries. However, little is known about how individuals living and working in fossil fuels-dependent communities perceive renewable energy and the low-carbon transition. To investigate this, semi-structured interviews were conducted with forty-five community representatives in 2016 in two energy-dependent areas in the state of Utah − one dependent on coal mining and electricity generation and one dependent on oil and natural gas extraction. Findings indicate that representatives overall had negative views of renewable energy development, driven mainly by the perceived threat to the existing local economy, the feeling that renewable energy was incongruent with local identity, and anger about policy incentives favoring renewables. These findings suggest that even though renewable energy development may offer an economic boost to declining fossil fuels-based communities, it may still be rejected in these places. The article concludes by weighing the implications of these findings under the 'just transitions' framework, which argues that the clean energy transition must address the plight of individuals and communities hit hardest by the shift away from fossil fuels.

Myanmar is a country rich in natural resources, including deposits of oil, natural gas, coal, copper and other minerals. While Myanmar’s official production value of minerals and gemstones is estimated at USD 1.5 billion, total output from the mining sector is generally considered to be much higher. This natural wealth has attracted growing interest from foreign and domestic investors at a time of regulatory and institutional change. Since the 2010 elections, the Myanmar government has implemented major political and economic reforms as it transitions from military rule to a civilian state. Important steps are being taken to improve the governance of resource wealth in Myanmar, including the development of new policies, legislation and institutions to manage the challenges that the country faces. As this happens, a healthy debate is emerging about how the country should best harness its resources for development. Set against this backdrop, Myanmar’s candidacy to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) presents a major opportunity to enhance debates around natural resource issues.
Seeking to complement these efforts, this report aims to provide a unified structure to build common understanding about the challenges Myanmar faces in transforming extractive wealth into tangible benefits, including accounting for the social and environmental costs associated with the extractive industries. Drawing on the stakeholder consultations and independent research, the report seeks to identify shared priorities and opportunities for policy change going forward.

The primary contribution of this work lies in the realm of
re-instating agency to the Cofán as a people, neither merely
helpless victims of an extractive, polluting, and exploitative
oil industry, nor simply as bearers of an ancient wisdom or an
‘authentic’ Cofán cultural repertoire. Instead, we come face
to face with a people who, even as they are neither exotic
‘others’ nor tragic victims, continue to exist in their cultural
differences and specificities, interpreting and understanding
oil from within that situated worldview, and negotiate with the
oil industry even as they suffer the exploitation and spoilage
caused by oil. The Cofán are then a people, just like any other
people, who encounter, assess, evaluate, and act, in the face
of powerful capitalist lobbies.

This article briefly outlines the history of the colonial diamond industry of Sierra Leone from 1930 to 1961, highlighting its contingent aspects and the bonds guiding the decisions and actions taken by local social actors in different contexts and at different times. By drawing on colonial documents and memoirs of colonial officers, it shows how the colonial government of Sierra Leone and the mining company that exercised a monopoly on diamond extraction collaborated on the establishment of a series of legislative and disciplinary devices that encompassed forms of biopolitical expertise.

Two independent technical developments have transformed the metal mining industry in considerable ways: the increasing share of waste materials in the feedstock of metallurgical operations has partially transformed metal extraction into a recycling industry, and the employment of microorganisms in the extraction of metals from mineral ores has rendered metals mining a biologically based industry. Increasing industrial interest and research activity in the application of biotechnologies to the extraction of metals from waste, particularly electronic waste, intimate a potential intersection of those two processes, destabilizing further the analytical distinctions between extraction and manufacturing, biologically based and nonbiologically based production, waste and resources. This combined deterritorialization of metal extraction requires a theoretical deterritorialization: rethinking extraction beyond extractive industry narrowly defined and the role that nonhuman forms of life play in the production of value in nonbiologically based (extractive) industries. This article is a first step toward outlining the effects of such developments on understanding extraction. It begins by reflecting on the effects of recycling on the spatiality and materiality of the mine and then it proceeds to examine the productive role of microorganisms in mining, the limits of biomining, and the biotechnologies that have developed to transcend those limits. The conclusion draws out theoretical implications of those ongoing lines of deterritorialization and their combination on understanding the spatiotemporality of extraction and the active involvement of nonhuman nature in the production of value.


两项独立的技术发展, 大幅改变了金属採矿业: 冶金作业原料中逐渐增加的废弃物质比例, 已将部分的金属萃取转变成回收产业, 从矿种萃取金属的过程中运用微生物, 则使得金属採矿成为以生物学为基础的产业。对于将生物科技应用至从废弃物、特别是电子废弃物中萃取出金属, 有着逐渐增加的产业兴趣及研究活动, 提示了上述两个过程的互动潜力, 并进一步挑战了萃取与製造、根据生物与非生物的生产, 以及废弃物与资源之间的分析区别。此般金属萃取的联合去领域化, 同时需要理论的去领域化: 在狭隘定义的冶金工业之外重新思考冶金, 以及非人类的生命形式在以非生物为基础的 (冶金) 工业的价值生产中所扮演的角色。本文是迈向概论此般发展对于理解冶金之影响的第一步。本文首先反思回收对于矿场的物质性及空间性的影响, 接着检视微生物在採矿中的生产性角色、生物採矿的限制, 以及克服上述限制的生物科技发展。研究结论部分, 从上述持续进行中的去领域化路径与路径的结合中汲取理论意涵, 以理解冶金的时空性和积极参与至价值生产的非人类本质 。


La industria minera de metales ha sido transformada de manera considerable por dos desarrollos técnicos independientes: la proporción en aumento de elementos de desecho en los materiales con los que se alimentan las operaciones metalúrgicas ha transformado parcialmente la extracción de metales en una industria de reciclaje, y el empleo de microorganismos en la extracción de metales de rocas que albergan el mineral ha convertido la minería de metales en una industria apoyada biológicamente. El creciente interés industrial y la actividad investigativa para la aplicación de biotecnologías en la extracción de los metales contenidos en desechos, en particular en la basura electrónica, permiten entrever una interacción potencial de los dos procesos, desestabilizando aun más las distinciones analíticas entre los procesos de extracción y manufactura, la producción de base biológica y la abiótica, residuos y recursos. Esta desterritorialización combinada de extracción de metales demanda una desterritorialización teórica: repensar la extracción más allá de la industria extractiva definida con estrechez y el papel que juegan formas de vida no humana en la producción de valor en industrias (extractivas) que no están biológicamente basadas. El presente artículo es un paso inicial hacia el enunciado de los efectos de tales desarrollos en el entendimiento de la extracción. El artículo empieza con una reflexión sobre los efectos del reciclaje sobre la espacialidad y materialidad de la mina y luego se procede a examinar el papel productivo de los microorganismos en minería, los límites de biominería y las biotecnologías que han sido desarrolladas para trascender aquellos límites. La conclusión extrae implicaciones teóricas de aquella líneas de desterritorialización y su combinación para tratar de entender la espacio-temporalidad de la extracción y la activa participación de la naturaleza no humana en la producción de valor.

Методические указания составлены на основании типовых и рабочих программ по курсу «Теория гидрометаллургических процессов». Данное методическое указания написан на основе предмета "Теория  гидрометаллургических процессов" и содержит в своем составе текст лекций, практических занятий и других материалов. В нем рассматриваются такие темы как, общие сведения о термодинамике электролитных растворов, термодинамика простого выщелачивания, термодинамика процессов химического выщелачивания, кинетика и механизм процессов выщелачивания, методы ускорения процессов выщелачивания, кинетика и механизм процессов выщелачивания самородков, оксидов и сульфидов металлов, основы процессов экстракции, основы ионообменных процессов, а также основы выделения металлов и их соединений из водных растворов.

Surveying existing literature, this article offers a preliminary assessment of the intersection of Indigenous governance and Arctic extractive industries, with a special focus on how Indigenous governance institutions position themselves vis-à-vis resource extraction in three regions: Nunatsiavut (Labrador, Canada), Greenland and Sápmi (the Sámi territory in Scandinavia). As a survey of existing scholarship, interviewing representatives of the extractive industry or Indigenous governments was beyond the scope of this article and hence, the analysis and conclusions are both preliminary and schematic. They do demonstrate, however, that the relations and strategies vary considerably and tend to depend on the degree and jurisdiction of the Indigenous self-governing authority. Further, they point to a pressing need for more detailed research in this area.

The violent insurgency in northern Mozambican province of Cabo Delgado, that started in October 2017 and is still ongoing, caught the government of the country and the public by surprise. Although this insurgency remains largely unexplored and little understood, the only study done so far has suggested that it is being carried out by Muslim youth connected to Islamic radicalism, in particular to the Harakat al-Shabaab of Somalia and its offshoots in Kenya, Tanzania, and as far as DRC.  Islam has a long history in Mozambique, since probably the eighth century.  According to the 2017 National Population Census, Muslims account for about 18% of the total population the country and 58% of the Cabo Delgado inhabitants. However, Mozambique had never had any visible Islamist radical political movement before.

This paper is written by Juan Luis Dammert B. and is the 3d chapter from the report “Peru: Deforestation in times of climate change” (2019), edited by Alberto Chirif.

The most harmful of these dynamics is the expansion of illegal coca growing and alluvial mining. The environmental impacts are, nonetheless, also the result of official policies aimed solely at promoting economic growth that benefits the investment companies to the detriment of the population and the environment. The state has promoted such policies through a strategy of tax reduction (meaning less public investment in social services such as education and health) and a lowering of environmental standards and social rights, such as job security. Their policies have also included the construction of roads that enable companies and extractors alike to gain easy access to new areas rich in natural resources, which are then rapidly plundered. As recent judicial inquiries have shown, these infrastructure projects are based on a logic of corruption rather than national interest.
As for the indigenous peoples, they are suffering serious aggression aimed above all at minimising, or even trying to abolish, the rights protecting them, such as the guarantee of free, prior and informed consultation as provided by ILO C169, the aim of which is to reach an agreement on initiatives affecting them.

This publication forms part of a project on the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) mechanism. The project is being funded by Norway’s International Climate and Forest Initiative (NICFI) and is providing support to Servindi (Intercultural Communication Services), Onamiap (National Organisation of Andean and Amazonian Indigenou4s Women of Peru) and Coharyima (Harakbut, Yine and Matsiguenka Council), this latter being a member organisation of Fenamad (Federation of Native Communities of Madre de Dios and its Tributaries) in Madre de Dios.