Foreign Policy Analysis

Foreign policy is a very complex phenomenon. It is usually associated with high level politics among government officials. Traditionally, the state was the only power authorized to develop a foreign policy. Anderson and Christol (1957) defined that foreign policy is the formulation and implementation of a group of principles which shape the behavioral pattern of a State while negotiating with other States to protect or promote its vital interests. According to Wilkenfeld etal (1980), foreign policy consists of official actions/ reactions which sovereign States initiate for purposes of altering or creating a condition outside their sovereign boundaries1. Foreign policy in those two definitions deals only with high politics of States, and the citizens only see its output: appointment and reception of diplomats, negotiations and signing of agreements, deployment or engagement of military, etc. According to Whiteclay (2000), " it is worth speculating that global conditions have changed so rapidly recently that traditional conceptions of foreign policy may be becoming anachronistic " .2 Indeed, this statement captured has the emerging scenario succinctly, while globalization with the time-spaces compression (David Harvey,1990) and evolution towards democracy of international society has brought about the advent of other actors, who, for moment, are referred to with generic term " non-state " and have global interests, and the will to make them felt on the world stage. Mark Leonard, Director, Foreign Policy Centre in the UK was one of many politicians acknowledged the role of non-state and transnational actors: " Foreign Policy used to be about what went on abroad: diplomatic handshakes in distant capitals, nation speaking solely unto nation, far removed from ordinary life. No longer. Today, events in far flung places have a direct impact on our lives. We find ourselves in the midst of a vast network of relationships and interest that disregard national divisions. " Despite of different definitions in different contexts, behind each of these activities

La France et l'Iran : entre attirance stratégique et rupture idéologique

Du point de vue des révolutionnaires khomeynistes iraniens, la France est un pays de type « petit Satan » (sheytân koutchik), une catégorie à mettre en perspective avec le statut de « grand Satan » (sheytân bozorg) réservé aux Etats-Unis ; pour les élites politiques de la République islamique, ce statut se justifie avant tout par le non-respect par la France de l’accord Eurodif et par le soutien de Paris à Saddam Hussein pendant la guerre Iran-Irak (1980-1988). Cette vision caricaturale de ce que représente la France et de son comportement sur la scène internationale s’inscrit en contrepoint de la perception réductrice qu’ont les néoconservateurs français de l’Iran. Selon eux, l’agressivité et l’intransigeance sont les éléments indispensables à la mise en œuvre d’une diplomatie iranienne lucide et efficace. Cette posture politique est étayée par des experts français qui réduisent l’ensemble de la politique iranienne de la France à une stratégie d’endiguement (containment) nucléaire. 

Allant encore plus loin, François Heisbourg estime que « la paix et la guerre nucléaires dans le monde dépendent de l’avenir des ambitions nucléaires iraniennes ». Ce prisme nucléaire réduit à néant toute autre proposition de définition de l’intérêt national français s’agissant des relations avec Téhéran. Les impératifs économiques, géopolitiques (stabilisation de l’Irak et de l’Afghanistan) ou de sécurité énergétique (notamment concernant le secteur gazier) ne sont donc plus des critères permettant de définir, de manière équilibrée, avec le dossier nucléaire, la stratégie française vis-à-vis de l’Iran. Il s’agit au contraire de lutter idéologiquement contre ce que Bruno Tertrais appelle « le double révisionnisme » iranien qui concernerait la Shoah et l’utilisation de la bombe nucléaire (Hiroshima). 

Cette perception réductrice des enjeux iraniens s’est plus particulièrement imposée parmi les élites politiques en France au lendemain de l’accession de Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005) et de Nicolas Sarkozy (2007) à la présidence de leur pays respectif.

Enacted February 24, 2014 and effective until August 1, 2014, Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act targeted Ugandans of minority sexual orientations and gender identities—many of whom self-identify as 'kuchu'—by imposing life sentences for homosexual sex and same-sex marriage. The original Anti-Homosexuality Bill introduced in 2009 promised even worse for kuchus: it would have mandated that all Ugandans report known homosexuals and threatened execution for serial offenders and other perpetrators of “aggravated homosexuality.” In the context of Ugandan political conflict, emerging international human rights norms, and global asymmetries of power, Uganda has become an ideological battlefront where competing actors—both US-based and Ugandan—advance their respective visions of a just and righteous global society. These factors mandate that US-based activists and organizations painstakingly consider how (or whether) they can advocate responsibly and effectively for international human rights related to gender identity and sexual orientation. Through interdisciplinary lenses and critical analysis, this paper explores three questions:

• How is Uganda distinct from other sites of antigay legislation?
• How have US-based organizations impacted Ugandan discourse and policy toward kuchus?
• How can US-based rights advocates and activists campaign for kuchus without doing them further harm?

After the Cold War the security scenario in the Arctic has gone through drastic changes. Opposed to the state centric military security definitions that were dominant during the Cold War, academics now write about the different security aspects that need to be taken into consideration. The three types of security this article builds on are traditional-, environmental- and human security. The purpose of the study is to compare the declared policies of the eight member states of the Arctic Council - Canada, Denmark/Greenland, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the United States - focusing on sovereignty, security and defense matters. The aim is to establish whether the new security scenario can be found reflected in the official policy papers of these states. The main conclusions are that even though the circumpolar states have developed new policies towards the Arctic they do not all mention all the relevant security aspects as such. That is not to say, however, that indications cannot be found within the policies by reading between the lines. By discussing such matters as environmental protection, supporting the rights of indigenous peoples and exercising their sovereign rights, the states are indeed touching all three security aspects: traditional-, environmental- and human.

Ethiopia, despite its lack of economic capabilities, decisively influenced decision making in accordance with its own national interests in its bilateral relations, regional and continental affairs, and multilateral settings. As Habtamu (2013) described, it can be argued that the acceptability of Ethiopian identity is one of the contributing factors. And for Fukuyama, Identity is a very fluid concept, and one finds out how fluid when trying to determine the identity of the Ethiopian state. The Ethiopian state identity is shaped by different factors. These were on the one hand determined by context specific ideas about power, territoriality, and hierarchy. The personalities and prestige of Ethiopian leaders, the Adwa victory, the fact that it was never colonized, that it was ruled by emperor’s whose power derived from God, affected how the country was viewed by Europeans and Black Africans. The World Bank, the intricacies of Ethiopian history allow for the appropriation of the country’s identity to fit diverging agenda’s and narratives. Ethiopia, as a state, enjoyed an exceptional status but considered it exceptional as well. In constructivist thought this is considered a non-material structure and influences ideas about how to act and what strategies an actor can imagine in reaching their goal. The exceptionality that accompanies Ethiopia’s state identity is carefully preserved and utilized, which will be further elaborated.

The rough text, in English language, of the student seminar delivered at the Banja Luka Political Science Department - April 2013.
The seminar explains the key parameters of the US foreign policy in terms of a 'ritual identity' that's based on three narratives or narrative-frames
(the frames figure as frequently recurring, behavior-shaping cultural matrices):
1.  Power as a Divine Grace.
2.  Puritan narrative - a hero of  a 'promised/free land'
3.  'Pioneer' - a hero in a land of continually expanding and moving boundaries (Manifest Destiny)
The seminar illustrates such an analysis of US foreign political vocabulary with many examples from American self-descriptions (official talks, memoirs, diplomatic notes, presidential speeches....), and enumerates some key consequences of the thus explained identity in its foreign political projection.

Le Royaume ambitionne d’être reconnu comme une puissance africaine émergente dans son identité comme dans son espace de projection. Afin de satisfaire ces ambitions, l’appareil diplomatique se développe et se modernise, tandis qu’une identité de rôle singulière émerge autour de la notion de « juste milieu ». Cette étude présente, sur le plan empirique, les conditions de l’élaboration et de la conduite de cette politique africaine, et analyse, sur le plan théorique, l’évolution de l’identité de rôle marocaine à l'échelle internationale.

Soft power and nation branding are essential factors for a state to communicate with global audiences around the world. A state's investments in public diplomacy, and nation branding campaigns can prove to be effective in terms of establishing relationships with other countries, promoting tourism, and to gain influence in the international community. Qatar has established various soft power resources such as the Al Jazeera news network, FIFA World Cup 2022, and several cultural and educational exchange programs with countries from around the world. This dissertation will conclude that soft power has proved to be an effective strategy to be implemented by the state of Qatar, the small state has established itself in the international community by gaining legitimacy and credibility in the international community, which gives the small state the ability to gain regional influence. Through these soft power strategies the small state can go forward to pursue its ambitious foreign policy objectives.

La publicación que presentamos busca dar cuenta sobre la crisis estructural que atraviesa Venezuela, la cual se refleja en la tragedia humanitaria que vive su población, en la destrucción de su aparato productivo y en el desmonte de sus instituciones políticas, lo que le ha dado paso a un régimen autoritario que viola sistemática y flagrantemente los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos. Las consecuencias de tan grave crisis han traspasado las fronteras de los países vecinos y ha impactado a toda la región. Venezuela es percibida hoy como una fuente de inestabilidad que puede poner en peligro la seguridad regional. Al mismo tiempo, Venezuela se ha convertido en un tablero geopolítico y geoeconómico de la grandes potencias, en donde Estados Unidos, Rusia y China han venido desplegando sus estrategias para velar sus intereses. De cara a la complejidad de la crisis venezolana y sus consecuencias domésticas, regionales y globales, esta obra reflexiona sobre el carácter multidemensional de los retos e impactos que ello representa para los propios venezolanos y la comunidad internacional tanto en el presente como en un futuro cercano.

A new definition of public diplomacy has been presented by developing conceptional framework. According to the definition, “public diplomacy is a new style of diplomacy based on soft power, civil society-oriented, and public opinion-focus”. Subsequently, the interdisciplinary public diplomacy model has been developed by utilizing public relations, communication, propaganda and cultural-art activity, instrument and methods. In conclusion, a new analysis framework has been developed for the societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy during Ak Party era with the newly developed theoretical-conceptual framework and the model of public diplomacy in this research. It is claimed that this newly analysis framework could bring a new perspective in analyzing Turkish foreign policy in the era of Ak Party and to bring forth this rather neglected societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy.

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

Natural Resource
perspectives
Number 51, March 2000
This series is published by ODI, an independent non-profit policy research institute, with financial
support from the Department for International Development (formerly the Overseas Development
Administration). Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of either ODI or DFID. DFID Department for
International
Development
Introduction: Putting poverty at the heart of
the tourism agenda
Lack of focus on poverty within the tourism agenda
The International Development Target of halving the
proportion of people living in extreme poverty by 2015 has
been widely adopted. A number of prominent development
agencies, including the UK’s Department for International
Development (DFID), are developing sustainable livelihoods
approaches in response to these targets.
In the tourism sector, national governments and donors
have generally aimed to promote private sector investment,
macro-economic growth and foreign exchange earnings,
without specifically taking the needs and opportunities of
the poor into account in tourism development (i.e. what we
term here ‘pro-poor tourism’). Donor-supported tourism
master plans focus on creating infrastructure, stimulating
private investment and attracting international tourists.
Investors are often international companies and local élites,
whose profits are generally repatriated abroad or to
metropolitan centres. Links with the local economy are often
weak, with the possible exception of employment.
Since the mid-1980s, interest in ‘green’ tourism, eco-tourism
and community tourism has grown rapidly among decisionmakers,
practitioners and advocates. All of these focus on
the need to ensure that tourism does not erode the
environmental and cultural base on which it depends. But
these generally do not consider the full range of impacts on
the livelihoods of the poor.
The current challenge for governments and donors in
tourism development is to respond to changes in broader
development thinking, by developing strategies to enhance
impacts of tourism on the poor. Recent research in India,
Indonesia, Namibia, Nepal, the Philippines, Uganda, Zambia
and Zimbabwe helps to shed light on the issues involved.
Can tourism really be pro-poor?
Tourism is a complex industry driven by the private sector,
and often by large international companies. Governments
have relatively few instruments to influence this sector,
particularly in developing countries where fiscal and planning
instruments for capturing non-commercial benefits are
generally weak.
Nevertheless, as a sector for pro-poor economic growth,
tourism has several advantages:
• The consumer comes to the destination, thereby providing
opportunities for selling additional goods and services.
• Tourism is an important opportunity to diversify local
economies. It can develop in poor and marginal areas
with few other export and diversification options. Remote
Box 1 Significance of tourism in poor countries
In 1997 developing countries received 30.5% of world
international tourist arrivals, compared with 24% in 1988 (WTO,
1998). International tourism is significant (over 2% of GDP or 5%
of exports) or growing (i.e. by at least 50% in 1990–7) in almost
half of the 48 low income countries, and in virtually all the 53
low income and middle income countries. Among the 12 countries
that are home to 80% of the world’s poor, tourism is significant or
growing in all but one.
Problems of definition
These statistics only cover some economic aspects of international
tourism. Macro-economic data generally only capture arrivals and
foreign exchange receipts associated with international tourism.
There are two problems with this:
• They do not capture domestic tourism, nor do they disaggregate
regional tourism, both of which are significant and growing in
Asia, Africa and South America, and often important markets
for the poor.
• Foreign exchange receipts do not accurately reflect the
economic contribution of tourism. In addition to ‘core’ services
of accommodation and transport, the tourism-related economy
also involves food and drinks, supplies to hotels, local transport
and attractions, guiding, handicrafts and souvenirs. Tourismrelated
services are particularly important for expanding
participation by the poor.
PRO-POOR TOURISM: PUTTING POVERTY AT THE HEART OF THE
TOURISM AGENDA
Caroline Ashley, Charlotte Boyd and Harold Goodwin

Although to most people foreign policy is synonymous with international politics, it has become ‘unfashionable’ as a discourse of study, research and teaching among international relationists in academia.  [...]
From the outset Hill is on a dual mission: to bridge the gap between the popular (or non-academic) perception of foreign policy and academic dismissal of foreign policy analysis as an archaic and irrelevant instrument of the state (p. 2); and to ‘liberate’ foreign policy from its zealot custodians and ‘high priests’ who since the eighteenth century have wrapped it a veil of mystique ‘protecting’ it from the realm of public policy and democratic accountability.

What are the characteristics of President Moon Jae-in’s policy toward North Korea, and what lessons can be drawn for the future? More than 70 years have passed since the establishment of the two republics in 1948, during which continuous attempts have been made to achieve reconciliation, peace, and prosperity on the Korean peninsula. Even though the Korean War (1950–53) as well as the last authoritarian government in South Korea (until 1987) belong to the ever more distant past, neither, obviously, have the conflicts between the two Koreas ceased, nor has South Korea found a reasonable and effective way of addressing the conundrum. Against this backdrop of more than half a century of contentious inter-Korean relations, the paper examines the foreign policy (efforts) by the Moon administration (2017–2022) toward North Korea in order to shed light on challenges and opportunities for the future regarding the region of East Asia as well as inter-regional policy implications.

As the People’s Republic of China emerges as a power
with global reach, understanding its interactions with the
range of states comprising the modern MENA region has
become more urgent.

It is beyond the scope of this paper to review in depth the
economic, political, and strategic dimensions of Chinese
interactions with the modern Middle East. Instead, this
China Institute Occasional Paper will briefly sketch the
interactions between China and the states of the MENA
region in the early 21st century.

Although this paper includes a short historical survey of
China-Middle East relations, the focus is the present and
future of the relationship, and existing economic linkages
with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Our hope is
that gathering and publishing the core economic data will
provide an important reference point for other researchers
who are working on China – MENA relations.

In this chapter I identify and explain the critical junctures at which events in Ukraine could have taken a different turn depending on the choices (actions and reactions) of the main conflict parties. I argue that at the very beginning of the conflict escalation all sides made incorrect assumptions about one another’s intentions, resources and potential. As a result, competition between Ukrainian elite groups has transformed into full-scale war. Due to the ‘zero-sum’ strategy to which every side adheres, the confrontation has evolved from peaceful protest through violent protest and low-intensity conflict to open warfare with the employment of tanks, heavy artillery, multiple rocket systems, and airpower. This chapter demonstrates that we have witnessed the employment by Russia of a novel form of warfare that combines destabilisation with ‘creeping’ indirect occupation (hard power) and effective propaganda (soft power). In the meantime, the crisis in Ukraine has been moving along a scenario of protracted conflict. Any delay in its settlement favours the continuation of tensions.

In the reputed work Securitization: A New Framework for Analysis (Buzan, Wæver, & de Wilde, 1998), the Copenhagen School theoreticians indicated that the media sector might not offer the correct answers in surveying the nexus between governments’ manoeuvres and sociopolitical developments because it is not easy to determine the principal goals of the sector. Nonetheless, they agreed that media is apt to be exploited as a threat “manufacturing” tool (Buzan et al., 1998, pp. 88–89; Sheafer & Dvir-Gvirsman, 2010, p. 212), even though it does not control the urgency levels of issues without the will of governments
(Hass, 2009, p. 83). The Copenhagen School also claims that securitization theory, which examines the relationship between security threats and political discourses, might have better practicability for peripheral researchers than other critical approaches within security studies (Bilgin, 2011, p. 405). The reference point is that “peripheral scholars may be distrustful of the ways in which ‘security arguments’ are often (mis)used by rulers and elites for domestic purposes” (Bilgin, 2011, p. 403). Although this statement needs to be evaluated in another review, the Copenhagen School’s arguments of (mis)usage of security issues and exploitation of the media sector have been proven in Turkey’s everlasting dilemmas, which were revived by the Justice and Development Party (Turkish acronym AKP) after the nine years of desecuritization of Kurdish separatism and Bashar Assad as the old enemy.

In her new book, Turkish-American Relations (1800-1952): Between the Stars, Stripes and the Crescent, Associate Prof. Şuhnaz Yılmaz of the Department of International Relations at Koç University, aims to take the reader on a fascinating journey along the intricate history of Turkish-American relations. The book critically examines how Turkish-American relations evolved from those of strangers into an occasionally troubled, yet resilient alliance. Through the extensive use of Turkish, American and British archival documents and numerous private paper and manuscript collections, the book examines Turkish-American relations from 1800 to 1952, starting with the earliest contacts and ending with the institutionalization of the alliance after Turkey’s entry into NATO. The book aims to provide a better understanding of the significant issues pertaining to Turkish-American relations, such as the impact of international developments on foreign policy decisions, the role of key figures and organizations in shaping the relations, the interaction of political, economic, cultural and military factors in policy formation, and the importance of mutual perceptions in shaping actual relations. This highly interdisciplinary study situated at the intersection of diplomatic history, foreign policy analysis and international relations, not only enhances our knowledge of Turkish-American relations for the period of 1800-1952, but also provides valuable insights for the relations during the Cold War and its aftermath, with significant implications for a turbulent region in constant transformation and change.

After Mirziyoyev came to power in December 2016, impressive developments have taken place in Uzbekistan’s relations with the Central Asian republics, regional and external powers, and international institutions. These developments have led some to concur that Uzbekistan is going through remarkable or milestone/drastic changes in its foreign policy. The objective of this paper is to analyze Uzbekistan’s foreign policy under Mirziyoyev, in comparison with that of his predecessor, and to reveal whether there have been changes or continuities in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy under his administration. The study puts forth that Uzbekistan under Mirziyoyev has continued to maintain its military neutrality and prioritize Central Asia in its foreign policy. This demonstrates that Karimov’s core foreign policy strategy has been maintained under Mirziyoyev. The only difference has been his country’s constructive foreign policy approach to its relations with the regional and external actors.

This article aims to analyse the factors leading to varying trends in Turkey"s activeness as a mediator in the Middle East during the post-Cold War period. It seeks to investigate which variablesfrom various levels of analysishave influenced Turkey"s activeness in mediation initiatives in the Middle East during this period. Moreover, it also aims to explore the relationships between these variables in the scope of which variables come into play in which conditions and, more importantly, which one of them assumes the primary role within this set of interactions. Utilising the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism and international mediation literature, this study specifies an independent variable (security concerns about the neighbouring part of the region), three intervening variables (eagerness of foreign policymakers for diplomatic expansion, domestic institutional constraint, and diplomatic and economic capacity) and finally, a dependent variable (activeness of Turkey as a mediator in the Middle East) to address these questions systematically. By analysing this process through these variables, this article reaches the following two main conclusions: (1) when security concerns increase, activeness decreases. (2) When security concerns decline, the levels of intervening variables determine the degree of activeness.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

The crisis in Ukraine, which began in 2013, has had significant implications for European security. Cristian Nitoiu identifies three perceived security threats implied by developments in Ukraine and how these threats may develop in future years: the threat of so called 'hybrid warfare' spilling over from the standoff between Ukraine and Russia; the threat posed by nuclear weapons; and the threat posed by more conventional forms of warfare. Perceptions of security threats are arguably more salient than actual threats, most times having a deep influence on the actions of states and other international actors. Hence, they play a key role in the way the EU, Kyiv and Moscow will shape their policies towards each other in the wake of the Ukraine crisis. While Russia can employ a wide range of capabilities, the EU and Ukraine have very few instruments to tackle security threats, be they traditional or non­traditional. In the case of Ukraine, but also more broadly the post­Soviet space, EU­Russia/Ukraine relations are affected by the perception of three types of security threats: so called 'hybrid warfare', nuclear threats and traditional military threats (i.e. territorial invasion). Hybrid warfare In the West and Ukraine the perception of the threat posed by hybrid war has recently increased sharply. The annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine have put the spotlight on the way states engage in conflict by using a series of (sometimes innovative) tools and strategies. Hybrid war combines the use of conventional and non­conventional capabilities, the use of irregular troops, cyber­attacks, support for terrorist, rebel and criminal groups, or the use of the media and civil society for propaganda purposes. In eastern Ukraine in particular we have witnessed a combination of the use of both state and non­state actors by all the sides involved. States tend to use parts of this toolkit even in times of peace, however in such situations these instruments are not combined in order to pursue certain assertive foreign policy goals.

This response document will briefly address concerns about the ethical, legal and methodological flaws with past research informing aspects of present PEPFAR program areas; concerns about adverse consequences of PEPFAR program areas; and concerns about the absence of oversight of the activities of PEPFAR funding recipients.

Georgia, a small state in the South Caucasus, is the most ardent supporter of Euro-Atlantic integration in the entire post-Soviet region. Georgia’s possible membership in NATO looms large not only in terms of politics in the South Caucasus but increasingly in the tense relations between Russia and the West. In July 2018, NATO extended an official invitation to Macedonia, thereby processing its eighth enlargement. Zooming in on Georgia and Macedonia’s performance on membership requirements is a one-of-a-kind litmus test of perspectives of Georgia’s membership in NATO. The comparative analysis unveils that Georgia has outperformed Macedonia in all key areas of reforms and that NATO still pays more attention to geopolitical aspects of membership, rather compatibility with the Alliance’s requirements.

The book examines the relationship between national identity and foreign policy discourses on Russia in Germany, Poland and Finland in the years 2005–2015. The case studies focus on the Nord Stream pipeline controversy, the 2008 Russian-Georgian war, the post-electoral protests in Russian cities in 2011–2012 and the Ukraine crisis. The book argues that divergent foreign policy narratives of Russia are rooted in different national identity constructions. Most significantly, the Ukraine crisis and the Nord Stream controversy have exposed how deep-rooted and different perceptions of the Russian Other in EU member states are still influential and lead to conflicting national agendas for foreign policy towards Russia.

Asya’nın yükselen iki önemli ekonomik gücü Hindistan ile Çin arasında 15 Haziran Galwan Vadisindeki çatışmada 20 Hindistan askeri hayatını kaybetmesiyle gerilim yükselmişti. Sonrasında Çin Dışişleri Bakanı Wang Yi ile Hindistan Ulusal Güvenlik Danışmanı Ajit Doval’ın telefon görüşmesi sonrası iki ülke askerlerini sınırdan uzaklaştırarak sorunda uzlaşmaya vardılar. Çatışma, Çin medyası ve toplumunda büyük bir etki yaratmamasına rağmen Hindistan toplumunda ve medyasında önemli bir etki yarattığını söylemek mümkündür. Özellikle Hintli uzmanların çatışması sonrası aşırı milliyetçi dil kullanması tansiyonu artırırken Çin’in işbirliğini sürdürmeye yönelik söylemleri tansiyonu düşürdü. İki ülkenin siyasi ve ekonomik işbirliğini görmezden gelen; çatışmanın büyüyeceği ve derinleşeceği yönünde tahmin yürüten Batılı analistlerin öngörüleri de tutmadı.

Este trabalho se propõe a analisar a política externa brasileira voltada a integração regional do Brasil, a partir do prisma do seu smart power, de forma a promover a cooperação e interdependência entre os Estados. Assim, também busca-se compreender a necessidade de buscar novas formas de influência e liderança na América Latina, redefinindo as estratégias tradicionais de cooperação. Inicialmente, será feito um breve histórico a respeito da integração regional latino-americana e das iniciativas de política externa brasileiras em relação a esta. Em seguida, a análise da integração regional será direcionada ao âmbito do smart power brasileiro, de maneira a investigar como essa atuação poderia favorecer as inciativas de integração brasileiras. Por fim, pretende-se fazer uma análise e indicativo acerca das ações da política externa brasileira para a integração regional nos últimos anos, além de responder a seguinte pergunta problema: como o smart power brasileiro poderia fortalecer a integração latino-americana e alçar o Brasil como expoente na liderança regional? No trabalho, apresenta-se que o Brasil, na hipótese de valer-se do smart power como estratégia de política externa para definir seu papel de líder regional, poderia potencializar os resultados da integração, promovendo uma cooperação mais efetiva na busca pela interdependência entre os Estados. No entanto, devido ao protagonismo econômico que exerce frente aos blocos regionais e ao papel de destaque que ainda dá às intenções de projeção internacional, o país é visto muitas vezes como uma “ameaça” ao desenvolvimento dos outros países da região. É nesse sentido que se observa que a política externa do Brasil, ainda que orientada para a integração regional, dispõe de estratégias e recursos – como o fortalecimento do smart power nas estratégias de política externa – para potencializar os avanços de integração e tornar-se um líder regional efetivo, em busca de mais realizações na integração e desenvolvimento da América Latina.

Factors as culture, values, and symbols are crucial to understand the evolution of the Italian foreign and defense policy. However, scholars' attention to such variables in the study of Italian defense policies still leaves many gaps. Since the end of the Cold War, Italian troops have been constantly engaged in military operations abroad spreading a " peacekeeper image " of Italy in the international arena. The goal of this work is to investigate the features and the evolution of the main strategic narratives adopted by political leaders to interpret the Italian military involvement in Afghanistan. How have politicians crafted strategic narratives on the Afghan mission? How have these story lines influenced public opinion during the conflict? Has the disproportionate gap between the storyline, based on the traditional values of peace and multilateralism, and the war-torn reality on the ground, affected the level of public approval? Or have the ways in which narratives were built in 2009 played a more significant role? In order to answer these questions, this paper relies on polls, content analysis of parliamentary debates, and public discourse analysis (2001–2011).

Nos estudos sobre o poder americano, um aspecto parece fundamental: a construção da liderança dos Estados Unidos, que se expressa, dentre outras formas, por meio da criação e manutenção de instituições internacionais capazes de estabelecer um ambiente favorável ao exercício desse poder nas relações internacionais do século XX. Para compreender esse aspecto o uso do conceito de hegemonia é essencial. Nesse sentido, o presente ensaio tem como propósito examinar três interpretações distintas sobre a política externa dos Estados Unidos e verificar como utilizaram esse conceito em suas análises. As interpretações foram elaboradas por Joseph Nye Jr. e Immanuel Wallerstein, nos Estados Unidos, e por Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo, no Brasil. Especificamente, o ensaio pretende mostrar: (i) como interpretam o poder americano e (ii) como utilizam o termo "hegemonia" para explicar esse poder no século XX. As três análises refletem perspectivas teóricas distintas a partir das quais o pode...