Hussite revolution (Bohemia)

Studie byla publikována roku 2011 v knize ,,Slánské rozhovory 2010 : Česká husitská reformace historie, osobnosti, teologie, umění" / The study was published in 2011 in books ,,Slánské rozhovory 2010: The Czech Hussite Reformation of History, Personalities, Theology, Art."

Monografie se zabývá historií posledních příslušníků jednoho z předních českých panských rodů. První z nich, Jan IV. Kruhlata z Michalovic patřil k vůdčím osobnostem severočeského protihusitského odporu. Jeho syn a poslední příslušník rodu, Jindřich II. Kruhlata z Michalovic patřil k dosud ne zcela doceněné skupině českých pánů "pod jednou", kteří své služby poskytli mocenskému bloku Jiřího z Poděbrad a vytrvali s ním i později, coby králem, v bojích proti vnitřní opozici i vnějšímu nepříteli.

Das Chemnitzer Einnahmemanual stellt das älteste nachgewiesene Stadtbuch dar. Es wurde in den Jahren von 1426 bis 1438 geführt und ist nun im Chemnitzer Stadtarchiv verwahrt. Es handelt sich um ein Einzelstück. Ihm folgen erst später ab 1466 das Geschoss- und Memorialbuch mit gemischtem Inhalt sowie die Registratur der Einnahmen ab 1506. Das Manuskript wurde auf Papier geschrieben und mit einem Lederrücken ausgestattet. Das Buch hat das für diesen Handschriftentyp charakteristische Maß von 32 cm x 12 cm x 3 cm. Der erste Eintrag wurde am Dienstag, dem 8. Januar 1426 geschrieben. Die letzte Nachricht bezieht sich auf den 14. September 1438. Es umfasst also einen Zeitabschnitt von ungefähr 13 Jahren. Die Einträge im ältesten Chemnitzer Stadtbuch sind noch in einer weiteren Hinsicht wichtig. Wir kennen so die Namen der Bürger zu Chemnitz, die zu den Reparaturen der Stadtbefestigung im Jahre 1430 über Bußen oder ihre Äquivalente beitragen mussten, von deren Existenz in der Stadt wir sonst keine Ahnung hätten. Jekil Eberhart, Hans Tapperlink, Andreas Roseler, Steugil, Knauwer, Gersler und weitere Bürger sorgten erzwungenermaßen dafür, dass die Stadtbefestigung repariert wurde und die Stadt das nächste Mal besser gegen die Hussiten gesichert war. Die Stadtverwaltung selbst wollte keine Verantwortung für die Verbesserung der Stadtbefestigung vor der Bedrohung der Stadt durch die Hussiten übernehmen. Sie gewährte die finanziellen Mittel erst nach dem gefährlichen Ereignis. Die Stadteinnahmen und Stadtausgaben bildeten nur kleinen Teil der gemeinsamen Ausgaben der Stadt nach dem hussitischen Feldzug. Signifikant für die herrschenden Stadteliten ist die Tatsache, dass, als die Angst vor den Hussiten wieder verging, auch die Höhe der Ausgaben für die Stadtreparaturen vermindert wurde.

The aim of the article is to show how the Hussites referred the apostolic pattern to themselves. One of the fields where such an attitude may be observed is the liturgy of the Hussite radicals described by Vavřinec z  Březove – which at least intended to replicate the Last Supper and the general conviction about the necessity of communion under both kinds to salvation.
Another field is the repeated and fierce discussion over the role of Judas Iscariot and the meaning of being the true apostle. The will to be the new apostles among Christians seduced by evil was so strong among the reformers, that the new generations took over the idea and confronted it with their forerunners.

In his study, the author focuses on the activity of the Hussite military garrisons in the Silesian duchies in 1428–1435. After a synopsis of the basic stages of the Hussite raids in Silesia, he pays attention to the presence of garrisons deep in the enemy territory and repeatedly returns to the issue of supplying them with military equipment and provisions. In Silesia, the priest Bedřich of Strážnice helped to transform the system operating among the garrisons in Central and South Moravia, including the collection of food in the form of tributes, obtaining the spoils of war, supplying through the convoys sent from the Hussite domain, and the cooperation with local elites. At the same time, securing supplies determined the main features of military operations.

V Katedrální knihovně v Ostřihomi se nachází antifonář (signatura: Ms. I. 313), v jehož dodatku se zachoval téměř celý latinský text jediného oficia napsaného na počest Jana Husa. I proto považujeme za důležitou součást příspěvku představit tento kodex. Písař opisující tento antifonář považoval za důležité doplnit tuto knihu pražského ritu o dvě modlitby církve: Jan Hus a Proměnění Páně. Nečinil mezi nimi rozdíl v důležitosti, oběma přisoudil stejný důraz. V případě transfigurace si lze povšimnout
téhož, co platí pro Husovo oficium: i v tomto případě jsou z oficia obsaženého v našem kodexu v různých jiných antifonářích rozesety pouze jednotlivé části. Na základě kodikologické expertizy lze říci i to, že antifonář přechovávaný v Ostřihomi dobře odráží rovněž další tvrzení odborné literatury, a totiž že ani do počátku 16. století, tedy sto
let po Husově smrti, se nevytvořila zvláštní, od pražské dobře odlišitelná husitská liturgická praxe, ačkoliv také v případě našeho kodexu jsou patrné snahy o její změnu. Ty jsou dobře uchopitelné a vystopovatelné na vzhledu různých variant textů těchto oficií, na snaze o tropaci a v neposlední řadě na zesílení úcty k českým svatým, jež se projevilo v rozšíření repertoáru oficií o další texty. Antifonář přechovávaný v Ostřihomi sice nese výrazné husitské znaky a velmi úzce souvisí s husitskou liturgickou praxí, avšak za úplný jej můžeme považovat teprve
společně s dalšími texty, jež byly sepsány během následujících dlouhých desetiletí. Po vyjasnění dalších drobných detailů bude mít v budoucnu přinejmenším stejnou důležitost také výzkum toho, v jakém prostředí mohly být používány a jak žily vedle sebe a snášely se utrakvistická a oficiální katolická liturgická praxe.

Az Esztergomi Főszékesegyházi Könyvtár kódexállományának feldolgozása során első ízben került sor annak az antifonálénak a teljes körű kodikológiai vizsgálatára, amely a Husz János tiszteletére íródott latin nyelvű zsolozsma eddig ismert legteljesebb szövegét őrzi (jelzete: Ms. I. 313).
Husz János zsolozsmájáról korábban számos kiváló tanulmány született, és a szövegét is többször közölték (Radó Polikárp, František Fišer, David R. Holeton, Hana Vlhová-Wörner), ám a kódex egészére vonatkozó formai és tartalmi elemzés mindezidáig nem történt meg, a korábbi szakirodalomban csak részleges utalások történtek rá. E tanulmány a teljes kódex vizsgálata alapján ad közre újabb eredményeket, és ezzel együtt a huszita liturgikus gyakorlathoz is szolgáltat új adalékokat.
Ezek közül kiemelendő, hogy a kódex másolója a prágai rítusú, de huszita jegyeket is hordozó szerkönyvet nem csak Husz János zsolozsmájával, de az eddig érdeklődésre számot nem tartó Urunk színeváltozásának (Transfiguratio Domini) zsolozsmájával is kiegészítette.
A mai ismeretek szerint a Transfigurationak ezen énektételei más szerkönyvekben nem szerepelnek (amint Husz zsolozsmájáé sem), kivéve az egyik responzóriumot, amely egy utrakvista használatra készült vesperáléban maradt fenn (Praha, Národni Knihovny IV H 12). A tanulmány ebből kiindulva több érvvel támasztja alá, hogy Husz János zsolozsmája mellett Urunk színeváltozása is az utrakvista liturgikus gyakorlat fontos eleme lehetett, ezért közli zsolozsma szövegét is. Érdemes lenne filológiai és zenei szempontból is alaposabban megvizsgálni, vajon egyszerre készült-e Husz zsolozsmájával.
A kodikológiai vizsgálat ezen kívül sorra veszi a kódex későbbi latin és cseh nyelvű bejegyzéseit, amelyek jól reprezentálják a liturgikus gyakorlat folyamatos változásait. Elemzi a kódex írását, díszítését, kötését, vízjelét, és párhuzamba állítja más kódexekkel . Mind ezzel lényegesen tovább árnyalja és megerősíti a szakirodalomnak azt az álláspontját, hogy még száz évvel Husz halála után, a 16. század elejére sem alakult ki egy, a prágaitól jól elkülöníthető huszita liturgikus gyakorlat.

This article focuses on John Wycliffe´s thought and aims at uncovering an inherent revolutionary potential of his philosophy. First, Wycliffe´s metaphysical realism that gave rise to a specific notion of truth based on the divine authority is examined. This notion is then developed into a belief that the Scripture is the absolute authority in the matters of truth. Therefore, Wycliffe considers the Biblical description of the First Church to be a measure for all other ages. However, the Church in Wycliffe´s time was far away from this ideal – thus he concludes that the present day Church needs to be reformed. Since even the Pope, the very head of the Church is corrupt, the reform must come from outside of the Church, namely from the King.

Příspěvek se zabývá otázkou původu a datace zvonu Vilém, který se dnes nachází v kostele Nanebevzetí Panny Marie v Havlíčkově Brodě, kam se dostal sekundárně v době pohusitské. Autor shrnuje průběh dosavadního bádání o daném artefaktu, tematizuje problémové okruhy a usiluje o nastínění možných ře­ šení díky interdisciplinárnímu přístupu, kombinujícímu poznatky historie, kampanologie, paleografie, epigrafiky a lingvistiky. Autor se kloní k názoru, že zvon Vilém byl odlit ve třicátých letech 14. století pro benediktinský klášter ve Vilémově na Havlíčkobrodsku, což jej činí jedním z nejstarších docho­ vaných zvonů v Čechách. Jeho osud v době husitské a pohusitské pak představuje cenný příspěvek ke kulturním dějinám ve věku konfesionalizace. Středověk – husitství – konfesionalizace – kampanologie – Havlíčkův Brod – Vilémov

The contribution deals with the question of origin and dating of the bell Vilém, which is currently kept at the church of Ascension of Virgin Mary in Havlíčkův Brod, where it got secondarily, during the post­Hussite period. The author summarizes the course of current research on the given artefact, thematises problematic topics and tries to outline possible solutions through an interdisciplinary approach, combining the findings of history, campanology, palaeography, epigraphy and linguistics. The author prefers the idea that the bell Vilém was cast for the Benedictine monastery of Vilémov in the Havlíčkův Brod region in the 1330s and thus might be one of the earliest preserved bells in Bohemia. Its fate during the Hussite and post­Hussite periods represents a valuable contribution to the cultural history in the age of confessionalization. Middle Ages – Hussite movement – campanology – Havlíčkův Brod – Vilémov

This article provides an accurate transcription and English translation of a little-known letter (Archives Départementales du Haut-Rhin E525) by an Alsatian nobleman who participated in the Second Crusade against the Hussites in August–October 1421. The account contained in the letter offers unusually detailed information about the course of events, from the author’s arrival in Nuremberg in the contingent of Count Palatine Ludwig III to the siege of the Hussite town of Saaz/Žatec. It also contains valuable insights, from the author’s perspective, on the conditions in the crusading army, which could help to explain the otherwise mysterious disintegration of the expedition on 2 October 1421. The edition and translation are preceded by a critical commentary which contextualises the letter and considers the ways in which it contributes to our understanding of the Second Crusade and the Hussite Wars more generally. The commentary begins by surveying the historiography of the Second anti-Hussite Crusade. It then examines the origins of the 1421 expedition and reconstructs its course from surviving sources beside the Alsatian nobleman’s letter. The content of the letter is also compared with the accounts given in other sources, and the reliability and uniqueness of that content is evaluated. Finally, this article makes the case for the identification of the author of the letter as Smassmann von Rappoltstein, a well-documented member of the higher nobility in Alsace, and demonstrates that the identification of the author as an Alsatian nobleman reinforces the importance of the Holy Roman Empire as a structural and conceptual framework which enabled the organisation of the anti-Hussite crusades.

Kniha se zabývá genezí rozsudku nad Janem Husem, přičemž hledá jeho příčiny v osobitých rysech Husovy životní dráhy a veřejného působení. Líčí jeho úspěch a pád: jakými cestami se mu podařilo získat si proslulost a vytvořit okruh stoupenců a proč to přilákalo pozornost strážců dogmatu. Jan Hus je tu chápán jako příklad veřejně angažovaného učence, který se kvůli své popularitě dostane do vážných potíží. Zachytit život a smrt kazatele znamená zároveň dozvědět se něco o pozdně středověké společnosti, jejím chápání světa, jejím vnitřním napětí a předsudcích.

Three hussites symposia organized in 1978, 1981 and 1983 by Museum of hussite revolutionary movement in Tabor represent one of the classic niche in the Czech historiography 1945-1989. The collective monography dealing with this historical phenomenon is based on a critical analysis of the articles published in it, but also on a critical analysis of the interviews with historians participating in symposia.

The book was a reaction to a series of articles published in the historical journal Bohemia. Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur der böhmischen Länder, at the beginning of 90ties in which German and Czech historians analyzed the conditions of intellectual life in the communist Czechoslovakia.

The articles are in Czech, each of them with an abstract in German or English. The bibliography of Husitsky Tabor is included.

The volume contains papers selected from those presented during the Eleventh and Twelfth Symposium of the Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice held from 18–20 June 2014 and from 15–17 June 2016, i.e. series of biennial conferences dedicated to the interdisciplinary study of the Bohemian Reformation.

My book focuses on the life of Bolek V., the duke of Opole of the house of Silesian Piast, who lived in a disquite time of the Hussite wars. In contrast of another Silesian dukes, Bolek joined the Hussite armies and fought on their side in Silesia. After the Hussite wars, he was active in the integration process in Silesia and he was the hetman of the Upper Silesian duke´s association. In the forties and fifties, he attended the long-term war of Silesian dukes with the Polish kingdom. After the coronation of George of Poděbrady, Bolek V. was one of the small group of Silesian dukes who supported him. At his side he fought against other Silesian dukes and against the city of Wroclaw. He died in May 1460 in his main city called Horní Hlohov (Glogówek).
A couple of times, Bolek´s life was elaborated in the historiography. Most of the authors focused only on his activity during the Hussite wars and did not pay attention on his life after the Hussite wars. Because of this reason, my work maily focuses on the time of “interregno” and the time of George of Poděbrady, which is not so elaborated. Unfortunately, we do not have so many sources like in cases of other Silesian dukes. The most important sources are preserved descriptions of Bolek, written by the contemporary chroniclers. For example, the work of Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, one of the most famous humanist of his age, later known as pope Pius II., who wrote the well known history of the Czech Kingdom, in which he criticized the Czech reformation movement. Other valuable information about the life of Bolek V. can be found in the chronicle of Jan Dlugosz, a famous polish chronicler, who pays a lot of attention to the Silesian events. A very interesting perspective at Bolek´s life was written by Kaspar Borgeni. He was a Silesian Church dignitary in Silesian city Hlohov (Glogów) and he wrote the history of this city. These three authors represent the root of our views of Bolek. We can complete his picture using some less important chronicles from the fifteen century Silesia, like the chronicle of Jan Froben, or so called “Střelínské fractions” or Martin of Bolkenheim´s chronicle.

All of these authors were strongly connected to the church and their view of the Hussite movement was negative. That is why it is not surprising that their picture of Bolek was also really negative. Bolek is introduced as an obdurate heretic and a Hussite, and his whole life was in the sign of sin. Their view of Bolek V. was based mostly on the stereotypes connected with medieval heretics. One of the main goals of my work was to analyse the picture of Bolek as a Hussite and a heretic in the medieval chronicles, which had a great impact on the way how s Bolek V. is descibed in the cultural memory. The theories of Jan Assman about the cultural memory or the theories of a French historian Pierre Nora about so called „places of memory“ were a very considerable inspiration for me. The picture of Bolek as a heretic plays the key role in the cultural memory of Silesia. Silesia represented itself as an orthodox region which stood against the Czech heresy. This memory of the Hussite wars was really important in the identity of Silesia and also in making Silesia land. In following chapters, the development of this memory throught centuries is explained.
One of the key question of my work is a question – was Bolek really a Hussite or a heretic? He spent only three years of his life on the Hussite side, and after the defeat of the field armies at the battle of Lipany in 1434, we have no sources about his activities on the Hussite side. His participation in that battle is very unlikely. His activities were limited to Silesia or Moravian-Silesian border. Moreover, his Hussite period factually ended one year before the battle of Lipany when he had been defeated by Mikuláš of Ratiboř at the battle of Rybnik in May 1433, where Bolek probably suffered terrible losses and he was not able to continue fighting. At this moment it is necessary to ask – which motives brought Bolek to the Hussite side? Was it really the target for reformation of the church and the sympathy for the thoughts of John Hus? Or was it just an effort to join the victory side and to expand his possession? His first experience with the Hussites goes back to 1428 when the Hussite armies plundered and burned his most important cities Prudnik and Horní Hlohov. In the year 1430 when the Hussites again invaded Silesia, he was probably afraid of destroying his properties, so he rather joined them, and as I said before, he persisted on the Hussite side till the battle of Rybnik. Is it more likely that his transfer to the Hussites was motivated by understanding that he could not defend the field armies, and at the same time, he desired to expand his lands. Older historiography supposes that Bolek V. was studying at Prague´s university where he became familiar with the ideas of John Hus. Those thesis were based on the work of Kaspar Borgeni. I was able to disprove those theories thanks to the complete analysis of preserved sources. It is apparent that he didn´t study in Prague and couldn’t become familiar with the Hussite ideology. Considering the support he showed to Franciscans, I believe we cannot say that he was either a heretic or a Hussite.
While the first part of the work aims at the memory of Bolek V., the second part focuses on his life. Considering the attention which has been given to his Hussite period, my work focuses mainly on the period after the Hussite wars, when Bolek played a significant role in in the integration, which took place in the fifteenth century Silesia. He became the head of the Upper Silesia duke´s association and was a very important person in local politics.
He did not give up his desire to expand his lands and through very hard steps, he acquired a few properties of Wroclaw´s bishop and especially a large part of Opava principality. The local house of Premyslid was in a deep crises, which was used by Bolek. He gradually took almost the whole principality. When he was dying in May 1460, his domain was Horní Hlohov land, Prudnik and a big part of Opava principality, including part of the city of Opava, castle Edelštejn or city Zlaté Hory were under his authority too. His effort to rule Opavsko (after his death) was followed by George of Poděbrady who saw Opava´s principality as a gate to dominate Silesia.
One of the main part of my work was the analysis of Bolek’s relationship to the king’s authority. This subject was often misinterpreted by medieval chronicles and many of historians thought that Bolek V. was an independent duke or he wanted to be independent. My research pointed out that this idea is misleading because we are able to prove that Bolek pledge his allegiance to Sigismund of Luxemburg and to George of Poděbrady. In the case of Albrecht Habsburg, we do not have any documents to prove the pledge allegiance, but we can assume that it occurred on the basis of secondary sources. A similar situation also prevails in the case of Ladislav Pohrobek.
Unfortunately, we can´t say much about many areas of Bolek V. There are almost no sources which could tell us informaton about his relationship to cities, or in general to economic issues. Similarly, the question of Bolek´s court is also complicated. In that case, there is a chance for a future research.

Ellen G. White enhanced the 1884 Great Controversy (Spirit of Prophecy, vol. 4) while she visited Europe from 1885 to 1887. One of the additions to the book was expanded coverage of John Huss and the pre-reformation in Bohemia. The manuscript that Ellen White prepared was drawn largely from Wylie's history of the period but also included lessons on the experience. Because of space constraints, Marian Davis condensed most of the details in Ellen White's fact-gathering manuscript and omitted Mrs. White's homiletical comments.

This document was prepared to give readers an idea of what the chapter might have looked like if Marian Davis had used Ellen White’s entire “Huss Manuscript” in The Great Controversy. It also addresses, in the footnotes, assertions that Ellen White mistakenly recounted the events before Huss's martyrdom. This subject is more amply treated in the chapter "Cleaning Up After 'Friendly Fire' " (available at https://www.academia.edu/31680843/Cleaning_Up_After_Friendly_Fire_).

I apologize that some labels under illustrations do not show. This has to do with the Adobe driver, and I could not figure it out.

Die vorliegende Arbeit zeichnet mittels Auswertung der urkundlichen Überlieferung die Beziehungen Sigismunds von Luxemburg zu den Sechsstädten der Oberlausitz nach.
Die Autorin unternimmt dabei eine bisher für Sigismunds Regierung noch nicht erfolgte vergleichende Untersuchung der praktischen Umsetzung von Herrschaft durch landesherrliche Städte, wofür sie exemplarisch die Sechsbundstädte Bautzen, Görlitz, Zittau, Löbau, Lauban und Kamenz wählte.
Ein erstes Kapitel stellt Quellenlage, Forschungsstand und Fragestellung sowie die historische Ausgangslage vor, worauf eine Analyse der Funktionen der Sechsstädte und ihrer Bürger für das Königtum bzw. derjenigen des Königtums für Städte und Bürger folgt. Das letzte Kapitel arbeitet die Träger der Kommunikation zwischen Landesherrn und Städten heraus und stellt diese in den Kontext des königlichen Hofes.
Als Resultat ergibt sich eine differenzierte Bewertung der Rolle der Oberlausitz im politischen System Sigismunds. Die Autorin zeigt, wie die Beteiligten unter den Umständen einer „Herrschaft aus der Ferne“ versuchten, jeweils größtmöglichen Nutzen aus den phasenweise relativ intensiven Beziehungen zu ziehen. Besondere Bedeutung kommt dabei Sigismunds Rolle als Schiedsrichter und Legitimationsinstanz in lokalen Konkurrenz- und Konfliktsituationen zu. Die Zuschreibung dieser Funktionen ermöglichte es dem Herrscher seinerseits, die sechsstädtischen Ratsschichten als Instrumente seiner Herrschaft einzusetzen, ohne seine durch die Hussitenkriege begrenzten Ressourcen zu sehr zu belasten.
Die angewendete Methodik erlaubte es weiters, die starke Anlassbezogenheit der Ausstellung königlicher Urkunden herauszuarbeiten, wodurch selbst für mutmaßliche motu-proprio-Handlungen des Herrschers ein komplexes Zusammenspiel mit den Urkundenempfängern aufgezeigt werden konnte. Damit erhärtet sich auch für die Oberlausitz der schon andernorts festgestellte Befund, dass von einer zielgerichteten „Städtepolitik“ Sigismunds nicht die Rede sein kann.

The origins of the complex interplay linking heresy and medieval translation of the Bible may be identified in the ambiguous French cultural context of the 12 th century. Later developments such as the Lollards, the Hussites, and the Reformation followed the pattern established by the Waldensians and the followers of Lambert the Stutterer, but they were not mere avatars, in a chain of dissident movements. The situation appears to be different at the beginning and at the end of this chain, in the case of French literature, and in the Ruthenian or Romanian one. There is an endless oscillation between high-prestige and low-prestige levels of culture, linked with the scholastic or academic milieu and that of popular culture. Texts circulated from one level to another and from one linguistic area to the other. Franciscans and Dominicans also played an important role in the creation of religious texts and biblical translations, leading to odd and ambiguous situations in the Hungarian or Romanian cases. The same happened in Ruthenia, under the influence of the Benedictine Glagolites. There may be a link between the Central European and early French experiments, but the original phenomenon had no dissident undertones. The Church never forbade the translation of the Bible, only translations linked to the person of a certain heretic, and did not accept the use of vernacular translation in preaching, where a Latin sacred text had to be used. There was a preference for the addition of an explanatory apparatus or canonical commentaries in those translations, and this is one of the most characteristic features of early French translations. Because the Old Testament was a book of history, vernacular sacred texts were often accompanied by profane stories, to the point that French influence can be traced through the pan-European circulation of profane subjects as well. The social aspects of the phenomenon are less clear, as there were various textual communities, with various priorities, united only by a common interest in the use of the vernacular language. The current study is a foray into a grey area that needs to be analysed in future studies.

This paper attempts to explore the keys parts of the Hussite Reformation and to look at how Jan Hus’ De Ecclesia laid out some significant ecclesiological critiques of the church of his day. We will then jump a century ahead as we look to Count Nicholas Zinzendorf and the Moravian movement’s lived out ecclesiology. Lastly, I will bring this two into dialogue with Pentecostal ecclesiology and how Hus speaks to us whether explicitly or implicitly.

Ellen G. White enhanced the 1884 Great Controversy (Spirit of Prophecy, vol. 4) while she visited Europe from 1885 to 1887. One of the additions to the book was expanded coverage of John Huss and the pre-reformation in Bohemia. The manuscript that Ellen White prepared was drawn largely from Wylie's history of the period but also included lessons on the experience. Because of space constraints, Marian Davis condensed most of the details in Ellen White's fact-gathering manuscript and omitted Mrs. White's homiletical comments.

This document was prepared to give readers an idea of what the chapter might have looked like if Marian Davis had used Ellen White’s entire “Huss Manuscript” in The Great Controversy. It also addresses, in the footnotes, assertions that Ellen White mistakenly recounted the events before Huss's martyrdom. This subject is more amply treated in the chapter "Cleaning Up After 'Friendly Fire' " (available at https://www.academia.edu/31680843/Cleaning_Up_After_Friendly_Fire_).

Stephen of Páleč († c. 1422) was one of the first to advocate Wyclif’s realism in the Prague Arts Faculty. This paper provides an overview of his works on universals, dating their origin to 1394/1396. In some cases, his purpose was probably to defend the realism of universals in general, not just that of Wyclif. The editio princeps of one of Stephen’s questiones on universals is printed in an appendix. An analysis of this questio uncovers intriguing data on textual transmission, including the possible influence of an anonymous realist’s position attacked by Buridan in Paris in the 1330s.

Taborites ranked among the fiercest opponents of Emperor and
King Sigismund. However, eventually both parties, having
been exhausted by revolutionary wars, preferred political
compromise. The King wanted to achieve the recognition by the whole Kingdom of Bohemia in Prague and for that he needed consent of Tábor.
Taborites, having been deprived of most of their military
and political power after the battle of Lipany, welcomed
the possibility to be protected by royal authority and laws.
In South Bohemia Sigismund relied on the royal town
of České Budějovice and the richest nobleman in the
country, Oldřich II of Rožmberk. However, Oldřich did
not hesitate to call a  truce with Tábor disregarding the
King. The town had boasted significant military power
since the times of Jan Žižka. After Žižka’s death the Tábor
association was led by Prokop Holý. Under Prokop’s control Tábor extended its domain in Bohemia even at the expense of Hussite Prague; the town also occupied a number of fortresses in Moravia and Silesia. Prokop Holý was
the spiritual administrator of Tábor field army. The town
itself and its large property in the region were managed
by the control board and a ruler elected by them, by the
municipal council, priests chaired by Mikuláš of Pelhřimov and by chief captains of the domestic combat troops.
In the early 1430s about 600 families lived in Tábor;
burghers were getting rich from crafts and also from loot.
After the defeat at the battle of Lipany, Tábor, led by
a  new chief captain, Jan Roháč of Dubé, resisted Sigismund for another year. After the bloody defeat of the
local army at Křeč in August 1435, Bedřich of Strážnice
took over control of the town. Bedřich wanted to reconcile and Táborites negotiated with the King independently of the rest of the country. Therefore, in summer 1436
in Jihlava when the Compacts of Basel were announced,
Táborites did not take an oath to obey the King yet. By
the end of the year they gradually managed to have their
political and property privileges guaranteed. Only Tábor
priests refused the agreement with the Basel Council and
retained the freedom of faith for the time being.
The hatred between Sigismund of Luxembourg and
the town of Tábor ended in 1437. Monthslong negotiations led by Oldřich II of Rožmberk representing the
King and Bedřich of Strážnice representing the community of Tábor resulted in three privileges for Tábor.
The first privilege was granted by Sigismund of Luxembourg to the community of Tábor on 25th January
1437. By means of this privilege he promoted Hradiště to
a royal town. The municipality won a number of rights
and freedoms enjoyed by the Old Town of Prague. In judicial matters Tábor and its citizens were subordinated
exclusively to the ruler. The King granted Tábor the right
to execute convicted offenders; the right applied to everyone disregarding their age and status.
The town was allowed to organize two weekly and
two annual markets which were held on the same days
as markets in vanished Sezimovo Ústí. The privilege also
enabled to town to elect town councilors freely for the following six years. Eventually this freedom lasted till 1452. Tábor also received a new picture for the municipal
seal; the town used the image for the municipal coat of
arms as well.
The second privilege was granted on 30th January
1437. The privilege guaranteed to Tábor the pledge of
property of the monastery in Louňovice pod Blaníkem
(two small towns and 33 villages) and Dobronice forest
worth 2 400 threescores of groschen. The ruler could pay
the agreed amount in return for the pledged property
with a year-long notice period. The second privilege provided some Tábor serfs with land in farms occupied by
the Hussites.
The last privilege was only granted on 26th March
1437. It was then when the Hussite community became
legally independent. By that time the town had been situated on land owned by the Lords of Ústí. The privilege granted Tábor hereditary title to Ústí demesne with two towns, the vanished Sezimovo Ústí and Hradiště (Tábor), a  number of villages and the deserted stronghold of Sedlec.
Sigismund had all the allocated property recorded
in the Land Tables. All serfs of the Bohemian Kingdom,
judges, burgraves and royal officers supervising royal
towns had to respect the privileges granted to Tábor.

A powerful state church and respected social institution with extensive symbolic prestige at the beginning of the 19th century, the Czech Catholic Church succumbed to widespread secularization throughout the second half of the same century. This historical development was further reinforced by the rise of totalitarian ideologies, thus rendering a privileged and self-confident national church a problematic, humiliated, barely tolerated and, for much of the 20th century, brutally persecuted community.  The aim of the lecture is to offer several general reflections on the historical roots and the possible causes of secularization in Bohemia, in particular how such a near-total abandonment of religious practice in organized churches in this country compared to all its central European neighbors. A better appreciation of the concrete genesis of secularization in various historical contexts can shed light on how to deal with contemporary society’s attitude toward religion and religions.

Jan Chudoba z Vartemberka [Wartenberg] was bohemian aristocrat and one of the important politics at the border of 14th and 15th Century. Wartenbergs was one of the leading noble families in medieval Bohemian Kingdom and they hold rich dominium in North Bohemia. Jan Chudoba was in early years a friend of theologian Jan Hus. Lately he founded a new castle Ralsko, very closed to his main settlement castle in Wartenberg (now Stráž pod Ralskem). During the turbulent time of hussite wars was at the site of emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg a with other powerful aristocrats in this part of land he made strong alliance.

Published in: Heraldika a genealoge 41 (2008), No. 1-2, pp. 105-110.

The Monastery of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre in Zderaz in Prague, was one of Prague's oldest monasteries. At the same time, however, due to its destruction in 1420 it is one of the least preserved and thus the least known about. The Order originated in Jerusalem, where after the conquest of the city by the Crusaders in 1099, the Duke of Lorraine, Godfrey of Bouillon, appointed a chapter of canons at the church of the Holy Sepulchre whose purpose was to protect and worship the Holy Sepulchre. This was transformed into a regulated order by the Patriarch Arnulf of Chocques in 1114 and governed by the Canons Regular. Soon afterwards the order began to spread to Europe, where it gained favor as well as richly endowed houses, one of the more significant of which was the monastery founded in Miechów near Krakow in 1163. Its layout, with the convent located on the northwest corner of the monastery church, evidently influenced such a similar arrangement in Prague.
Due to relatively rich surviving written sources, several of the Zderaz monastery's construction campaigns can be explored. The monastery was founded around 1190 at the church of St. Peter by the members of the North Bohemian Hrabišic family, the brothers Kojata and Všebor. Kojata bequeathed his considerable fortune before his death to the monastery in 1227, as did Všebor sometime before 1238, when the two church altars were consecrated. The establishment of the altars was probably related to the construction realized through Všebor's bequest, probably carried out earlier and finally drawn up in 1238. From 1256 there are dated documents conferring numerous indulgences for the benefit of the monastery; the income from these indulgences was associated with further construction which culminated in 1276 with the consecration of the new chorus together with the altar under the name of the Holy Sepulchre and St. John the Baptist. Relics of the Holy Cross and the Holy Sepulchre were placed into the altar of the choir, which in 1270 was referred to as a costly work. Given that the church had been dedicated to St. Peter, the dedication of the new choir to the Holy Sepulchre may be interpreted as for a new choir, on the west side.
According to Baroque historians, the sacristy and a fragment of the presbytery from the church still stood in 1715, in the vicinity of the cloister which lay to the west of the church, which supports the presumption of the western orientation of the choir. A western orientation and the dedication to the Holy Sepulchre, the only one in medieval Bohemia, would have reflected the Order's focus on homage to the location proving the resurrection of Christ. In the 1390's, the church was apparently repaired from damage that occurred around 1278 or 1286. This may be the period of origin for stone fragments found in the Baroque church which was demolished in 1904–1905. Around 1361, the monastery cloister was rebuilt, inside which the chapel of Corpus Christi was located. The chapel was mentioned in 1391, when a stonemason named Henzlin was referred to as a witness and who might have participated in the construction of some part of the monastery. Another event relating to the monastery church, which in 1410 was mentioned as "decrepit with age", was probably completed in 1415, when the altar of Corpus Christi and the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, founded in the year 1408, was moved to the newly built part of the church. Since the brotherhood caring for the construction of the chapel of Corpus Christi on Karlovo náměstí had a close relationship with the Zderaz monastery, in which the decision was made in 1382 to build that chapel, it is not impossible that the reconstruction of the monastery church took place with the participation of the builder of the chapel, consecrated sometime before 1408. From the entire complex, today a part of the northern wing of the cloister is preserved, incorporated into the dwelling house No. 275/II as three very narrow arcade arches. Research in 1954–1955 revealed brackets of former groin vaults which have parallels in the adjacent Benedictine monastery Na Slovanech which was built at the same time. A noteworthy detail of the vaulting were dividing ribs of semi-circular profile, perhaps as an imitation of an older model from the c. 1238 construction campaign. Until 1905, a part of the adjacent eastern wing of the cloister and a great portal from the 14th century still existed, the latter now preserved only in fragments, facing northwards from the cloister, perhaps towards the former church. A closer comparison with the preserved church of the women's branch of the order in Světec near Bílina does not provide unequivocal results, neither does an analysis of the alleged medieval appearance of the Zderaz church published in 1797.
The community followed the liturgy, introduced in the early 12th century directly at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, as illustrated by a manuscript dating from around 1385, preserved in the University Library in Wroclaw (I Q 175). The manuscript belonged to a monastery in Silesian Nysa which was subordinated to Zderaz before the Hussite wars and to where the Prague community took recourse, which is how the manuscript got to Poland. The calendar of the manuscript, containing many feast days of the Bohemian patron saints, was written sometime around 1385 and was used in Bohemia even in the 90's, when newly announced feast days were added. The manuscript is the latest known version of a number of similar liturgical books compiled after the fall of Jerusalem (1187) in Acre and during the 13th and 14th centuries in Europe for the monasteries of Canons of the Holy Sepulchre. These religious houses followed the liturgy preserving the situation of Jerusalem during the Crusades in detail, as demonstrated by the rubrics determining how to carry out the celebrations of Palm Sunday and the Easter festivities, including the play of the Visit to the Tomb (Visitatio Sepulchri) in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, counting with a visit to Calvary. This play, staged at Zderaz apparently in the western choir, thus extends the list of known performances played in medieval Prague (St. George, St. Vitus, Knights of St. John Monastery). The significance of the finding that the manuscript was used in Prague also lies in the fact that it was apparently this unusual Jerusalem liturgy which inspired the Emperor Charles IV to found the Benedictine monastery, following the old Slavonic liturgy, in the very vicinity of the Zderaz monastery, supplemented later by the monastery of the Milan Benedictines, which followed the (also unusual) Ambrosian liturgy.

In 1402, with the death of the fourth archbishop of Prague Olbram of Škvorec an almost fortyyear period was capped, during which the office of the archbishop of Prague was held exclusively by the members of two originally burgher families – the descendants of Jan of Kamenice and the Olbramovice family. The successor of the first archbishop of Prague Arnošt of Pardubice became Jan Očko, the son of a burgher and the court scribe of King John of Luxembourg Jan of Kamenice. His nephew Jan of Jenštejn was elected as the uncle’s successor on the metropolitan throne, on which in the end even Očko’s grand-nephew Olbram of Škvorec sat. It was not the first case when sons coming from burgher families held high ecclesiastical posts. Using the example of the admirable careers of three burgher sons, we can attempt to observe the basic mechanisms of the social and economic rise of the urban elites under the Luxembourgs, which found its reflection also in their representation. The social and property rise also created the essential prerequisite for their penetration among the court and ecclesiastical elite.

Andreas Michler – Kateřina Pražáková (edd.), Historie jako prostor k setkávání v česko-bavorském příhraničí. Výukové materiály, České Budějovice 2019.

A collective work on some important periods and events from the history of contacts between Bohemian lands and Germany (Hussites, Goldener Steig, Nazi-period, ...). There are also worksheets for students enclosed.