Nationality

This paper, which is a contribution to the EUI EUDO citizenship debate on Case C-135/08 Janko Rottmann [2010] launched by Prof. Jo Shaw, critiques this remarkable judgement of the Court of Justice, suggesting possible ways forward in the development of the concept of EU citizenship in the future. How is Rottmann important? Could the ECJ decide differently? What are the consequences of the restrictive approach chosen by the Court? It is suggested that Rottmann is just one of the first steps in the paradigmatic shift in the understanding of the legal meaning of citizenship which will be shaping EU law in the years to come.

The decision to leave the borders open, the influx of more than one million people to Germany and the resulting migration crisis in late 2015 and early 2016 were formative experiences for the current political class in Germany and have exacerbated the country’s social and political crisis. The latent, protracted dispute about the character of Germany as a migration state resurfaced with renewed force and will divide the German public for many years to come, since Germans’ sense of national identity lies at the centre of the dispute.

German decision makers already know that one of the key consequences of the migration crisis is that they need to make the entire German public realise that Germany has irrevocably become a migration state. A debate is still ongoing about what particular form the German version of such a state should assume and how citizenship should be defined. The divisions in this dispute run across the political divide and different social strata, both within the electorate and among politicians. The only common view seems to be that migration and integration constitute a challenge to maintaining the status quo, which has been relatively favourable for Germany and its people. The realisation is now dawning that the integration of migrants will only be successful if Germans have no complexes when approaching their national identity, because it is not possible to integrate with a nation that constantly questions it.

This study focuses on nationality and ethnicity in the context of diaspora and media studies. By exploring the ways members of the Persian community in Israel (migrants from Iran to Israel) negotiate their ethnic Persian identification, I discuss the unique role online spaces play in the community's cultural, political, and social life. I draw on the case study to propose the term "Lived Ethnicity" as a digitally mediated identity construction process that works towards sociopolitical inclusion on two levels. First, as a user-based participatory process, this type of self-articulation pushes against cultural and political oppressions on a local-national level, within dominant oppressive discourses of nationality. Second, as a process performed via global online platforms, this type of self-articulation becomes a unique catalyst for communal expressions that are based on trans-national cultures and identifications. The study's novelty is its focus on the ways online platforms allow ethno-national minorities to both subvert oppressive national structures and maintain them, all while taking part in global political and cultural discussions that were relatively closed to them thus far.

In deze bijdrage wordt de vraag verkend in welke mate ruimte moet bestaan voor een gefragmenteerd burgerschap. Naar huidig recht is nationaliteit nog altijd in sterke mate een eendimensionaal begrip, historisch het gevolg van de notie dat de burger zich deel moet voelen van één nationale gemeenschap en daarnaar moet handelen om aanspraak te kunnen maken op de rechten die verbonden zijn met zijn nationaliteit. Bepleit wordt dat dit eendimensionale en monolithische begrip van nationaliteit  in wordt geruild voor een gefragmenteerd burgerschap. Dit bestaat er in dat – binnen de grenzen die de staat stelt – individuen kunnen kiezen voor de segmenten van burgerschap die het meest aansluiten bij hun eigen preferenties. Dit functioneel en temporeel burgerschap past bij de toegenomen rol van partijautonomie in het internationaal privaatrecht en bij de mogelijkheid van een individuele keuze voor andere dan statelijke normenstelsels.

Résumé

À la suite de plusieurs scandales d’évasion fiscale, le Congrès américain a adopté en 2010 le Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA), législation extraterritoriale imposant à l’ensemble des institutions financières étrangères (IFE) de communiquer à l’administration fiscale américaine (l’IRS) des informations relatives aux comptes détenus à l’étranger par des personnes américaines. Le transfert de ces renseignements étant susceptible d’être prohibé par les droits nationaux, les États-Unis ont conclu des accords bilatéraux (avec la France en 2014) afin d’autoriser les institutions financières de les collecter et communiquer. Les IFEs doivent depuis identifier les personnes américaines sur la base « d’indices d’américanité », dont le lieu de naissance aux États-Unis. Le système fiscal américain étant l’un des seuls où les revenus mondiaux sont taxés sur le fondement de la nationalité (citizenship-based taxation), le FATCA a ainsi ciblé des personnes nées « par accident » aux États-Unis, de parents étrangers, et qui sont nationaux et résidents fiscaux d’autres États. Ces « américains accidentels » ont été subitement confrontés à des situations kafkaïennes, certaines institutions financières refusant des clients présentant des indices d’américanité, d’autres exigeant que ces personnes se mettent en conformité avec leurs obligations réglementaires et fiscales au regard du droit américain ou prouvent qu’elles ne sont pas américaines. La combinaison du FATCA, de la citizenship-based taxation et d’un droit du sol pour ce qui concerne l’acquisition automatique de la nationalité américaine ont ainsi fait du FATCA un dispositif à portée extraterritoriale sans précédent qui affecte directement et sur une très large échelle un nombre significatif de personnes qui n’ont plus de lien avec les États-Unis. Cette extraterritorialité suscite des questionnements du point de vue du droit international et il apparaît aussi que le FATCA est un dispositif juridiquement fragile. Il soulève en effet de sérieuses interrogations quant à sa compatibilité avec le droit à la vie privée et le droit européen de la protection des données personnelles. Il génère par ailleurs des discriminations fondées sur la nationalité vraie ou supposée difficilement justifiables.
Si la mise en œuvre de ce dispositif est susceptible d’être contestée devant les juridictions par les personnes affectées, il appelle néanmoins, une réaction plus large de la part de la part des autorités françaises et de l’Union européenne, en particulier lorsque l’on constate que les accords bilatéraux ne sont pas appliqués de manière réciproque par les États-Unis.

Summary

As a result of several tax evasion scandals, the US Congress enacted in 2010 the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA), an extraterritorial statute imposing on all foreign financial institutions (FFIs) the obligation to report to the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) information about financial accounts held by US persons abroad. Since the direct transfer of data could be prohibited by foreign laws, the US concluded several bilateral agreements with other States (with France in 2014) so as to allow FFIs to collect and transfer the information required by FATCA. Within this framework, FFIs must identify US persons on the basis of several « US indicia », among them a US place of birth. The US system of income taxation being one of the few based on nationality (citizenship-based taxation), FATCA has also targeted persons « accidentally » born in the US to non-US parents and also nationals and resident for tax purposes of other States. These « accidental Americans » have been suddenly confronted to Kafkaesque situations : some financial institutions refusing clients with US indicia, other requiring a certificate of loss of US nationality or full compliance with US tax and regulatory requirements. The combination of FATCA, citizenship-based taxation and the automatic acquisition of US nationality by virtue of jus soli have turned FATCA into an unprecedented extraterritorial apparatus directly hurting on a very large scale a significant number of persons no longer having any links with the US. This extraterritorial reach raises concerns from an international law perspective and FATCA also has other legal weaknesses. It raises indeed many issues as to its compatibility with the right to privacy and European standards on personal data protection. FATCA also generates discriminations based on nationality (true or alleged) that seem difficult to justify. While the implementation of FATCA could eventually be challenged before domestic courts, it also requires a broader response from French and EU authorities since theUS does not apply bilateral agreements on a reciprocal basis.

This article scrutinizes the last ten years of the academic debate on EU citizenship law taking nine fundamental disagreements among scholars as staring points. It explores EU citizenship’s relationship with three groups of issues of fundamental importance, including the place of this concept within the fabric of EU law, the influence of this concept on the essence of the Union as a system of multilevel governance, and its impact on the lives of ordinary Europeans. A number of key works which influenced the Court and the legislator in the recent years is assessed to outline the likely direction of future research, as well as future EU citizenship’s development. Although the literature on the subject is overwhelmingly rich and diverse, this article aspires to provide a representative sample of issues of interest for the framing of the concept at issue from a supranational perspective, necessarily leaving national (or nationalistic) literatures aside.

The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct Roger Scruton’s views on patriotism and similar attitudes of nationalism and oikophobia that endanger the proper love to homeland. According to Scruton, patriotism is the loyalty toward people who inhabited certain territory and share common culture, customs and history. Such understood feeling of national loyalty is peaceful by its nature and stabilizes the democratic system. Besides patriotism, Scruton distinguishes attitude of worship of nation and hostility towards it. The first attitude, transforming into nationalism, deifies nation and led to numerous wars and conflicts in history, whereas an attitude of hostility towards own nation (oikophobia) justifies the development of transnational institutions that limited sovereignty of the democratic nation-states and - indirectly - undermined the sovereignty of the people. In the final part of the paper I am going to paraphrase pictures of nation presupposed in attitudes of patriotism, nationalism and oikophobia in the notion apparatus of Leszek Nowak’s deformative concept of culture.
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Celem artykułu jest prezentacja poglądów Rogera Scrutona w kwestii patriotyzmu i dwóch postaw zagrażających właściwemu umiłowaniu ojczyzny: nacjonalizmu i ojkofobii. Patriotyzm w ujęciu Scrutona oznacza poczucie lojalności wobec ludzi zamieszkujących pewne terytorium, podzielających wspólną kulturę, obyczaje i historię. Tak rozumiane poczucie lojalności narodowej jest z natury rzeczy pokojowe i stabilizuje praktykę demokratyczną. Obok patriotyzmu, Scruton wyróżnia jeszcze dwie inne postawy: uwielbienia oraz niechęci wobec własnego narodu. Ta pierwsza postawa, przeradzając się w nacjonalizm deifikuje naród, prowadziła do licznych wojen i konfliktów w historii, natomiast postawa niechęci wobec własnego narodu (ojkofobia) stanowi uzasadnienie rozwoju instytucji ponadnarodowych, które ograniczając suwerenność demokratycznego państwa narodowego, pośrednio ograniczają władzę ludu. W końcowej części artykułu zamierzam sparafrazować obrazy narodu zakładane w postawie nacjonalizmu, patriotyzmu i ojkofobii w aparaturze pojęciowej deformacyjnej koncepcji kultury Leszka Nowaka.

O direito à nacionalidade trata-se de um dos mais importantes direitos
humanos previstos na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos (DUDH) de 1948, considerando que sem nacionalidade, e portanto, sem poder contar com a proteção de um Estado nacional, os indivíduos não possuem acesso a direitos que normalmente são concedidos aos cidadãos. O presente texto busca analisar o direito à nacionalidade, perscrutando brevemente a sua origem, definição e modos de atribuição, bem como as suas atuais problemáticas em mundo cada vez mais globalizado e interconectado.

SOMMARIO: 1. La progressiva diffusione del criterio della residenza abituale. – 2. Una nozione più flessibile ed effettiva di quella di domicilio. – 3. Progressiva sostituzione al criterio della cittadinanza. – 4. Dalla dicotomia cittadinanza-domicilio a quella cittadinanza-residenza. – 5. Il ricorso al criterio della residenza abituale in materie diverse dallo statuto personale. – 6. L’accertamento della residenza abituale. – 7. Il fattore tempo. – 8. Necessità di una definizione?

La nature de l’identité française, de son expression juridique et de sa persistance au-delà des frontières, a agité les juristes et les administrateurs depuis le XVIe siècle et elle continue de le faire. Dans ce cadre, les traités de cessions acceptés par la France, impactant des territoires ultra-marins, nord-américains principalement, de 1713 à 1814 ne sont pas allés sans créer des crispations entre puissances sur le statut des personnes. Plus singulièrement, elles créèrent et créent encore des points de frictions diachroniques dont le traité de Paris de 1763 est le principal point de fixation avec un problème central : les populations françaises perdirent t'elle leur « nationalité française » par l’effet de ce texte ? A partir des
travaux récents sur la « naturalité » d’Ancien Régime et la naissance de la nationalité française au XVIIIe siècle, particulièrement ceux de Peter Sahlin et de Frédérique Vidal, nous nous proposons de faire un bilan des effets
qu’eurent ces textes sur les populations concernées dans le droit et la jurisprudence française au XVIIIe et au XIXe siècle et de confronter ces résultats à l’état du droit actuel.

El presente trabajo se ocupa de la problemática del sujeto y su pertenencia a la comunidad política en el Derecho español del siglo XIX. Se trata de indagar la trayectoria que, arrancando del orden tradicional de la Monarquía católica, desembocó en la "nacionalidad" como institución fundamental para el Estado. Para ello, se presta atención tanto a la semantica de las relaciones de pertenencia, como al cuerpo legislativo del siglo XIX, problematizado en tres espacios -público, doméstico, y nacional (por oposición a extranjero)- esenciales para el Estado en construcción. En ellos se revela una intención de monopolizar el acceso de los sujetos a la comunidad política.
Palabras clave: pertenencia, nacionalidad, sujeto de derecho, España, siglo XIX.

Abstract: This paper deals with the problems ofthe legal subject and its political membership in Spanish law of the nineteenth century. It wants to investigate the path that starts from the traditional law of the Catholic Monarchy and leads to nationality as a fundamental legal category for the new State. For that purpose, we study both the new semantics of membership relations and the Spanish legal corpus of the nineteenth century, divided in three problematic areas that became essential for the State-building process: public, domestic and national (as opposed to foreigner). They reveal an intention to monopolize the access of subjects to the political community.

Artykuł jest próbą szkicowego ujęcia jednej ze strategii budowania „ja”, strategii, która realizuje się poprzez ludzką seksualność. Przedmiotem badawczym są dwie powieści kontrowersyjnych autorów, należących jednak do innych generacji literackich: Sztukmistrza z Lublina Isaaca Singera i Kompleksu Portnoya Philipa Rotha. Nietrudno jest zauważyć zatem, że ten specyficzny rodzaj polityki tożsamościowej będzie omawiany na przykładzie bohaterów pochodzenia żydowskiego. Autorka stara się wykazać, że w obu przypadkach pomimo gestu odcięcia się od tradycji własnego narodu, akt ten okazuje się – jednocześnie i paradoksalnie – aktem wpisania się w nią, ponieważ omawiane wybory miłosne i erotyczne zdają się być ściśle zdeterminowane przez przynależność etniczną. Szkic podejmuje problemy m.in. kwestie takie, jak rola kobiety w judaizmie, kształtowanie się męskiej tożsamości, promiskuityzm, czy praktyki sadomasochistyczne.

[Índice e Introducción]
El estudio de las múltiples articulaciones que vinculan la producción literaria y cultural con el campo de las ideologías constituye, sobre todo para el caso de América Latina, uno de los ángulos cruciales de exploración y análisis. Este libro, que rinde homenaje a uno de los más importantes representantes de esta orientación crítica, reúne artículos sobre literatura, cultura y política en distintos contextos de España, Hispanoamérica y Brasil. Desde el caso andino al Canto general, desde Mariátegui al Che Guevara, desde la literatura femenina a las teorías sobre el "fin de la historia", este libro presenta propuestas provocativas y teóricamente actualizadas que son centrales al latinoamericanismo contemporáneo. Las mismas resultarán imprescindibles para todos aquellos dedicados al estudio de la relación entre cultura y derechos humanos, el testimonio, la hibridez cultural, la modernidad, el mestizaje, las culturas nacionales, la identidad social, la memoria colectiva y la historiografía literaria.
Colaboran: Nicholas Spadaccini,  Russell G. Hamilton,  Jaime Concha,  Juan Armando Epple, Alicia del Campo,  Gustavo A. Remedi,  Anthony N. Zahareas,  Neil Larsen,  Saúl Sosnowski, John Beverley,  Javier Sanjinés, Guido A. Podestá, Leonardo García Pabón,  Stacey Alba D. Skar,  Javier Campos,  Juliet Lynd,  Lola Proaño Gómez,  Gustavo Verdesio,  Marc Zimmerman,  Ignacio M. Sánchez Prado

Авторы определяют фашизм, как разновидность способа строительства нации, основанного на делении людей по этническому признаку на высшие и низшие ранги, преследовании, эксплуатации и уничтожении первыми вторых. С этих теоретических позиций в книге анализируются процессы национального строительства в 20-е-50-е гг. ХХ в. в Японии, Китае, странах Юго-Восточной Азии. Формулируются выводы о природе, специфике, формах, структуре, механизме возникновения, развития, надлома и трансформации азиатского фашизма. Полученные в работе выводы позволяют лучше понять суть социально-политических процессов, происходящих в азиатском регионе в настоящее время как в азиатском регионе, так и во всем мире.
The authors define fascism as a kind of nation-building method based on the division of people along ethnic lines into higher and lower ranks, persecution, exploitation and destruction of the former by the latter. From these theoretical positions, the book analyzes the processes of nation-building in the 20s-50s. 20th century in Japan, China, Southeast Asia. Conclusions are formulated about the nature, specifics, forms, structure, mechanism of emergence, development, breakdown and transformation of Asian fascism. The conclusions obtained in the work allow us to better understand the essence of the socio-political processes taking place in the Asian region at the present time both in the Asian region and throughout the world.

Recent years have seen the flourishing of research on Lithuanian Kabbalists in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, to the point that some scholars speak of a defined and delineated stream of Kabbalah, a school unto itself dubbed "Lithuanian Kabbalah." Such scholars include within this stream all those who saw the Vilna Gaon as their teacher in Kabbalah (parallel to the position of the Baal Shem Tov in Hasidism) and they ascribe to it such fixed categories as its "Articles of Faith." In their conception, this stream was part and parcel of the broader and well-known nationalist-messianic current that had its source, supposedly, in the Vilna Gaon himself; this current reached its full fruition in the twentieth century, and so too has the smaller stream within it, now a clearly defined "school," developed in various ways until the present. As if this were not enough, scholars have joined the later ideological trend which seeks to revise the history of Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in a decidedly messianic way, presenting it in a continuous line from the Vilna Gaon to the emergence of Zionism and then to the founding of the State of Israel. Again, the Vilna Gaon is not merely presented as a "herald" of Zionism but as one who encoded within his Torah the secret of redemption, the beginning of which, apparently, we are witnessing today. The article conducts a critical analysis of the concept of "Lithuanian Kabbalah," and uses as its case study the life and teachings of Rabbi Shimon Tsvi Horowitz.


בשנים האחרונות צומח ועולה מחקר סביב למקובלים בני ליטא במאות התשע עשרה והעשרים, עד שיש כאלו המדברים על זרם מוגדר ומובחן, אסכולה בפני עצמה, המכונה 'קבלה ליטאית'. בתוך זרם זה כוללים את כל אלו שראו בגר"א את מורם בקבלה, כמעין בעש"ט לחסידות, ומונים קטגוריות מקובעות של 'עיקרי אמונה' של אותו זרם הרוכב על מהלך משיחי ולאומי ידוע שמקורו כביכול בגר"א עצמו והגיע לגמר בישולו במאה העשרים. עד שנוצר בעיני כמה חוקרים מעין 'חוג' ברור ומוגדר שמתגלגל באופנים שונים עד לימינו. אם לא די בכך, הרי שהמדברים על אותו זרם קבלי רוכבים למעשה על קו אידיאולוגי מאוחר שבא לפרש מחדש את ההיסטוריה של היישוב היהודי בארץ ישראל במאה התשע עשרה ברוח משיחית וליצור מעין המשכיות מימי הגר"א עד להופעתה של הציונות ולמאורעות שהתרחשו עם הקמת מדינת ישראל. שוב אין הגר"א מצטייר רק כ'מבשר' הציונות אלא כמי שצפן בתורתו את סוד הגאולה שאנו עומדים לכאורה בפתחה. המאמר עוסק בניתוח ביקורתי של המשוג "קבלת ליטאית" וכמקרה מבחן יש כאן דיון בדרכו של ר' שמעון צבי הורביץ

This article considers the impact of Target 16.9 of the Sustainable Development Goals (‘SDGs’), ‘to provide legal identity for all, including birth registration’ on the objective of eradicating statelessness. This SDG Target has given a significant boost to initiatives for the strengthening of civil registration and identification systems, supported by the United Nations and World Bank. Yet its impact on the resolution of statelessness is not clear, because of the immense complexity of the definition of ‘legal identity’. Proposed definitions, adopted after the target was established, fail to take on board the challenges involved in cross-border recognition of civil status documents and the determination of nationality of a child for parents who hold no documents. The article concludes that SDG Target 16.9 is both an opportunity and a threat. If the objective of providing universal ‘legal identity’ is to have a positive impact for stateless persons there is a need for new engagement with the regulation of civil status in private international law, and new insistence in public international law on legal frameworks that facilitate recognition and registration of the different elements of a person’s identity, including nationality, even and especially where they are officially in doubt. Short cuts in this process risk long delays.

To weaken Muslim, it was necessary to propagate the ideologies of nationalism, secularism and modernism through many ways, because the secret of Muslim power lay in their commitment to faith and religion.
A new class of Muslims inculcated with the spirit of nationalism, secularism and modernism was created and continued the legacy of the British Empire till today.

S.V. Dmitriev and S.L. Kuzmin. 2014. The Qing Empire as China: an Anatomy of Historical Myth. – Oriens (Moscow) (1): 5-17.
It is often considered that China is a unique state in the world which has been several times won by foreigners, but never became a part of any other state, thus retaining continuity of its history and statehood based on consecutive row of ruling dynasties. This view is based on ancient sinocentric model which does not satisfy testing by comparative historical approach. Our analysis revealed that the Qing Empire cannot be equaled to China. Although the latter term has been broadly used, it had different meaning at different times. Actually, China was only a part of the Qing Empire. Manchu declarations that their state is China (i.e. Middle State, most important in the world), are similar to those by German, Ottoman, Russian and other monarchs on their states' continuity from the Roman Empire. These declarations have only historical value and cannot be used for modern international law. The Qing and other "conquest dynasties of China" were actually different empires created by non-Chinese peoples. The Han nation-state: Republic of China and People's Republic of China (PRC) had acquired almost whole territory of the Qing Empire as a result of occupation of weaker neighbors, instead of continuity of one state. Modern concept of PRC as a multinational state of "one Chinese nation", that included "minority nationalities" at least from the Middle Ages, is a historical myth.

A U.S. citizen may freely renounce citizenship by voluntarily performing one of several statutory expatriating acts with the intention of relinquishing United States nationality. The most common of these acts is formally renouncing U.S. citizenship, either before a designated officer in the U.S. during wartime or a diplomatic or consular officer abroad anytime. Due to the administrative presumption against an intent to lose citizenship, formal renunciation before a consular officer is the most likely to result in an effective expatriation. Every year anywhere from 150 to over 1,500 U.S. citizens expatriate themselves by renouncing their US nationality. These numbers include many well-known individuals, such as Boris Johnson, Henry James, Terry Gilliam, Bobby Fischer, Juan Mari Brás, Kenneth Nichols O’Keefe, and Vince Cate, as well a number of wealthy business leaders. This chapter will give an overview of the process and consequences of the rare event of renunciation of citizenship.

Il Volume offre una panoramica complessiva e aggiornata sui profili più rilevanti della disciplina internazionale e sovranazionale riguardo alla mobilità delle persone e al trattamento dei cittadini stranieri, delineando in modo chiaro i limiti che la discrezionalità statale incontra in materia di migrazioni, mettendo in evidenza la protezione – talora minima – garantita agli individui in relazione con uno Stato diverso dal proprio e guardando anche alle possibili prospettive di evoluzione in un’ottica de lege ferenda.

L’opera tiene conto degli sviluppi, a tratti ‘tumultuosi’, che la materia ha registrato negli ultimi anni. A fronte dell’approfondimento dei meccanismi di cooperazione a livello universale e regionale, sono emerse nuove esigenze e figure di migranti bisognose di specifica tutela (ad es., in conseguenza dei cambiamenti climatici, degli squilibri demografici e di fattori legati alla sicurezza) e, al contempo, si è reso necessario rispondere ai diversi scenari emergenziali dell’ultimo decennio e al loro impatto sulla regolamentazione dei fenomeni migratori: la crisi economico-finanziaria, la c.d. ‘crisi dei rifugiati’ del 2015, la pandemia di COVID-19.

Tenendo ben presente la necessità che le condotte statali siano in linea con la tutela dei diritti fondamentali ed il rispetto dei valori dello stato di diritto e che un esame attento è richiesto verso il ricorso a strumenti sui generis o prassi informali, sempre più frequente in ambito migratorio, il Volume si rivolge agli studenti universitari, ma anche agli studiosi, ai professionisti del diritto (in particolare, avvocati e magistrati), agli operatori delle forze dell’ordine e degli altri enti pubblici chiamati a governare i fenomeni migratori, così come agli operatori sul campo che a diverso titolo si occupano della materia.

[Índice y Presentación]
Pensar el monstruo es un ejercicio a la vez desafiante y polémico, atravesado por más interrogantes y ambigüedades de las que el tema parece sugerir a primera vista. De ahí que Mabel Moraña articule en torno a esta figura, escondida tras alegorías, metáforas e hipérbolées, las múltiples perspectivas de la filosofía, la historia del arte, la crítica cultural y la antropología. Ofrece además un amplio análisis de los tópicos de la anomalía, la corporalidad, el terror y lo sublime, adentrándose en los innumerables significados de lo monstruoso en la cultura occidental desde las figuras y los textos canónicos (Frankenstein, Drácula...) hasta las versiones reformadas por la cultura popular, los freak-shows, el cine y la literatura actual.
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A partir de una revisión de lo monstruoso en Marx, Freud, Foucault y otros pilares del pensamiento occidental, el estudio incursiona en la interpretación biopolítica de la subjetividad y se extiende hacia los campos de la creencia, la política y la sociología. Monstruos míticos, vampiros, zombis, cíborgs y pistachos son interrogados como signo de crisis y anuncio de transformaciones epistémicas de fuertes implicancias éticas, estéticas e ideológicas.

Partant du constat que, sous le second Empire colonial français (qui connaît son apogée sous la IIIème République), la distinction entre colonisateur et colonisé s’exprime par le biais du droit de la nationalité, cette thèse se propose d’étudier l’histoire du droit de la nationalité propre aux colonisés (qu’on appelle alors indigènes), plus particulièrement quant à son articulation avec la notion, parfois ambiguë, de race.
Ce droit émerge au début de la présence française en Algérie avant de voir ses principes posés en 1865 : expression d’un compromis entre mission civilisatrice et principe des nationalités, il doit permettre au colonisé de s’assimiler à la nation française par le biais d’une naturalisation, conçue comme une « conversion à la civilisation ». Toutefois, notamment à cause de la faiblesse numérique des Français d’origine européenne dans les « colonies d’exploitation », la naturalisation sera progressivement régie par des textes de plus en plus sélectifs, visant à la francisation des seules élites.
Si, dans la plupart des territoires sous domination française, aucun texte ne définit l’indigène, il en va autrement en Indochine, où sont adoptées, dans les années 1930, les dispositions les plus complètes, marquées par une représentation du colonisé en termes nationaux et raciaux et par la focalisation sur la question du métissage, aussi bien entre Européens et indigènes qu’entre Chinois et indigènes.
Le droit de la nationalité propre aux colonisés dépérira progressivement par la suite, sous Vichy parce que le régime tend à transformer l’indigène en catégorie raciale, sous la IVème République parce que ce droit est considéré comme discriminatoire.
MOTS-CLEFS :
DROIT COLONIAL- OUTRE-MER- NA TIONALITE- RACE- RACISME- DISCRIMINATIONS- COLONIES- ALGERIE- PROTECTORATS- TERRITOIRES SOUS MANDAT


Under the french colonial empire (which was at its peak under the third Republic) the nationality law expresses the distinction between the colonizer and colonized people. This thesis intends to study the history of nationality law of the colonized people (at that time named natives) particularly the link with the ambiguous notion of race.
This law came out at the beginning of the french setting in Algeria before becoming official in 1865: this expresses a compromise between civilizing mission and nationality principles, its aim is to allow the colonized to be assimilated into the french nation via naturalization understood as « conversion to the civilization ». However particularly because of the small number of people of european origin in the « colonies d’exploitation » the naturalization will be gradually governed by more and more selective tests which enable the elites to be « frenchified ».
If in most of the territories under french dominion no text gives a definition of « native», it is different in Indochina where during the thirties, more comprehensive measures where settled. These measures defined the colonized in national and racial terms and focused on the question of inter breeding as well between europeans and native people as between chinese and native people.
The nationality law proper to colonized people will decline gradually afterwards under the Vichy government because the system tends to convert natives into a racial category and then under the fourth Republic because this law was considered as discriminatory.
KEYWORDS:
COLONIAL LAW- OVERSEAS- NATIONALITY- RACE- RACISM- DISCRIMINATIONS- COLONIES- ALGERIA- PROTECTORATES- MANDATED TERRITORIES

The paper analyses the request of an Indian Parsi, living and working in the Republic of China, to the British consul in Peking to register his Chinese wife and their three children as British subjects in 1937. To a first marriage, that had been conducted according to the Chinese tradition in 1919, a second marriage followed in 1934. This was celebrated after the conversion of the couple to Catholicism. Of the three children, two sons had been born before the Catholic wedding, while the youngest one, a daughter, was born in 1935. The marriage of an Indian Parsi and a Chinese woman who later converted to Catholicism and married again is certainly an extremely rare event (if not a single one). The archival documents allow a better understanding of various aspects related to the issue of extraterritoriality of British subjects in the Republic of China, as well as the relationship of British institutions and English Common Law with the traditions of religious communities – and in this specific case, the Parsi Zoroastrian community – of the British Raj.

The purpose of this essay is to review some of the basic conceptual debates in nationalism studies under the broad and interrelated categories of ethnicity, nations and nationalism, and classification of nations and nationalism. The sheer volume of literature produced on these subjects, particularly since the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, poses a major challenge, but the present selective focus using key and influential texts as examples should provide the reader with a solid foundation for further research. The essay has three sections, organized as follows. The first, on ethnicity, provides a brief history of the term and an overview of what is usually described as the debate between primordialist and instrumentalist accounts of ethnicity, but suggests that this characterization is misleading. Section two, on nations and nationalism, begins with a similar etymology before surveying the debate between modernist, perennialist, and ethno-symbolist conceptions of the nature of and relations between those two phenomena. Finally, the third section reviews the range of ways that nations and nationalism have been classified, including the now dominant distinction between civic and ethnic types.

This essay is part of the "Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Migration" section of the International Studies Association's "International Studies Encyclopedia" (www.isacompendium.com).

India’s BIT program is the largest among the developing countries and its integration into the global economy has also increased its exposure to BIT claims. Several foreign corporations presented ITA notices against various Indian regulatory measures prompting India to suspend all trading of BITs in progress that led to a change in its position in the International investment law regime with repercussions in the International business community eager to participate in its business. These recent developments have then determined the need to review India’s BIT program in a global vision. The paper ‘International Investment Agreements Between India and Others Countries’ (2011), showed the importance of ensuring a balance between investor rights
and national policy which India has not been able to make guarantor pushing in different circumstances to revise their existing BITs and defining new perspectives for future negotiations. The paper reflects on experiences of BITs in a global vision.

Petrarch stands at the top of Mount Ventoux and proclaims his longing to return home. His soul turns toward Italy. Yet Petrarch has no “home” as such, and Italy does not exist at this time except as a post-imperial territorial designation. There certainly is no Italian nation. How can we understand these paradoxes? How does Petrarch’s passion relate to the question of nation formation? Through an exploration of Petrarch’s emotional responses to Italy, and by tracking his variable senses of space and time, this essay explores the tensions expressed by a deracinated intellectual caught between two different but contemporaneous ontological formations: the traditional and the modern. Here, the concept of “the traditional” is not treated as being the same as “the pre-modern.” Rather the essay works with a post-binary method of ontological valences or orientations. The colliding valences of Petrarch’s evocations are used to illustrate the ways we can open up alternative lines of inquiry into a crucial period in the life of Italy. The essay seeks an alternative to the mainstream tendency to either to make contentious overstatements or to slide into overcautious interpretative ambiguity.

The aim of this paper is to present a brief summary of the history of intersectionality, its development, and to shed light on why intersectionality is important in the analysis of the literary work I selected, Americanah (2013) by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, a work in which the experiences of a young Nigerian woman in the United States are depicted; so, race, gender, and class are discussed.

This dissertation primarily aims to flag the existing policy and legislative framework of the EU relating to statelessness, explore further potential policy, legislative and advocacy channels, as well as to suggest an enhanced statelessness-specific foreign policy approach at the EU level. The central question of this paper focuses essentially on whether the adoption of an EU directive relating to the introduction of an EU-harmonized legal framework, consisting of EU-harmonized minimum standards, status determination procedure and statelessness-specific protection status (granted on the basis of statelessness recognized through the latter mechanism) would have the potential to reflect better on the growing policy need of avoiding statelessness emerging among populations who have been living in Europe for generations, as well as those affected individuals who arrived recently to Europe in the migratory context. I argue that the growing awareness of statelessness in Europe suggests the re-positioning of EU human rights priorities and related policy and advocacy tools, the question is rather how. The dissertation essentially strives to address these comprehensive research questions by applying the four hypotheses below. The overarching aim of this dissertation is to provide a comprehensive assessment of why it is imperative for the EU to reflect on statelessness through its policy and legislative tools, applying a rights-based approach.