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This book explores the upper valley of the Tigris during antiquity. The area is little known to scholarship, and study is currently handicapped by the security situation in southeast Turkey and by the completion during 2018 of the Ilısu... more
This book explores the upper valley of the Tigris during antiquity. The area is little known to scholarship, and study is currently handicapped by the security situation in southeast Turkey and by the completion during 2018 of the Ilısu dam. The reservoir being created will drown a large part of the valley and will destroy many archaeological sites, some of which have not been investigated. The course of the upper Tigris discussed here is the section from Mosul up to its source north of Diyarbakır; the monograph describes the history of the river valley from the end of the Late Assyrian empire through to the Arab conquests, thus including the conflicts between Rome and Persia. It considers the transport network by river and road and provides an assessment of the damage to cultural heritage caused both by the Saddam dam (also known as the Eski Mosul dam) in Iraq and by the Ilısu dam in south-east Turkey. A catalogue describes the sites important during the long period under review in and around the valley. During the period reviewed this area was strategically important for Assyria’s relations with its northern neighbours, for the Hellenistic world’s relations with Persia and for Roman relations with first the kingdom of Parthia and then with Sassanian Persia.
This book is the first-ever comprehensive study of the history and culture of these three little-known countries of Northern Mesopotamia (3rd century BCE – 7th century CE). The book gives an overview of the historical geography, material... more
This book is the first-ever comprehensive study of the history and culture of these three little-known countries of Northern Mesopotamia (3rd century BCE – 7th century CE). The book gives an overview of the historical geography, material culture, and political history of each of these countries. Furthermore, the summary offers a regional perspective by describing the history of this area as a subject of the political and cultural competition of great powers.
This book answers both a recent growth of interest in ancient Mesopotamia as the frontier area, as well as the urgent need for documentation of the cultural heritage of a region that has recently become subject to the destructive influence of sectarian violence.
"This book is the first-ever monograph on the family of royal converts from Adiabene including the broader perspective of the cultural and political environment of Hellenistic and Parthian Adiabene. It collects, arranges and discusses all... more
"This book is the first-ever monograph on the family of royal converts from Adiabene including the broader perspective of the cultural and political environment of Hellenistic and Parthian Adiabene. It collects, arranges and discusses all available sources on the topic.
The study consists of three parts. Part 1 (chapters 1-5) is devoted to the longest ancient account on the Adiabene royalty from all ancient literature – Josephus, Ant. 20:17-96 (“the Adiabene Narrative”). It examines the Adiabene narrative as Josephus’ conscious literary product with all its rhetorical features and ideological agendas.
Part 2 (chapters 6-7) deals with other sources about the family of royal converts from Adiabene. Chapter 6 is devoted to Rabbinic traditions about Queen Helena and King Munbaz. Chapter 7 discusses all Jewish and non-Jewish literary sources which refer to the resting place of Queen Helena and to the palaces of the Adiabene royalty in Jerusalem, what is more, it also provides an updated discussion of relevant archaeological sites in Jerusalem (Le Tombeau des Rois and the Givati Parking Lot).
Part 3 (chapters 8-13) presents the material and political environment of Adiabene from the third century BCE to the third century CE. It discusses all available kinds of sources: geographical and ethnographical texts (chapter 8), archaeological sites (chapter 9), epigraphic and numismatic material (chapter 10), as well as onomastic evidence (chapter 11). Furthermore, chapter 12 provides a basic chronology of the Adiabene royalty in the Hellenistic and Parthian periods, and chapter 13 presents the political environment of Adiabene and Judea in the context of the international relations between Rome and Parthia."
P.S.
So far reviewed by K. Atkinson, Biblica 96 (2015) 635-638; D.M. Jacobson, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 147 (2015) 169-170; E. Kettenhofen, Anabasis. Studia Classica et Orientalia 6 (2015) 297-307; E. Lipiński, Polish Journal of Biblical Research 14 (2015) 201-207;  D.M. Downing, Journal of American Oriental Studies 137 (2017) 428-430; E. Nodet, Revue Biblique 122-124 (2015) 634-635; K. Berthelot, Syria 94 (2017) 415-416; J.-S. Caillou, L’Antiquité Classique 86 (2017) 517-519.
The aim of this paper is to contribute to the long-standing topographical enigma of the identification of Gaugamela. In this study, a GIS method known as viewshed analysis is employed to solve a certain historical problem.1 According to... more
The aim of this paper is to contribute to the long-standing topographical enigma of the identification of Gaugamela. In this study, a GIS method known as viewshed analysis is employed to solve a certain historical problem.1 According to ancient sources, on the eve of the battle the approaching Macedonian army and the Persian troops that were waiting on the battlefield could not see each other because of intervening hills at a distance of c. 12 km. However, the two armies gained a full view of their respective positions once the Macedonians reached the hills c. six km away from the Persian positions. Our analysis shows that the identification of the battlefield near Tell Gomel, in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, is consistent with the visibility requirements of the ancient sources, while the previous identifications of the battlefield in the vicinity of Karamleis and Qaraqosh (Stein 1942; Sushko 1936; Zouboulakis 2015, 2016) feature poor results in terms of expected visibility.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the chronology and itinerary of the march of the Macedonian army during the last days (September 18–October 1) of the Gaugamela campaign in 331 BC in the light of literary sources, cuneiform... more
The aim of this paper is to analyse the chronology and itinerary of the march  of  the  Macedonian  army  during  the  last  days  (September  18–October  1)  of the Gaugamela campaign in 331 BC in the light of literary sources, cuneiform data, topographic and archaeological data, and GIS capabilities. The overall aim of this analysis is to contribute to the topographical enigma of the identification of Gaugamela as either (in the vicinity of) Tell Gomel or Karamleis/Qaraqosh. The cuneiform data allows us to establish the most important dates of the final course of the Gaugamela campaign: the Tigris crossing on September 18, a lunar eclipse on the evening of September 20, and the battle on October 1. Furthermore, a critical analysis of Arrian and Curtius suggests that the Macedonians spent only six days on the march and four days in the camp. Given the estimated average rate of the march of the Macedonian army, it is possible to reject certain routes between the Tigris crossing and Gaugamela and consider others as more or less likely. It is  concluded  that  the  Macedonians  crossed  the  Tigris  in  the  vicinity  of  modern  Basorin and not Abu Dhahir or Abu Wajnam, as is widely assumed. Furthermore, it  is  also  demonstrated  that  the  difference  between  Tell  Gomel  and  Karamleis/Qaraqosh, regarding their distance from Arbela, is much less striking than is frequently assumed, and as such does not speak against any of the widely held identifications of Gaugamela.
This paper presents a selected aspect of research conducted within the Gaugamela Project, which seeks to finally identify the location of one of the most important ancient battles: the Battle of Gaugamela (331 BCE). The aim of this study... more
This paper presents a selected aspect of research conducted within the Gaugamela Project, which seeks to finally identify the location of one of the most important ancient battles: the Battle of Gaugamela (331 BCE). The aim of this study was to discover material remains of the Macedonian military camp on the Navkur Plain in Kurdish Iraq. For this purpose, three very high resolution satellite (VHRS) datasets from Pleiades and WorldView-2 were acquired and subjected to multi-variant image processing (development of different color composites, integration of multispectral and panchromatic images, use of principle component analysis transformation, use of vegetation indices). Documentation of photointerpretation was carried out through the vectorization of features/areas. Due to the character of the sought-after artifacts (remnants of a large enclosure), features were categorized into two types: linear features and areal features. As a result, 19 linear features and 2 areal features were found in the study area of the Mahad hills. However, only a few features fulfilled the expected geometric criteria (layout and size) and were subjected to field groundtruthing, which ended in negative results. It is concluded that no traces have been found that could be interpreted as remnants of an earthen enclosure capable of accommodating around 47,000 soldiers. Further research perspectives are also suggested.
This paper offers a comprehensive discussion of all the passages from the First and Second Books of the Maccabees that refer to the Maccabean-Idumean conflict. It is argued that, in contrast to widely held views, many passages in 1– 2... more
This paper offers a comprehensive discussion of all the passages from the First and Second Books of the Maccabees that refer to the Maccabean-Idumean conflict. It is argued that, in contrast to widely held views, many passages in 1– 2 Maccabees speak only about Seleucid military activities conducted in Idumea, and not about a Judean-Idumean conflict. What is more, it is also suggested that the Maccabean expansion towards Idumea was neither a religiously or ethnically motivated conflict nor a Judean response to prior Idumean hostility. Quite the contrary, it resulted from a vital need to control strategic strongholds and cities guarding approaches to Judea from the south that were used by the Seleucids and would have been used by any other Judean enemies. It may in fact have been a Maccabean push towards the south that led to the hostile Idumean reactions in some regions.
The aim of this paper is to analyze Josephus’ geographical use of the terms Idumea (Ἰδουμαία) and Idumeans (Ἰδουμαῖοι) in Antiquitates Iudaicae books I-XI. To Josephus, the Idumeans were the descendants of Esau; more precisely, he saw... more
The aim of this paper is to analyze Josephus’ geographical use of the terms Idumea (Ἰδουμαία) and Idumeans (Ἰδουμαῖοι) in Antiquitates Iudaicae books I-XI. To Josephus, the Idumeans were the descendants of Esau; more precisely, he saw them as the descendants of Esau’s firstborn son, Eliphas. The main term Josephus uses to denote the homeland of the Idumeans is Ἰδουμαία (and not Ἐδώμ). According to Josephus, Idumea is a large geographical area, and its core includes the Biblical allotments of the tribes of Judah (from south of Jerusalem to Beer-Sheva, reaching the Dead Sea in the east) and Simeon (from Beer-Sheva to the frontier of Egypt).
Although ancient Idumea was certainly a marginal object of interest for classical writers, we do possess as many as thirteen extant classical non-Jewish authors (from the 1st c. BCE to the 3rd c. CE) who explicitly refer to Idumea or the... more
Although ancient Idumea was certainly a marginal object of interest
for classical writers, we do possess as many as thirteen extant classical non-Jewish authors (from the 1st c. BCE to the 3rd c. CE) who explicitly refer to Idumea or the Idumeans. For classical writers, Idumea was an inland territory between the coastal cities of Palestine, Egypt, and Arabia that straddled important trade routes. Idumea is also frequently associated in ancient literature with palm trees, which grew in Palestine and were exported throughout the Mediterranean. In the eyes of classical authors, the Idumeans were a distinctive ethnos living in the melting pot of southern Palestine. Ancient writers emphasized the Idumeans’ ethnic and cultural connections with the Nabateans, the Phoenicians and Syrians, and, finally, the Judeans, and also indicated that a great deal of Hellenization occurred in western Idumea in an urban context.
A short presentation of the content of a recent book "How Did the Persian King of Kings Get his Wine? The Upper Tigris in Antiquity (c.700 BCE to 636 CE)"
This paper reviews the identifications of the physical remains of the Adiabenean royalty in first-century CE Jerusalem in the light of the latest archaeological research and scholarly discussion. Several conclusions are drawn. First, it... more
This paper reviews the identifications of the physical remains of the Adiabenean royalty in first-century CE Jerusalem in the light of the latest archaeological research and scholarly discussion. Several conclusions are drawn. First, it is concluded that despite admirably succeeding in changing the past perception of the archaeological landscape of the Lower City of David, the excavations in the Givati Parking Lot still lack any tangible data that could allow for a convincing identification of the recently unearthed structure as the palace of Queen Helena. Second, it is argued that Le Tombeau des Rois matches the general geographical, topographical, and architectural requirements for Helena's Monuments gleaned from ancient sources, but the most tangible argument is the finding of the unusual two-line inscription on sarcophagus no. 5029, which, if any geographical attribution of the epigraphical evidence could be allowed, is suggestive of both Northern Mesopotamia (Seleucid Aramaic script) and Jewish Palestine (Aramaic " square " /Jewish [formal] script). This, in turn, perfectly matches the historical-geographical heritage of the royal converts from Adiabene. At the same time, there is strong negative evidence for the identification of sarcophagus no. 5029 as that of Queen Helena. The sarcophagus likely belonged to a young female member of the Adiabenean royalty settled in Jerusalem before 66 CE, and most probably to one of the wives of Izates II or Monobazos II.
SUMMARY: The aim of this paper is to contribute to the question of Jewish identity in the Second Temple Period through the perspective of the conversion of the royal dynasty from Adiabene. In this context, several conclusions are... more
SUMMARY: The aim of this paper is to contribute to the question of Jewish identity in the Second Temple Period through the perspective of the conversion of the royal dynasty from Adiabene. In this context, several conclusions are suggested. First, the main ancient account about the conversion of the Adiabenean royalty (" the Adiabene Narrative " : A.J. 20:17-96) perfectly fits the model of ethnicity (D. Boyarin, S. Mason). Although the model of dual (multiple/nested) ethnicity trips over the " breaking motif " of the Adiabene Narrative, it remains a very plausible option, especially in the light of other sources that show how the Adiabenean kings continued to properly function in the Parthian kingdom. Finally, the available sources do not contain direct evidence to support the model of conversion as a purely religious process.
This article offers the first-ever comprehensive philological and historical commentary on possible historical allusions to the Idumeans in the following Pseudepigrapha: Pseudo-Aristeas, Judith, Jubilees, the Testaments of the Twelve... more
This article offers the first-ever comprehensive philological and historical commentary on possible historical allusions to the Idumeans in the following Pseudepigrapha: Pseudo-Aristeas, Judith, Jubilees, the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, the Apocalypse of Enoch, 1 Esdras, and 4 Ezra. This study argues that references to the Idumeans in the Pseudepigrapha (mostly hidden under the figure of Esau or sons of Esau) are of a very general character and as such are of little use to modern historians. Most passages are only literary expressions of the Judeans’ long-standing tradition of hostility towards the Edomites/Idumeans. Only in a few cases may we speak about general echoes of particular historical events. In 1 Esd. 4.50 and Jub. 37.1–38.14, an advanced Idumean settlement is reflected west of Arabah and south of Judea. Based on the archaeology, this settlement may have started as early as in the eighth century BCE and over time led to the emergence of a new province called Idumea in the Hellenistic period. The second-century BCE Maccabean–Idumean conflict is also echoed in several Pseudepigrapha. In general, the book of Judith reflects the strategic role of mountain passes and the use of lightly armed troops in Maccabean times. In turn, Jub. 37.1–38.14 and the T. Jud. 9.1–4 were written from a specific historical angle created by the Hasmonean conquest of Idumea, but their use of topography and chronology is so simplified that they cannot be employed by modern historians for the reconstruction of the course of the Hasmonean–Idumean conflict. Instead, both books express the ideology of territorial rights, disguised as patriarchal history. Finally, 1 Esd. 5.29 and 8.66 appear to express the ambivalent situation of the Idumeans after conversion: though they became part of the Judean community, the notion of their ethnic distinctiveness and inferiority survived.
This paper offers a comprehensive philological and historical commentary on Josephus’ references to Idumea and the Idumeans in Antiquitates Iudaicae books XII-XX, that still remains our main source of knowledge on Hellenistic and... more
This paper offers a comprehensive philological and historical commentary on Josephus’ references to Idumea and the Idumeans in Antiquitates Iudaicae books XII-XX, that still remains our main source of knowledge on Hellenistic and early-Roman Idumea. Josephus’ version of the beginnings of the Maccabean-Idumean hostilities, as well as his account of the Hasmonean final conquest of Idumea, stresses the political and military aspects of this conflict (control of mountain approaches to Judea and important trade routes in the region). Furthermore, although Josephus’ accounts of the incorporation of Idumea into the Hasmonean state speak of forcible conversion, the overall message of Josephus’ references to Idumea  eave room for speculation that the incorporation may have been, to some extent, a result of a political agreement between the Hasmoneans and the Idumean elites, and the “conversion” was a cultural process rather than a strictly religious phenomenon.
This paper examines Josephus’ references to Idumea and the Idumeans in Bellum Iudaicum (Bell. 2:566 – Bell. 6:378–388). Three main conclusions about the role of Idumea and the Idumeans in the Jewish uprising can be drawn. First, Idumea... more
This paper examines Josephus’ references to Idumea and the Idumeans in Bellum Iudaicum (Bell. 2:566 – Bell. 6:378–388). Three main conclusions about the role of Idumea and the Idumeans in the Jewish uprising can be drawn. First, Idumea was a strategically important mountainous region that offered approaches towards Jerusalem from the south and southwest. Second, for the most part, the Idumeans preserved a traditional tribal structure of society where military tradition was thoroughly cultivated. Third, Idumea provided well-skilled soldiers for the main source of manpower in the Jewish ranks.
This paper offers the first-ever discussion of all extant images of Abdissar, Monobazos I and ’tlw (Attalos), Kings of Adiabene. In analysing the numismatic and sculptural data, a few conclusions on the historical context are suggested.... more
This paper offers the first-ever discussion of all extant images of Abdissar, Monobazos I and ’tlw (Attalos), Kings of Adiabene. In analysing the numismatic and sculptural data, a few conclusions on the historical context are suggested. First, it is argued that stylistic features of the coinage of Abdissar suggest a date in the first half of the second century b.c.e., and this dating bears upon the question of the historical origin of the Kingdom of Adiabene. Adiabene originated as one of many “post-Seleucid” states which arose in the Near East when the Seleucid kingdom started to crumble, before the advent of the Parthians. This suggestion is also corroborated by stylistic features of the coinage which accentuate the divine investiture of royal power in Abdissar. It is also held that the Batas-Herir monument depicts King Abdissar. Second, the images on the coin of Monobazos I clearly reflect the time of Adiabene's economic prosperity and political rise to significance among Parthian “lesser kings” in the first half of the first century c.e. Third, the reign of King ’tlw (Attalos) remains largely obscure, but the placement of his sculpture in Hatra clearly shows good political relations and close cultural ties between the kingdoms of Adiabene and Hatra in the first half of the third century c.e. Additionally, the authors argue that the images of Oriental kings on the coins of Septimius Severus do not represent any particular Oriental rulers (of Edessa, Adiabene or Hatra), but are merely stereotypical images of what the Romans considered to be typical Oriental royal outfits.
This paper reports the results of a topographical and archaeological prospection of the site of Arzan and its vicinity, considered by many scholars to be the remains of ancient Tigranocerta, in 2014. The paper provides the first digital... more
This paper reports the results of a topographical and archaeological prospection of the site of Arzan and its vicinity, considered by many scholars to be the remains of ancient Tigranocerta, in 2014. The paper provides the first digital documentation of several archaeological objects. The aim of this documentation is twofold. First, it is to document the site, which is subject to rapid degradation. Second, it is hoped that it can also cast additional light on Thomas Sinclair’s identification of Arzan as ancient Tigranocerta.
This paper discusses both literary and archaeological evidence for the site of Tigranokerta - the famous foundation of Tigranes the Great (ca. 95-55 BCE), who was perhaps the greatest Armenian king ever. The paper focuses on two main... more
This paper discusses both literary and archaeological evidence for the site of Tigranokerta - the famous foundation of Tigranes the Great (ca. 95-55 BCE), who was perhaps the greatest Armenian king ever. The paper focuses on two main candidates for the site of Tigranokerta: Kızıltepe and Arzan. It is argued that, in the current state of research, Arzan is most likely the site of Tigranokerta. However, it is also postulated that Kızıltepe should become subject to a new and thorough examination, as Arzan has been in recent decades. Alternatively, if the data of Strabo and Tacitus is to be taken into account, it may be prudent to look for alternative sites located south of the Tigris.
This paper gives an overview of all major identifications of the site of Tigranokerta, the famous foundation of the Armenian king, Tigranes II (the Great, ca. 95‒55 BCE). Firstly, the paper presents ancient literary evidence; secondly, it... more
This paper gives an overview of all major identifications of the site of Tigranokerta, the famous foundation of the Armenian king, Tigranes II (the Great, ca. 95‒55 BCE). Firstly, the paper presents ancient literary evidence; secondly, it discusses all major locations of Tigranokerta suggested to date (Siirt, Silvan, Arzan, Diyarbakιr, Tell Abad, and Kιzιltepe); and finally it reaches its own conclusions.
It appears that in the current state of research, it is Arzan which is the most likely candidate for the site of Tigranes II’s new capital. The paper also engages with the latest archaeological excavations in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, and takes issue with the identification of the site near Shahbulagh as the foundation of Tigranes the Great.
The paper surveys all available evidence concerning the cultural environment of Gordyene from Hellenistic to Sasanian periods. The survey includes both literary texts and archaeological data. Available data shows that Gordyene was an... more
The paper surveys all available evidence concerning the cultural environment of Gordyene from Hellenistic to Sasanian periods. The survey includes both literary texts and archaeological data. Available data shows that Gordyene was an urbanized country that straddled important lines of communication (especially the Bitlis Pass and the Arbela route). This area, inhabited by a local, probably Semitic, population, became the scene of common cultural influences in the Near East including Greco-Hellenistic, Roman, and Iranian (Armenian) cultures. In the early Byzantine/Sasanian period, Gordyene also became a vivid habitat for Syriac Christianity.
This paper offers an overview of data concerning the cultural environment of Adiabene in the Hellenistic, Parthian, and Sasanian periods. It collects, arranges, and briefly discusses all available sources: literary texts, archaeological... more
This paper offers an overview of data concerning the cultural environment of Adiabene in the Hellenistic,
Parthian, and Sasanian periods. It collects, arranges, and briefly discusses all available sources: literary texts,
archaeological sites, numismatic data, onomastic evidence, topographic and epigraphic data. The available
data shows that the culture of Adiabene included several distinct cultural elements: Semitic (including the local
Assyrian, Jewish, and nomadic cultures of Mesopotamia), Greek-Hellenistic, and Iranian. It is important
to stress that although we may distinguish several cultural elements, neither remained in isolation, but different
contemporary elements influenced each other, frequently leading to a highly distinctive final product.
Dieser Aufsatz setzt sich zum Ziel, die Grundinformationen über das Land Adiabene in der hellenistischen und parthischen Epoche zu präsentieren. Besondere Relevanz wird dabei der Konversion des Königshauses von Adiabene zum Judentum im 1.... more
Dieser Aufsatz setzt sich zum Ziel, die Grundinformationen über das Land Adiabene in der hellenistischen und parthischen Epoche zu präsentieren. Besondere Relevanz wird dabei der Konversion des Königshauses von Adiabene zum Judentum im 1. Jahrhundert nach Chr. beigemessen. Zunächst wird der Forschungsstand zu Adiabene in hellenistisch-parthischer Zeit präsentiert. Im Anschluss daran werden einige Überlegungen zu historisch-geographischen Aspekten sowie zu archäologischen Fundorten Adiabenes dargestellt. Sodann sollen Fragen der Konversion des Königshauses von Adiabene zum Judentum erörtert werden.
The paper surveys all available evidence concerning the cultural landscape of Sophene from the Hellenistic to early Byzantine times. The survey includes literary texts, onomastic data, papyrological and epigraphic evidence, and finally... more
The paper surveys all available evidence concerning the cultural landscape of Sophene from the Hellenistic to early Byzantine times. The survey includes literary texts, onomastic data, papyrological and epigraphic evidence, and finally archaeological data. Available data shows that the culture of Sophene included many distinct cultural elements: local Anatolian, Iranian, Greek-Hellenistic, Roman, Armenian, and Syrian-Mesopotamian. What is more, from the fourth century CE on, Sophene became heavily infiltrated by Syriac Christianity, which replaced its ancient religions (especially Iranian cults).
This paper deals with the historical geography of Sophene – it aims to determine its original territory and geopolitical developments from Hellenistic times to the eve of the Arab conquests. To achieve this goal, a wide range of sources... more
This paper deals with the historical geography of Sophene – it aims to determine its original territory and geopolitical developments from Hellenistic times to the eve of the Arab conquests. To achieve this goal, a wide range of sources have been examined with regard to geographical (and ethnographical)
information on Sophene – Greek and Latin geographical and ethnographical texts, Greek and Latin historiographical accounts, Byzantine legislations, and finally Armenian writings.
In the light of the available data, the heartland of Hellenistic Sophene was located in the triangle marked by the Euphrates (in the west), the Munzur Mountains (in the north), and the Tauros (in the south). This territory includes the modern Dersim (Tunceli), the lower Murat valley (on either side of the river), and the Elaziğ plain, and coincides with the center of the pre-Hellenistic – Ṣuppani. As a political entity Sophene expanded its territory, and especially its expansion in the northeast (including Balabitene and Asthianene) and over the Tauros into the upper Tigris valley (Ingilene, Sophanene) turned out to have more lasting consequences. These territories were closely integrated into Sophene as a political and cultural entity. The first capital of Sophene was ancient Arsamosata (likely located at modern Haraba), but due to the expansion of the kingdom of Sophene over the Tauros, the capital was later moved to the bank
of the Tigris as to a more central position (likely today’s Eğil – Strabo’s and Pliny’s Karkathiokerta). Sophene’s political significance resulted from its geographical location – it straddled one of the most important communication lines between West and East in ancient times (the Tomisa crossing). In the light of the literary evidence, the culture of Sophene featured many Iranian elements. A desideratum for future research is therefore to provide an overview of archaeological data from the region, which could next be compared with literary evidence in order to reach a broader understanding of Sophene’s cultural profile.
Ancient Gordyene originated as the country of the Karduchoi who lived in the mountains north of modern Cizre and south of the Bohtan River (see Xenophon’s description of the march of the Greek army of “the Ten Thousand”). The origin of... more
Ancient Gordyene originated as the country of the Karduchoi who lived in the mountains north of modern Cizre and south of the Bohtan River (see Xenophon’s description of the march of the Greek army of “the Ten Thousand”). The origin of the Karduchoi is not entirely certain: they were either remnants of Urartian tribes or of Semitic origin. It is most likely due to the migration that after Xenophon’s times (401 BCE) the Karduchoi expanded into the Upper Tigris valley as marked by the Assyrian Khabur to the east. To the west, Gordyene likely expanded beyond the Bohtan River into the territory later known as that of Arzanene (before the time of the 3rd Mithridatic War – 74 or 73–63 BCE). Likewise, Gordyene expanded north of the Bohtan River – in the sources from the late 3rd and 4th c. CE one can see traces of the political influence of Corduena (and/or of the human migration of its people) over the Bohtan into Moxoena and Rehimena. Gordyene was an urbanized and wealthy country throughout its history due to natural resources such as naphtha, bitumen, amomum, wine and corn. What is more, ancient Gordyene owed its political importance to its strategic location on the course of the upper Tigris. Not surprisingly, the most important cities in Gordyene were located on the Tigris, and apparently their primary function was to guard important river crossings and access points to mountain passes.
This paper surveys ancient texts in search of geographical and ethnographical information on Adiabene in the Seleucid and Parthian Periods. Adiabene originated as a relatively small province between the Lykos and Kapros rivers, perhaps... more
This paper surveys ancient texts in search of geographical and ethnographical information on Adiabene in the Seleucid and Parthian Periods. Adiabene originated as a relatively small province between the Lykos and Kapros rivers, perhaps including the Arrapachitis region. In the early Seleucid period, Adiabene was politically dependent on the mighty province of Babylonia. At some point in its Parthian history (between the mid-1st century BCE and the mid-1st century CE) Adiabene started to expand its territory northwest. From then on, it included Ashur and Nineveh, and extended along the eastern bank of the Tigris river to include Gordyene. Adiabene’s influence is also recorded on the western bank of the Tigris. In the first half of the 1st century CE (incorporation between 37-40/41 CE) Nisibis belonged to Adiabene. Its influence on the western bank of the Tigris is also attested for the whole 2nd century CE. As for Adiabene’s cultural profile, it featured a great deal of diversity, since it consisted of co-existing Iranian and Greek and Semitic elements.
This paper analyses biblical allusions in Ant. 20:17-96, especially Josephus’ portrayal of Izates as a second Joseph and Hezekiah. There is indeed some similarity between Izates and his biblical counterparts. More specifically, Izates’... more
This paper analyses biblical allusions in Ant. 20:17-96, especially Josephus’ portrayal of Izates as a second Joseph and Hezekiah. There is indeed some similarity between Izates and his biblical counterparts. More specifically, Izates’ family relations (Ant. 20:20-22) clearly echo those in the biblical Joseph story. This can be argued because of a remarkable co-appearance of two terms in Ant. 20:21 and 29: phthonos and misos, used by Josephus within one sentence only six times in all his writings (Ant 2:10; Ant. 6:193; Ant.20:21 and 29; Bell. 2:82; Bell. 4:566), and all these examples are very telling. In turn, Ant. 20:81-91 and the story about the Assyrian siege of Jerusalem feature a very similar sequence of events – a Jewish king is addressed by the invader twice, then comes his commitment to God in the form of prayer, and finally a king is miraculously saved from the siege. Furthermore, the role of piety and embracement of Jewish ancestral customs also connect Izates and Hezekiah. However, Josephus’ interplay does not lie in slavish modelling, but in making subtle allusions that help him underscore his theological and political message. Namely, the resemblance between Izates and Joseph shows that those elected by God frequently come against opposition from their own relatives, but God’s providence helps them overcome all difficulties. The resemblance between Izates and Hezekiah suggests that pious kings (and their people) can always count on God’s help, even when facing mighty empires like Assyria, Parthia or Rome.
Talk given to members of the Land of Nineveh Archaeological Project in Iraqi Kurdistan (Italian Archaeological Mission in Assyria, University of Udine) in Duhok on September 26, 2016. The aim was, first, to present the sources, second,... more
Talk given to members of the Land of Nineveh Archaeological Project in Iraqi Kurdistan (Italian Archaeological Mission in Assyria, University of Udine) in Duhok on September 26, 2016. The aim was,  first, to present the sources, second, to glean geographical and topographical clues from them, and third, to evaluate the current state of research and suggest research perspectives.
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Hybrid conference at Münster, January 20-21, 2022. Not much attention has been paid to the material culture of the vast regions of East and South-East Anatolia, Armenia, North-Western Iran and Northern Iraq in the Hellenistic and Roman... more
Hybrid conference at Münster, January 20-21, 2022.
Not much attention has been paid to the material culture of the vast regions of East and South-East Anatolia, Armenia, North-Western Iran and Northern Iraq in the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial/Middle Parthian period. Most importantly, these territories have rarely been considered together, even though they apparently were closely entangled and shared a repertoire of characteristics. This becomes manifest in intertwined material cultures, religious traditions, and elite modes of representation. Peer polity interaction at various levels as well as economic ties fostered the transmission of ideas and the emergence of comparable and compatible symbolic systems. Moreover, rulers and elites shared a referential framework that heavily relied on the Achaemenid past, but was also intertwined with contemporary fashions and customs that pervaded the neighbouring regions. Nevertheless, modern borders and political preoccupations frequently stood in the way of a holistic approach to the region. As a consequence, it has been fragmented into rather small entities that are scrutinized by specialists from different fields. In some areas, most notably Eastern Anatolia and the Upper Tigris valley, the occupation of the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial/Middle Parthian period has barely attracted attention at all. Another general issue is that the region is usually perceived as being on the receiving end of cultural influences, either from the East or from West. For the eastern part of the territories under scrutiny, emphasis is put on the adoption of Persian/Parthian culture, religion, and customs, while Hellenization and Romanisation play a major role in the perception of territories further west. Closely related is the problem of retrospective explanations: The alleged binary opposition between east and west that supersedes much of the later history of the region has frequently been projected onto the Hellenistic period, too. While the territories of Greater Armenia, Sophene, Gordyene, Adiabene, Osrhoene, Hatra and Commagene – to mention the most important political entities that emerged in the region in the Hellenistic period – were certainly very closely connected to the wider world (in all directions), the traditional perspective has limited the extent to which we are able to discern trends that developed locally and regionally. Closely related is the problem of retrospective explanations: The alleged binary opposition between east and west that superseded much of the later history of the region has frequently been projected onto the Hellenistic period, too. Building on this new perspective and defying political boundaries, the conference aims to pave the path for a new and unbiased perception of the region not as a peripheral and marginal zone, but rather as a central hub in the networks of ancient Eurasia.
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