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2014
On June 10, 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (i.e. Greater Syria) – henceforth ISIS – surprised the world by advancing into several territories of central and northern Iraq. Most notably, ISIS has taken over Iraq’s second biggest city, Mosul, and the also important cities of Fallujah and Tikrit (the birthplace of former Iraqi leader, Saddam Hussein). ISIS has also tried to gain control of the oil-rich area of Kirkuk (which is now under the control of Iraqi Kurdish forces). Furthermore, it is said that the vitally important oil refinery in Baiji has been almost completely taken over by ISIS in an offensive against the Iraqi army.
Praneeth Varma
Damage in Iraq during ISIS2019 •
Iraq has been a prominent nation in the Middle East, after the regime of Saddam Hussain, the instability in the country has arisen, that has caused the severe threat to the nation in future. In 2004, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi established al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI). On June 7 2006, Zarqawi is killed in a US strike. Abu Ayyub al-Masri takes his place as leader of AQI. On October 2006, Masri announces the creation of Islamic State of Iraq(ISI), and establishes Abu Omar al-Baghdadi as its leader. On April 2010, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi becomes leader of ISI after Abu Omar al-Baghdadi and Masri are killed in a joint US-Iraqi operation. From now, things were totally changed in favour of Islamic State, On December 9 2017, The Iraqi military announced it has "fully liberated" all of Iraq's territory of "ISIS terrorist gangs" and gained full control of the Iraqi-Syrian border. The campaign to defeat ISIS took more than three years and about 25,000 coalition airstrikes. Understanding the current problems, damage caused by ISIS and future of Iraq.
The operation to retake Iraq's second city of Mosul from the so-called Islamic State (IS) has entered its crucial phase. The Iraqi army, federal police, elite counter-terrorism units, and rapid response troops are operating on the ground, bolstered by discreetly embedded US special forces. The US and Iraqi air forces, meanwhile, are carrying out strikes. The offensive approached from the south of the city and began by seizing small villages. The army first retook the town of Abu Saif and then Ghizlani military camp. The city's international airport soon followed. Iraqi forces patrol the Mosul-Baghdad road. EPA/Basel Rasol
ISPI, Ledizioni LediPublishing
AFTER MOSUL RE-INVENTING IRAQ2017 •
Three years after the proclamation of the "Islamic State" (IS), the militants of al-Baghdadi have been driven back from most of the territories they conquered in Iraq. Tikrit, Sinjar, Ramadi, Fallujah and Mosul, once strongholds of the “caliphate”, have been liberated and the group appears unable to keep faith with its motto: baqiya wa tatamaddad (remaining and expanding). Mosul has become the symbol of the rise of the "Islamic state" and its fall could represent a real turning point for the land of the two rivers. But several crucial questions remain unanswered: once the auto-proclaimed Islamic State is defeated, what will be the fate of the liberated territories? And the destiny of the so-called disputed areas? Is it possible to fully eradicate IS from the country or is Iraq destined to fight an insurgency for years to come? If Iraq has to remain a “single, independent federal state with full sovereignty”, as indicated in art. 1 of the Iraqi Constitution, how it will be possible to reassemble the pieces of its complex mosaic and to counter the heightening polarization that is threatening the very foundations of its diverse community? What visions of the future have been exhibited by Iraq’s main socio-political actors? What are the interests and agendas of the main regional and international players and how can they influence the future of the country? The volume intends to respond to these questions through a multi-pronged approach presenting the complexity of the Iraqi scenario and the influence exerted over it by a broad array of actors operating at the local, regional and international levels. The first chapter written by Ibrahim al-Marashi set the stage of the debate. The author delineates the main challenges affecting the Iraqi State, focusing on the complexity and fluidity of its inter and intra ethno-sectarian dynamics, as well as on the problems the government has to face at the socio-political, financial, administrative, security and international levels. Giovanni Parigi focuses its analysis on the multiple souls of the Iraqi Shi‘a community, presenting its main socio-political actors, their different agendas, the relations they established with key regional and international players and the the fragility of Shi’a political block much more fragmented than generally assumed. The future of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region (KRI) is the subject of the chapter written by Ofra Bengio. The author presents the factors that allowed Erbil to strengthen enormously its autonomy vis a vis Baghdad at the same time underlining the fractures affecting the “other” Iraq. The author examines also the elements supporting the KRI potential bid for independence, presenting also the factors playing against it and the strategies adopted by the main Kurdish socio-political players. Myriam Benraad takes in exam the crisis that invested the Iraqi Sunni community as well as its fractured socio-political spectrum, presenting challenges and opportunities of a community whose marginalization contributed dramatically to IS successes. Marina Calculli focuses instead on the competing Iranian, Turkish and Saudi agendas in Iraq, as well on the potential and the limits of US influence on Baghdad. The chapter presents the strategies adopted by these different players and the patron-client networks they established in the land of the two rivers, underlining the risk stemming from an escalation of the current competition. The last section of the volume deals with the fate of the “Islamic State” in Iraq. After delineating the evolution of the movement and the reasons that allowed it to re-emerge from its ashes in 2010, Andrea Plebani examines IS unique selling points and the strategy it adopted in the region. The last part of the chapter focuses on the possible options IS has at it disposal in Iraq, delineating the status of its remaining strongholds, the important operational capabilities it still retains and the challenges related to its eradication.
Cambridge Review of International Affairs
Crisis in Iraq: The latest front in a regional civil war2014 •
In the last week, the militant movement Da’ish has taken control of two Iraqi cities – Mosul and Tikrit – as well of Iraq’s largest oil refinery at Baiji. These developments have been reported by Western media as part of a civil conflict in Iraq. But there is no civil conflict in Iraq. Rather, there is an ongoing regional civil war, in which recent Da’ish victories are merely the latest front.
From 2013-2014 it seemed like there was a broad rebirth of the Iraqi insurgency. The protest movement against Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s government revived a number of groups, which had gone dormant by the time of the U.S. withdrawal in 2011. The Islamic State (IS) and the Jaish Rijal al-Tariqa al-Naqshibandi (JRTN), two organizations, which never ceased operating were regrouping as well. A rough agreement was made between these different factions to work together during the summer of 2014 to seize territory from the government, which resulted in the fall of Mosul, Tikrit, and a large swath of Kirkuk province as well. The number of different groups who participated in the offensive last year gave rise to a narrative about revolutionaries and tribes, not just the Islamic State carrying out a revolt against Baghdad. Today, the story has changed as many of these smaller groups have either been swallowed up by IS or gone dormant. To help explain the changes that have taken place within the Iraqi insurgency is Aymenn Jawad al-Tamimi a fellow at the Middle East Forum. He can be followed on Twitter at @ajaltamimi.
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