Keltische Forschungen Herausgegeben im Auftrag von Brennos – Verein für Keltologie von David Stifter unter redaktioneller Mitarbeit von Hannes Tauber Praesens Verlag Literaturwissenschaft | Sprachwissenschaft Musikwissenschaft | Kulturwissenschaft Wien Ke l t i s c he For schungen 3 · 2008 Inhalt Vorwort des Herausgebers zur dritten Ausgabe Editor’s Foreword to the Third Volume 9 10 Gerhard DOBESCH In memoriam Kurt Tomaschitz 11 Hazel BUTLER Birth, Looms and Irish Queens: The Power and Influence of Iron Age Women 17 Charlene M. ESKA Non-lawful Betrothals in Early Irish Law 33 Joseph F. ESKA Grammars in Conflict. Phonological Aspects of the Bergin’s Rule Construction 45 Andreas HOFENEDER Die ‘Druidinnen’ der Historia Augusta 63 Anders Richardt JØRGENSEN Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘Breakfast, Lunch’ 89 Raimund KARL Hausfrieden. Die Siedlung als magisch-religiös geschützter Raum 103 Ronald I. KIM The Celtic Feminine Numerals ‘3’ and ‘4’ Revisited 143 7 Bernard MEES The Women of Larzac 169 Blanca María PRÓSPER Some Thoughts on the Gaulish Result of Common Celtic -mn- in Galatian 189 William SAYERS A Swedish Traveler’s Reception on an Irish Stage Set Snorri Sturluson’s Gylfaginning 201 Stefan SEITSCHEK Noreia – Viele Antworten, keine Lösung 221 David STIFTER Gustav Schirmer 245 Rezensionen 253 Ph. Freeman, The Philosopher and the Druids: A Journey Among the Ancient Celts, London 2006 (A. Hofeneder) 253 E.-M. Winkler, Kelten heute. Das Keltenbild in der Moderne von der Wissenschaft bis zur Esoterik, Wien 2006 (K. Kowarik) 263 G. Thomas & N. Williams, Bewnans Ke: The Life of St Kea, Exeter 2007 (A. Bock & J. Weiss) 264 P.-Y. Lambert & G.-J. Pinault, Gaulois et celtique continental, Genève 2007 (D. Stifter) 267 B.M. Prósper, Estudio lingüístico del plomo celtibérico de Iniesta, Salamanca 2007 (D. Stifter) 291 D. Ditchburn & al., Atlas of Medieval Europe, Abingdon – New York 2007 (D. Stifter) 296 J. Koch, An Atlas for Celtic Studies, Oxford – Aberystwyth 2007 (D. Stifter) 299 A. Werner, Keltische Kochbarkeiten, Stuttgart 2007 (M. Swoboda-Hüttinger) 304 M.E. Raybould & P. Sims-Williams, A Corpus of Latin Inscriptions of the Roman Empire containing Celtic Personal Names, Aberystwyth 2007 (H. Müller) 307 M. Lieberman, The March of Wales 1067–1300. A Borderland of Medieval Britain, Cardiff 2008 (H. Tauber) 309 Abstracts 313  Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘Breakfast, Lunch’ Anders Richardt JØRGENSEN 1. INTRODUCTION In the following a new etymology for Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly is presented. As hinted by the title of this article, the word is used both in the meaning ‘breakfast’ and in the meaning ‘lunch’, the difference in Modern Breton being a matter of dialect. First, an overview of the actual attestations. 1.1. Breton leiff, lein In Breton, the word is well attested.1,QWKHHDUOLHVWWH[WVLWRFFXUVZLWKURRW¿QDOII!ȝ:H¿QGWKHQRXQOHLȝ FI*,%2 1747–1748) and the derived verb OHLȝ M  FI*,%2 1748): 1RXQOHLȝ &Dleiff “prandium, disner” (123a; FEUTREN 1977; repeated in Cc); Barbe: Heb leiff na coan eno glan ez mano “elle y restera sans dîner ni souper” (232; 1 syllable; ERNAULT 1888). 9HUEOHLȝ M  &Dleiffaff “disner” (123a; repeated in Cc); Jésus (1530 edition): OH\¿DI(227b; 2 syllables; DE LA VILLEMARQUÉ 1865). 1 Attestations from the 1521 edition of the Catholicon (Cc), the 1609 edition of Jésus and of the Middle Breton translation of Bellarmine’s catechism have kindly been provided to me by Gwennole Le Menn. KF 3 · 2008, 89–102  ANDERS RICHARDT JØRGENSEN The following Middle and Early Modern Breton attestations indicate in their spelling the later /lein/ (/leȳ/), which is continued in the Modern Breton dialects, cf. ALBB map 154 ‘le premier déjeuner’, 155 ‘le déjeuner-dîner (vers onze heures)’, NALBB map 480 ‘petit-déjeuner’, 482 ‘déjeuner (repas de midi)’: Noun /lein/ Cb: lein (53a; GUYONVARC’H 1968); Une Logogriphe BretonFrançais: leyn (LOTH 1887: 251; ERNAULT 1914: 500–502); Dict. et Colloques2 (1626): lein (221); Nomenclator: leïn (53b; LE MENN 2000); Maunoir Dict.: lein (44b, 156a; LE MENN 1996a). Vannetais: Châlons Dict.: goudé leign “après dîné” (129; LE MENN 1996b); L’A*** Dict.:3 leign f. “diné”; Stationneu hursalvér Jésuss-Crouistt:4 pl. leigneu (33); Pédenneu aveitt sanWL¿HLQ HQQ 'pXpK5 pl. leigneu (68); Histoérieu tennet ag er scritur santél:6 ul lein vrass (59.4). Verb /lein(j)-/ Cb: leiniaff (18b); Jésus (1609 edition): leinat (to be corrected to leinaf(f)); Jésus (1622 edition): leynaff (227b, 2 syll.; written leynff); Amours: Pe da sceurt ansseign hiff me da leigna “A quelle enseigne irai-je déjeuner” (item 536; HEMON 1969); Saint Yves: læniaff (29), leniaff (73), leinaff (74; LE MENN 2002); Bellarmine’s catechism (1625): leinaff (168); Dict. et Colloques (1626): leinaff (221), leynomp (223); Nomenclator: leïnaff (53b, 130a); Maunoir Dict.: leina (44b, 156a). Vannetais: L’A*** Dict.: leignein “diner” (111a); Histoérieu tennet ag er scritur santél: leignein (185.14). 2 3 4 5 6 DICTIONNAIRE ET COLLOQVES FRANCOIS ET BRETON. Traduits du François en Breton par G. Qviqver de Roscoff […] A MORLAIX […] M. DC. XXVI. DICTIONNAIRE FRANÇOIS-BRETON OU FRANÇOIS-CELTIQUE DU DIALECTE DE VANNES […] Par Monsieur L’A*** […] A LEIDE, Par la Compagnie. MDCCXLIV. STATIONNEU HUR-SALVÉR JÉSUSS-CROUISTT ÉNN É BASSION, Représantéd é trihuéh Figure. […] LACAID É BERHONÉC Dré C. V. CILLART […] É GUINÉTT, É ty enn Intanhuéz IÉHANN-C. GALLES, Librour ar Bond enn Entron-Varia. M. DCC. LXVI [CELTON item 0218]. PÉDENNEU AVEITT VDQWL¿HLQHQQ'pXpKDYHLWWFOHqWHQQ2YHUHQQ>«@ PEDAIRVETT ÉDITION, […] é guénett, É ty enn Intanüez YEHANN-N. GALLES, Emprimer er Roué, hac enn Eutru Escob. 1774 [An earlier edition than CELTON item 1123]. HISTOÉRIEU TENNET AG ER SCRITUR SANTÉL. […] É GUÉNET, É ty J. M. GALLES, Imprimour, é rue enn Intron-Varia. 1792 [C [ ELTON item 0078].  Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘breakfast, lunch’ As already noted by PIETTE (1970: 159) the development of MBret. leiff to lein is paralleled by MBret. couff NXȝ :cof) > ModBret. koun /kun/ ‘memory’, cf. JACKSON (1967: 610–611). It also seems possible that the sequence ȝMin the verb OH\¿DI may have contributed to the development of ȝ!Ǽ- (cf. ModBret. bleuniañ µWR ÀRZHU EORRP¶  0%UHW bleuzuiaff EO¡įȝMDȝ YV bleuñv µÀRZHUV¶< bleuzff EO¡įȝ . The plural of the noun lein is given as -où by HEMON (GIB2 1747–1748), but a plural in -ioù may equally well lie behind some of the attestations. This could further explain the spread of -Ǽ-. 1.2. Cornish ly The corresponding Cornish word is sparsely attested. From Middle Cornish we have the noun ly in bos theth ly ha theth kynyow ‘Food for thy ly and for thy dinner’ (OM 1140).7 A less secure attestation is prys-ly8 ‘meal of breakfast/ lunch’ in the Resurrectio Domini (l. 2149):9 >KDYLQJMXVWEHHQRUGHUHGE\WKHNLQJWRFRPHTXLFNO\WKH¿UVWWRUWXUHUHQWHUVVD\LQJ@ Is TORTOR arluth ow tevos a spayn y thegen yn cres almayn orth vn prys-ly First Torturer ‘Lord, coming from Spain I was in the middle of Germany At a meal of ly’ The idea of the torturer arriving within seconds from Spain, having stopped over in Germany for a meal (prys-ly), must be intended as a joke. The exact meaning of prys-ly is not certain. Norris’ “tavern” (prys ‘meal’ + le ‘place’) is JHQHUDOO\GLVUHJDUGHGRQDFFRXQWRIWKH¿QDO\!IRUH[SHFWHGH! (MCorn. le, W lle ‘place). Nance and Sandercock (apud EDWARDS 2000: 56) suggest “breakfast time”, whereas Edwards himself prefers “lunch time” (EDWARDS 2000: 56). LOTH (1905: 266) translated “en train de déjeuner” and apparently understood orth vn as similar to yn vn + verbal noun. However, as Loth himself UHPDUNVWKLVH[SODQDWLRQLVGLI¿FXOWEHFDXVHprys-ly is not a verbal noun.10 The denominative verb corresponding to MBret. OH\¿DI is better attested than WKH QRXQ LWVHOI :H ¿QG LW IRXU WLPHV DOO LQ WKH Beunans Meriasek (STOKES 7 8 9 10 NORRIS 1859: I, 86; HARRIS 1964: 150. Actually written <pisly> in the ms. according to NORRIS 1859: 162 fn. NORRIS 1859: II, 162. Etymologically, ly may actually be a verbal noun; see § 5 below. 91 ANDERS RICHARDT JØRGENSEN 1872): wosa lyfye (104) “after dining”, eugh Ȝe lyvya (113) “go (impv.) to dine”, mos Ȝe lyfya (270) “go (VN) to dine”, ny yllyn lefya kyn moys (3926) “that we may not dine before going” (translation by Stokes). The alternation EHWZHHQ\! [ DQGH! [ PD\DW¿UVWVLJKWLQGLFDWHWKDWZHVKRXOGUHDG /lȬvj-/ and infer from this that the noun was /lȬ/. However, it is an established fact that stressed SWBrit. *i in polysyllabic words is spelled with both <y> and H!LHWKHVDPHVSHOOLQJSUR¿OHDV Ǵ (DUNBAR & GEORGE 1997: 101–109). Therefore, the limited number of attestations of ly and lyfya does not allow us to judge whether we should interpret <y> (in monosyllables), <y ~ e> (in disylODEOHV DVUHÀHFWLQJ*i or as *Ǵ. From Late Cornish we have Lî – a breakfast (BORLASE 1769: 443a) and, as part of a proverb, Sâv a man, kebner tha li, ha ker tha’n hâl – Get up, take thy breakfast, and go to the moor (PRYCE 1790: [217], “This proverb is spoken in St. Just in Penwith”). The vocalism of these attestations, <i, î>, might point to MCorn. /lȬ/,11 since stressed -i in absolute auslaut tends to be diphthongized to -ei in Late Cornish. This development is however not without exceptions. Therefore both MCorn. /lȬ/ and /li/ are possible (and we will see below that the latter is more likely). 2. BREAKFAST OR LUNCH? So far we have noted the uncertainty in translating Breton lein and Cornish ly. Do they mean ‘breakfast’ or ‘lunch’? The information provided by MALGORN (1910: 392) for the Breton dialect of Île-d’Ouessant (WL) is interesting in this respect: “Lein – Dîner […] Sur la semaine ce mot désigne le déjeuner du matin; le dimanche et les jours de gala, il désigne le repas de midi”. The SURSHUPHDQLQJPD\DFFRUGLQJO\EHµ¿UVWPHDO¶µEUHDNIDVW¶EXWZKHQIDVWLQJ EHIRUH0DVVWKH¿UVWPHDOZRXOGQDWXUDOO\EHSXVKHGIRUZDUGXQWLOODWHULQ the day. In view of this, combined with the fact that a shift from ‘breakfast’ to ‘lunch’ is typologically commonplace,12 we may assume with some certainty that leiff/lein originally meant ‘breakfast’. This conclusion is corroborated by 11 Pace the Kernewek Kemmyn spelling <li> (GEORGE 1993: 201). 12 E.g. Gr. ‫ܛ‬ȡȚıIJȠȞµEUHDNIDVW +RP ĺOXQFK &ODV ¶'DfrokostµEUHDNIDVWĺOXQFK¶ FI Swedish frukost ‘breakfast’), Sp. almuerzoµEUHDNIDVWĺOXQFK¶)UdéjeunerµEUHDNIDVWĺ lunch’, dînerµEUHDNIDVWĺOXQFKĺGLQQHU¶ ERWKXOWLPDWHO\IURPGLVLHLnjQƗUH ‘to break the fast’; cf. GAMILLSCHEG 1928: 301–302, 316). See further BUCK 1949: 353–356.  Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘breakfast, lunch’ the evidence from Late Cornish, whereas the two Middle Cornish attestations don’t allow a comparable precision. 3. EARLIER ETYMOLOGICAL ATTEMPTS We have a number of previous etymological suggestions. Not one of them comes anywhere near being convincing. WILLIAMS (1865: 236) only knew the Cornish ly, which may explain his attempt at a comparison with W llith ‘food, sustenance, nourishment; lure, decoy, bait’. In light of Breton leiff and MCorn. lyfya (from Beunans Meriasek which was not known to Williams) this connection cannot be upheld. It may furthermore be notHGWKDWORVVRI¿QDO șin Cornish (as required by W llith) would be irregular. STOKES (1900: 124), in his glossary of Beunans Meriasek, mentioned Lat. OƯEXP‘a cake, pancake’ as a possible cognate of Cornish ly, lyfya. As well as not explaining the loss of *ȕin the noun, it clearly cannot be squared with the %UHWRQUHÀH[ HENRY (1900: 182 fn. 2) hesitantly connected Breton lein with Greek ȜĮȚȝ‫އ‬Ȣ ‘throat, gullet’ and ˸ߛ˹‫‘ ˾އ‬hunger, famine’, both of unknown etymology. Apart from being semantically weak, this etymology fails to account for the loss of *ȝin Cornish and the vocalism, Breton -ei- and Cornish -y- (neither PCelt. *-ai- nor *ƯZLOOVXI¿FH  Falc’hun, in the second edition13 of his Histoire de la Langue Bretonne (FALC’HUN 1963: 312c), tentatively connected the Breton and Cornish words with English lunch7KLVFRQQHFWLRQLVVHPDQWLFDOO\DSSHDOLQJEXWGLI¿FXOWWR uphold, both for phonological reasons and due to the fact that lunch, ZKHQ¿UVW attested (16th c.), means ‘thick piece, hunch, hunk’ (possibly from Fr. longe µVLUORLQ¶ 2QO\ODWHU WKF GRZHHQFRXQWHUWKHPRGHUQPHDQLQJLQÀXHQFHG by luncheon (dial. nuncheon; < MEng. QǀQVKHQFK‘noon drink’), cf. ONIONS & AL. (1966: 540). FAVEREAU (2000: 472) and DESHAYES (2003: 457) connect Breton leiff, lein with Ir. lón ‘fat; provisions’, without giving further etymological elucidation. Ir. lón (disyllabic loon, loan in OIr.) is itself without a convincing etymology, but apart from the initial consonant l- in both British Celtic and Irish, there doesn’t seem to be any way of connecting these words. 13 The suggestion is apparently not repeated in the third edition (1981). 93 ANDERS RICHARDT JØRGENSEN 4. THE PROBLEM As can be seen, all the previous etymological proposals lack an explanation for the following internal irregularities: a) the loss of *ȝin Cornish ly and its reappearance in the denominative verb lyfya. b) the correspondence between the Breton diphthong /ei/ in leiff and the Cornish monophthong /i/ or /Ȭ/ in ly. Any attempt at an etymology should start by tackling these problems. 5. THE SOLUTION :H PD\ DFFRUGLQJO\ WU\ WR ¿QG D SDUDOOHO IRU WKH FRUUHVSRQGHQFH EHWZHHQ MModBret. -ei- and MCorn. -y-. Such a correspondence actually exists. The verbal noun of ro- ‘give’ is MBret. reiff and MCorn. ry /ri/. This shows that a sequence *-V.i-14 with hiatus produced MBret. -ei- and MCorn. -y- /i/. The same goes for Early ModBret. tei15 ‘to cover, to roof’ (Maunoir Dict. 33b, 174b; ptcpl. toet) corresponding to MCorn. ty /ti/ < *töӮ Ȗ Lȝĸ WRJƯAlthough it doesn’t have an exact cognate in Breton,16 MCorn. ty /ti/ ‘oath, act of swearing’ also shows this development, being from *tV(٨ Lȝ W9ƾLȝĸ WXQJƯ,17 alongside the 3sg. present teZLWK¿QDO i-affection (cf. SCHUMACHER 2004: 652). Consequently we can assume an earlier *-V.i- in order to explain the vocalism. 3RVLWLQJDGLV\OODELFVWUXFWXUHDOVRH[SODLQVWKHORVVRI¿QDO ȝin the noun in &RUQLVKSUREOHPD DERYH:RUG¿QDO ȝ(from lenited *m) after unstressed vowels is lost in Cornish, but may resurface if the conditions change, that is, by the addition of an extra syllable. A similar alternation between noun in -Ø and derived verb in -v- is found for MCorn. dege ‘tithe’ (OM 440, 497, 504, 1181), 14 V WKHUHÀH[RIDQ\3&HOWVKRUWYRZHO 15 The Middle Breton form would be **teiff if attested. 160LGGOH%UHWRQUHWDLQVWKHROGHUYHUEDOQRXQVXI¿[LQtouet 0LGGOH %UHWRQ UHWDLQV WKH ROGHU YHUEDO QRXQ VXI¿[ LQ ‘jurer’ (e.g. Nomenclator 191b) < *tung-e-tu-, alongside the productive Dȝ in toeaff (Ca 198). Note also the compound le-doued ‘oath of swearing’ (MBret. ledoet in Nonne 1565/1688). 17 The verb seems to have been transferred from the thematic to the weak Ưverbs in SWBrit. This transfer was probably due to the root sequence -uNC- which, after the raising of *-oNC> *-uNC-, was felt to contain the equivalent of a root o-grade. 94 Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘breakfast, lunch’ LCorn. dega (CW 1067), deka18 from GHJHȝ(< Lat. decima, cf. LOTH 1913: 149–150). Dege forms a denominative verb degevy ‘pay tithes’ in LCorn. (CW 1071) where the *ȝis preserved (as -v-) in intervocalic position. In the same manner, MCorn. ly and lyfya can be derived regularly from *O9Lȝand *O9LȝM We have now arrived at a structure *O9Lȝ(where V represents any short vowel prior to the new quantity system, with internal i-affection if applicable). The hiatus must be due to a lost consonant, the most likely candidates being *K Ȗ ƾ(< PCelt. *s, *g, *ng). The last part, *Lȝ, must come from *ƯP9which naturally invites a connecWLRQZLWKWKHFRPPRQYHUEDOQRXQVXI¿[ ƯPƗ. This also matches the feminine gender of Breton lein (the attestations from Cornish do not allow us to posit a gender).7KHYHUEDOQRXQVXI¿[ ƯPƗis mainly used with verbs with -o-vocalism, which most frequently continue old causatives and iteratives of the structure present *&R&Ư, non-present *CoC-e-. We may then tentatively posit an earlier *OR&ƯPƗ, the regular verbal noun of a verb *OR&Ư. As has recently been shown by SCHUMACHER (2000: 130–133), the British CeltLFYHUEDOQRXQVXI¿[ ƯPƗof o-grade Ưverbs is a replacement of the Proto&HOWLFVXI¿[ -e-tu-,19 which is better preserved in Irish. The origin of the new VXI¿[ ƯPƗLVSUREDEO\WREHIRXQGLQWKHYHUEµWRJLYH¶ZKHUHWKHSUH¿[ *ro- + root *GƯ(PIE *dȸeh1-) was reanalyzed as root *rod- + VXI¿[ Ư. The reanalysis of the verbal noun *URGƯPƗas *URGƯPƗprobably then spread to the semantically close verb *URJƯ‘stretch, extend’ and from these two to other o-grade ƯYHUEV,Q6:%ULWWKHUHÀH[RI URJƯousted that of *URGƯtaking on the meaning ‘to give’ and producing MBret. reiff, ro-, MCorn. ry, ro-. 6. ETYMOLOGY OF *OR&ƯPƗ Through internal analysis of leiff/ly, we have arrived at a probable verbal noun of the structure *OR&ƯPƗmade from an o-grade Ưpresent. This *OR&ƯPƗwill 18³$WLWKHDFU\ ³$ WLWKH D FU\ HDUO\WKFHQWXU\ HDUO\ WK FHQWXU\ PDGHLQFRXQWLQJ¿VKDWHDFKWHQWKEDVNHWIXOWKHZRUG PDGH LQ FRXQWLQJ ¿VK DW HDFK WHQWK EDVNHWIXO WKH ZRUG being repeated twice, upon which an agent was expected to come forward and claim the tithe. […] At St. Ives the cry was “Deka, deka!”, at Newlyn “Dega, dega!”” (NANCE 1963: 72). The cry dega, dega ‘tithe, tithe’ also occurs in the pilchard-curing rhyme (PADEL 1975: 43–45). 19 Preserved in MBret. monet ‘to go’, gouzronquet ‘to bathe’, touet ‘to judge’. See SCHUMACHER ± IRUDGHWDLOHGGLVFXVVLRQRIWKLVVXI¿[  ANDERS RICHARDT JØRGENSEN in turn most likely derive from an earlier verbal noun *loC-e-tu- from a weak Ưverb *OR&Ư. I will now suggest that we have a direct cognate of this in Irish. This is the verbal noun longud (DIL L 202.14; from Ml. onward),20 regularly formed to the weak Ưverb loingid21 ‘eats, consumes’ (also longaid; DIL L 188.47). The verbal noun longud also has the concrete meaning ‘diet, refection; meal’ and derives regularly from *long-e-tu-. That loingid ‘eats’ should be assigned to the weak class A II (pres. *Ư), pace Pedersen22 who assumed a strong -e/o-verb, may be inferred on the basis of the verbal noun (*-etu-), the a-subjunctive23 and the root vocalism -o-. Pedersen’s interpretation of the subjunctive O~LV ÂOnjas belonging to long- and thus being older than the earlier attested a-subjunctive is now generally abandoned (cf. recently SCHUMACHER 2004: 525–527). The s-preterite, also supporting a weak verb, seems to be attested too late to be decisive.24 If we accept the connection between OIr. loingid and leiff we may specify that WKHURRW¿QDOFRQVRQDQWPXVWKDYHEHHQVLPSOH -ng- and not *-ng٩-, which would have given SWBrit. *-٩- or *ȕ(cf. MCorn. taves, tavas, MBret. teaut ‘tongue’ < WDƾ٩Ǟd < PCelt. *tang٩ƗW and OCorn. euuin, MBret. iuin ‘nail’ < *́ƾ٩in < PCelt. *ang٩ƯQ). Therefore we must discard Pedersen’s attempts to connect OIr. loingid with W llewa µWRVZDOORZ¶3HGHUVHQ¿UVWSRVLWHG25 ablaut o : e RIDURRWLQ¿QDO -ng٩-. Later, he posited26 a nasal present *lu-n-g- for Irish and a nasal-less *lug- for British, which is subsequently supposed to have given *lo٩-, umlauted to W llew-. Apart from the uncertainties regarding the phonological development, this analysis is faced with the fact that long- is not a nasal present (*lu-n-g-), 20 ORQJXGáLWKL, Ml. 56a13. The derived adj. loingthech ‘gluttonous’ < *longet-Vko- is attested already in Wb. 6c9. 21 The lack of raising in OIr. lo(i)ngid (we would expect †lu(i)ngid  PD\ EH GXH WR LQÀXence from forms outside the present indicative, such as the subj. *ORQJƗ‫ڱ‬se-, the s-preterite *long-e-ss- and the verbal noun *long-e-tu-, cf. SCHUMACHER (2000: 132) for the parallel case of rogid ‘stretches, extends’ for expected *UXJDLG URJƯWL. 22 VKG II: 568, followed by IEW 964 and LIV2 567–568. The 1sg. pres. conjunct ní lu‫׳‬gu (LL 34534; Longes Mac nUisnig) quoted by Pedersen, with its retained -u, further supports either an A II or B II verb. The lack of palatalization in forms without syncope of *-e/i- is regular (also in the 3sg.pres. abs. longaid), cf. MCCONE 1996: 116. 23 Thes. II: 258.31: nilonge colonge céle dé remut nó fer fas sruithiu “thou shouldst not eat until a Culdee eats before thee, or a man who is older”. 24 E.g. LL 202 (Lebor ( Gabála): coro lo‫׳‬gset and “and they feasted there”. 25 VKG I: 107. 26 VKG II: 568, followed by IEW 964.  Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘breakfast, lunch’ but is a weak Ưverb with consistent -n- in the root. So clearly the connection between loingid and llewa is tenuous at best. Regardless of what the etymology of llewa27 turns out to be, we can safely ignore it when discussing OIr. loingid. Therefore, nothing prevents us from identifying MBret. leiff, MCorn. ly with OIr. longud. 7. W cythlwng, IR. céadlongadh ‘FASTING, NOT HAVING EATEN’ 7KH¿QLWHYHUE ORQJƯhas apparently left no traces in British Celtic. However, in addition to leiff/ly, the verbal noun is found in W cythlwng28 ‘hunger, fasting, IDVW¶7KLVKDVDGLUHFWFRJQDWHDSDUWIURPWKHVXI¿[LQ0,Ucédlongad, ModIr. céadlongadh m. ‘fasting (esp. before Mass)’ (Donegal29 céadlongaidh, céadlongaí, céallannaí with secondary palatalization;30 Munster and Connaught31 céalacan32). These words apparently consist of *kentu- µ¿UVW¶ DQG longetu‘meal; act of eating’. Both in Welsh and Irish the word usually occurs after the preposition ar ‘on’, sometimes with a possessive personal pronoun between the preposition and the noun, e.g. W ar fy nghythlwng, Ir. ar mo chéadlongadh. While there is clearly no doubt that these words should be assigned to *ORQJƯ‘to HDW¶WKHVHPDQWLFGHYHORSPHQWIURPµ¿UVWPHDO¶WRµIDVWLQJ¶LVXQFOHDU$FFRUGLQJ to Thomas JONES (1944: 136–137), the original meaning of cythlwng and céadlongadh ZDVµEUHDNIDVW¿UVWPHDO¶7KHSUHSRVLWLRQar is taken by Jones to be in origin PCelt. *are ‘before, in front of’, i.e. *are kentu-longetu- µEHIRUHWKH¿UVWPHDO¶DQGWR have designated the period of fasting between midnight and the meal after Mass the next day (JONES 1944: 137). ModIr. céadlongadh etc. still designates ‘fasting before 27 It might just be possible to connect MW llewa with OIr. ·lú < * ij OXVH (for the Irish material cf. 9(6(/,129,û, 2003: 142 and SCHUMACHER, 2004: 525–527), though the exact details remain obscure. 28 W cythlwng, with -lwng < *-long-o-ĸ*long-e-tu-, seems to be an example of shortening of verbal nouns in compounds as described by SCHUMACHER (2000: 164–165). 29/$6,',9 /$6,' ,9 'RQHJDO LWHPJHQHUDOO\>NLԥɠԥȵi].  LWHP  JHQHUDOO\ >NLԥ 30 Cf. QUIGGIN 1906: 46: “A number of substantives (mainly feminine) which ended in -ad in the older language have formed a new nominative -iɖ < -aid from the oblique cases, as indeed there is a general tendency in Donegal to make feminine substantives end in a palatal sound” (although céadlongaí is generally given as masculine). The secondary palatalization is shared with Scottish Gaelic as can be seen from the attestations given by Matheson (1955: 251; spelled variously air a chiallaidh, ar cétlonguidh, air chiad-lungaidh, etc.). 31/$6,',, /$6,' ,, 0XQVWHU ,,, ,,, &RQQDXJKW LWHPJHQHUDOO\>NLԥOԥNԥ LWHP  JHQHUDOO\ >NLԥOԥNԥ Q @ @>NLԥOԥNȓ(ʎ)n]. >NLԥOԥN 32³1RGRXEWLQÀXHQFHGE\ZRUGVVXFKDVtionnlacan”, ³1R GRXEW LQÀXHQFHG E\ ZRUGV VXFK DV GREENE 1952: 147. 97 ANDERS RICHARDT JØRGENSEN 0DVV¶:KHQWKHUHÀH[HVRIWKHSUHSRVLWLRQV are ‘before, in front of’ and *٩or ‘on, upon’ merged (independently) as ar ‘on’ in Middle Irish and Welsh, ar cédlongad/ar gythlwng, still meaning ‘fasting’, was analyzed as ar ‘on’ + cédlongad/gythlwng. The noun was abstracted from the prepositional phrase and consequently came to PHDQµIDVWLQJODFNRIIRRG¶7KHRULJLQDOµ¿UVWPHDOEUHDNIDVW¶ is supposed by JONES (1944: 137) to have been preserved in Irish alongside the secondary ‘fasting’. However, as argued convincingly by GREENE 1952, the meaning ‘breakfast’ assigned to céadlongadh E\,ULVKOH[LFRJUDSKHUVLVLQIDFWLQÀXHQFHGE\WKHLU analysis of the word as céad- µ¿UVW¶DQGlongadh ‘meal’. There appears to be no evidence for a meaning ‘breakfast’ from actual texts or dialects. Furthermore, *are seems not to be used in a temporal sense, as pointed out by GREENE (1952: 148; cf. CAERWYN WILLIAMS 1954). Instead Greene takes the preposition to have been for < *٩or ‘on’ originally, as found in a single attestation. As Greene points out, this would explain the lack of lenition in ar céadlongadh. W ar gythlwng may have secondarily introduced the lenition, which normally follows ar. Lenition is also found in some of the Munster Irish (LASID II) and Scottish Gaelic attestations (MATHESON 1955: 251). GREENE (1952: 148) instead interpreted *kentu-longetu- as meaning ‘before HDWLQJĺIDVWLQJ¶ZLWK kentu- µEHIRUH¿UVW¶,I*UHHQHLVLQGHHGFRUUHFWLQ understanding *kentu- as ‘before’, the latter part of the compound, Ir. -longad, W -lwng, would make even more sense with the meaning ‘breakfast’, since céadlongadh VHHPVWRGHVLJQDWHVSHFL¿FDOO\µIDVWLQJEHIRUHJRLQJWR0DVV¶ This would tie in well with the material given earlier for SWBrit., where the reÀH[RI longetu- is apparently found with the meaning ‘breakfast’ (even shifting to ‘lunch’ on days where Mass would take more time). However, while the UHÀH[RI kentu- has indeed acquired the meaning ‘before’ in British Celtic, LWVHHPVRQO\WRPHDQµ¿UVW¶LQ,ULVK2WKHUFRPSRXQGVZLWKcét- < *kentu- in ,ULVKKDYHWKHPHDQLQJµ¿UVW¶HJ2,Ucét-aín µ:HGQHVGD\¶OLWµ¿UVWIDVW¶cétguin µ¿UVWZRXQGLQJ¶7KLVUHPDLQVDSUREOHPZLWK*UHHQH¶VH[SODQDWLRQ33 We may instead take a second look at the function of the preposition ar. According to GREENE (1952: 148), “[t]he construction ar céadlongadh is the same as that of the equivalent ar troscadh and does not call for a special explanation”. 33 GREENE (1954: 335–336) draws attention to another possible example of cét- with the meaning ‘before’, namely céidéaga ‘premonitory symptoms of death’, also ‘a state resembling death, in which mantic utterances may be made’. This would then literally be ‘(period of WLPH OHDGLQJXSWRGHDWK¶DQGZRXOG¿WZHOOZLWKDQLQWHUSUHWDWLRQRIcéadlongadh as ‘(peULRGRIWLPH OHDGLQJXSWRWKH¿UVWPHDORIWKHGD\¶  Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘breakfast, lunch’ However, while céadlongadh occurs almost exclusively with the preposition ar, DIL (T 321.5; troscud ‘act of fasting’) lists no examples of a construction ar troscadh. Hence it seems very likely that ar troscadh is a recent formation based on ar céadlongadh. Therefore it is still possible that the preposition ar played a vital role in the semantic development of ar céadlongadh, ar gythlwng. This remains the case even if we accept that the original preposition was *٩or rather than *are. One could hypothesize that the meaning ‘fast, fasting’ arose naturally in a phrase such as “someone did something DW WKHWLPHRI KLV¿UVWPHDO”, i.e., that inVWHDGRIKDYLQJHYHQWKH¿UVWPHDORIWKHGD\KHGLGVRPHWKLQJHOVHDQGRQ an empty stomach. ModIr. bheith ar céalacan ‘to be fasting from the previRXVQLJKW¶ZRXOGWKHQRULJLQDOO\EHµWR VWLOO EHDWWKH¿UVWPHDORIWKHGD\¶ and ScG Chaid e mach air a chiallaidh “He went out without having eaten” (Lewis; MATHESON ZRXOGEH³+HZHQWRXWDW WKHWLPHRI KLV¿UVW meal”. Another approach, as suggested by an anonymous peer-reviewer of this article, would be to take *are as the original preposition and understand *are kentu-longetu- DV³ VSDWLDOO\ EHIRUHWKH¿UVWPHDO´LH³VWDQGLQJLQIURQWRIWKH meal”, which is functionally the same as not yet having eaten it. 7KHTXHVWLRQUHPDLQVZKHWKHUWKH6:%ULWUHÀH[ZLWKLWVSUREDEOHPHDQLQJ ‘breakfast’, simply shows the random application of the verbal noun *longetuµPHDO¶WRDVSHFL¿FPHDORIWKHGD\RUZKHWKHULWKDVSHUKDSVEHHQLQÀXHQFHGLQ its semantics by *kentu-longetu- µ¿UVWPHDO¶. The most likely explanation may be that *longetu- ZDVXVHGIRUDVSHFL¿FNLQGRIPHDOSRVVLEO\VRPHWKLQJOLNH ‘early meal’ opposed to ‘evening meal’. At least, it would be a strange coincidence if ar céadlongadh ‘morning fast’ and leiff ‘breakfast’ were the result of independent developments.34 8. CONCLUSION 5HÀH[HVRI&HOWLF longetu- ‘meal’ (OIr. longud) have been argued to exist in SWBrit. 7KHVHDUHZLWKUHJXODUVXI¿[VXEVWLWXWLRQ0%UHWleiff and MCorn. 34 The relationship between céadlongadh and leiff is reminiscent of that between Lat. LHLnjQXV ‘fasting, hungry, abstinent’ and LHLHQWƗUH‘to breakfast’. Unfortunately, the semantic development is equally unclear for these words. For a derivation from the root *(H)٨ag‫ڦ‬- ‘to worship’ (*(H)٨ag‫ڦ‬-٨u-Hno- and *(H)٨ag‫ڦ‬-٨e/o-) see FORSSMAN 1993 with references to previous literature on the subject. 99 ANDERS RICHARDT JØRGENSEN ly ‘breakfast; lunch’. 7KHIDFWWKDWWKHVXI¿[ -etu- was replaced with *ƯPƗ shows that a weak verb *ORQJƯ35 must have been in existence in British Celtic at least until the general replacement of *-e-tu- with *ƯPƗ W cythlwng is, with DSUHGLFWDEO\VKRUWHQHGVXI¿[DQRWKHUUHJXODUUHSUHVHQWDWLYHRI longetu-. BIBLIOGRAPHY ALBB BORLASE 1769 BUCK 1949 CAERWYN WILLIAMS 1954 CELTON 2002 DE LA VILLEMARQUÉ 1865 DESHAYES 2003 DIL DUNBAR & GEORGE 1997 EDWARDS 2000 ERNAULT 1888 ERNAULT 1914 FALC’HUN 1963 FALC’HUN 1981 FAVEREAU 2000 Pierre Le Roux, Atlas linguistique de la Basse-Bretagne, Rennes – Paris 1924–1963. [Reprinted Brest 1977] William Borlase, Antiquities, Historical and Monumental, of the County of Cornwall […] With a Vocabulary of the Cornu-British Language, London 1796. Carl Darling Buck, A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages, Chicago 1949. John Ellis Caerwyn Williams, ‘The Preposition ar in Irish’, Celtica 2 (1954), 305–324. Yann Celton, Leoriou ar baradoz – approche bibliographique du livre religieux en langue bretonne, Quimper 2002. Hersart de la Villemarqué, Le grand mystère de Jésus, Paris 1865. Albert Deshayes, Dictionnaire étymologique du breton, Douarnenez 2003. Ernest Gordon Quin & al., Dictionary of the Irish Language – Compact Edition, Dublin 1983. Paul Dunbar & Ken George, Kernewek Kemmyn – Cornish for the 7ZHQW\¿UVW&HQWXU\The Cornish Language Board (s.l.) 1997. Ray Edwards, Resurrexio Domini, The Cornish Language Board (s.l.) 2000. Émile Ernault, Le mystère de Sainte Barbe, Paris 1888. Émile Ernault, ‘Sur quelques textes franco-bretons (suite.)’, Revue Celtique 35 (1914), 471–505. François Falc’hun, Histoire de la langue bretonne d’après la géographie linguistique, Paris 1963. François Falc’hun, Perspectives nouvelles sur l’histoire de la langue bretonne, Paris 1981. [New edition of Falc’hun 1963] Francis Favereau, Dictionnaire du breton contemporain – Geriadur ar brezhoneg a-vremañ, Morlaix 2000. 35 As to the etymology of this Celtic verb ORQJƯ ‘to eat’, nothing convincing has so far been presented. A connection with OIr. sluicid, W llyncu ‘swallow’ < *slu-n-k- is often mentioned in the literature (e.g. IEW 964), but this would not be regular in any way. A derivation from OIr. long1 ‘ship, boat; vessel, container (usually for holding liquid)’ is hinted at in DIL L 188.47. Alternatively (as suggested to me by David Stifter, p.c.) one could consider a connection with the rare MIr. long2 used “[i]n phrr. denoting various parts of the body (same word as 1 long?)” as in “l[ong] braget the gullet” (DIL L 200.69).  Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly ‘breakfast, lunch’ FEUTREN 1977 FORSSMAN 1993 GAMILLSCHEG 1928 GEORGE 1993 GIB2 GREENE 1952 GREENE 1954 GUYONVARC’H 1968 IEW HARRIS 1964 HEMON 1969 HENRY 1900 JACKSON 1967 JONES 1941 LASID LE MENN 1996A LE MENN 1996B LE MENN 2000 LE MENN 2002 LIV2 LOTH 1887 LOTH 1905 Jean Feutren, Le catholicon armoricain, Mayenne 1977. Bernhard Forssman, ‘Lateinisch ieiunus und ieientare’, Gerhard Meiser & al. (eds.), Indogermanica et Italica, Festschrift für Helmut Rix zum 65. Geburtstag, Innsbruck 1993. Ernst Gamillscheg, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der französischen Sprache, Heidelberg 1928. Ken George, Gerlyver Kernewek Kemmyn – An Gerlyver Meur, Kesva an Taves Kernewek – The Cornish Language Board (s.l.) 1993. Roparz Hemon, Geriadur istorel ar brezhoneg. Eil embannadur, Plomelin 1979–. David Greene, ‘Miscellanea’, Celtica 2, part 1 (1952), 146– 149. David Greene, ‘Miscellanea’, Celtica 2, part 2 (1954), 334– 340. Christian-J. Guyonvarc’h, Le Catholicon de Jehan Lagadeuc – Dictionnaire Breton, Latin et Français, Rennes 1968. Julius Pokorny, Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Bern – München 1959. [Reprinted Tübingen – Basel 1994] Phyllis Pier Harris, Origo Mundi – First Play of the Cornish Mystery Cycle, The Ordinalia: A New Edition, University of Washington Ph.D. dissertation, UMI 1964. Roparz Hemon, Les fragments de la Destruction de Jérusalem et des Amours du vieillard, Dublin 1969. Victor Henry, Lexique étymologique des termes les plus usuels du breton moderne, Rennes 1900. Kenneth Hurlstone Jackson, A Historical Phonology of Breton, Dublin 1967. Thomas Jones, ‘Nodiadau Cymysc – ar gythlwng : ar céadlongadh’, The Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 11 (1941), 136– 137. Heinrich Wagner & Colm Ó Baoill, Linguistic Atlas and Survey of Irish Dialects, I-IV, Dublin 1958–1969. [Reprinted 1981– 1982] Gwennole Le Menn, Les dictionnaires français-breton et breton-français du R.P. Julien Maunoir 1659, Saint-Brieuc 1996. Gwennole Le Menn, Le premier dictionnaire vannetais (Pierre de Châlons, 1723), Saint-Brieuc 1996. Gwennole Le Menn, Le Nomenclator latin-français-breton de Guillaume Quiquer de Roscoff (1633), Saint-Brieuc 2000. Gwennole Le Menn, Pierre de la Haye Vie de Saint Yves / Tanguy Gueguen Buhez Sant Euzen, Saint-Brieuc 2002. Helmut Rix, Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Zweite, erZHLWHUWHXQGYHUEHVVHUWH$XÀDJHEHDUEHLWHWYRQ0DUWLQ.PPHO und Helmut Rix, Wiesbaden 2003. -RVHSK/RWKµ8QORJRJULSKHEUHWRQIUDQoDLVGHOD¿QGX;9,e siècle’, Annales de Bretagne 3 (1887), 251–252. Joseph Loth, ‘Études corniques. VI. Corrections à divers textes corniques’, Revue Celtique 26 (1905), 218–267.  ANDERS RICHARDT JØRGENSEN LOTH 1913 MALGORN 1910 MATHESON 1955 MCCONE 1996 NALBB NANCE 1963 NORRIS 1859 ONIONS & AL. 1966 PADEL 1975 PIETTE 1970 PRYCE 1790 QUIGGIN 1906 SCHUMACHER 2000 SCHUMACHER 2004 STOKES 1872 STOKES 1900 9(6(/,129,û VKG WILLIAMS 1865 Joseph Loth, ‘Notes étymologiques et lexicographiques (suite)’, Revue Celtique 34 (1913), 143–151. Dom Malgorn, ‘Le breton d’Ouessant’, Annales de Bretagne 25 (1910), 199–253, 387–437. Angus Matheson, ‘Some Words from Gaelic Folktales’, Éigse 8 (1955), 247–258. Kim McCone, Towards a Relative Chronology of Ancient and Medieval Celtic Sound Change, Maynooth 1996. Jean Le Dû, Nouvel Atlas Linguistique de la Basse-Bretagne, I-II, Brest 2001. Robert Morton Nance, A Glossary of Cornish Sea-Words, The Federation of Old Cornwall Societies (s.l.) 1963. Edwin Norris, The Ancient Cornish Drama, I-II, Oxford 1859. [Reprinted New York – London 1968] Charles Talbut Onions & al., The Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology, Oxford 1966. Oliver J. Padel, The Cornish Writings of the Boson Family, Redruth 1975. Jean Raymond François Piette, Review of: Kenneth H. Jackson, A Historical Phonology of Breton, Studia Celtica 5 (1970), 154– 160. William Pryce, Archæologia Cornu-Britannica, Sherborne 1790. [Reprinted Menston 1972] Edmund Crosby Quiggin, A Dialect of Donegal, Cambridge 1906. Stefan Schumacher, The Historical Morphology of the Welsh Verbal Noun, Maynooth 2000. Stefan Schumacher, Die keltischen Primärverben, Innsbruck 2004. Whitley Stokes, Beunans Meriasek – The Life of Saint Meriasek, London 1872. Whitley Stokes, ‘A Glossary to the Cornish Drama Beunans Meriasek’, Archiv für celtische Lexikographie 1 (1900), 101–142. (OYLUD 0 9HVHOLQRYLü Suppletion im irischen Verb, Hamburg 2003. Holger Pedersen, Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, I-II, Göttingen 1909–1913. Robert Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum, Llandovery – London 1865. Anders Richardt Jørgensen Department of Scandinavian Studies and Linguistics Faculty of Humanities University of Copenhagen Njalsgade 120 DK-2300 København S Denmark indoandric@gmail.com