POLISH WORKERS IN IRELAND A Report on the impact of Irish Social Policy on Polish migrant Labourers in Ireland By Hirofumi Goto, Jason Michael McCann, Enis Porat, and Xinyue Qin ABSTRACT This report aims to investigate the conditions faced by Polish migrant labourers in Ireland; their reasons for leaving Poland and why those who came to Ireland were attracted here, and the impact of Irish social policy on them. It shall explore the social and economic changes in Poland since that country’s 2004 accession to the European Union, the changing conditions of these people in relation to the Irish economic boom and the subsequent failure of the nation’s banking system and the international credit crunch. To discover the principle contributing factors that may have affected the mobility of Polish labour this investigation will chart the trends of such movement through the so-called ‘Celtic Tiger’ and the economic crash. BACKGROUND TO POLISH MIGRATION Liberalisation of the Polish economy after Communism resulted in both economic and political instability. Plan Balcerowicza (1989) was ‘shock therapy’ designed to transition the Polish economy from state ownership and central planning (which produced upward inflation and a shadow economy)1 to free market Capitalism by stabilising the economy and public finances; making way for a functioning price mechanism and a healthy private sector.2 Benefits were slow; inflation remained high, and the economy went into recession causing a rise in unemployment and social inequality. While goods shortages were ended, the opening of the market to international competition lowered internal production.3 Owning to the strength of the Polish black-market the state had accrued an uncontrollable deficit, and the decision to introduce quantitative easing led to the rapid devaluation of the Złoty and higher inflation.4 This, together with the other negative effects of economic liberalisation, led to a decline in employment, employment security, and a worsening of labour conditions with the Alina Hyz and Grigorios Gikas, “Economic Transformation of Poland: Basic Problems and Opportunities,” Applied Research Review 2, no.1 (1995): 187-200. 2 Aleks Szczerbiak, The Political Context of EU Accession in Poland (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2002), 1. 3 Hyz and Gikas, 187-200. 4 Hyz and Gikas, 187-200. 1 introduction of temporary contracts (Poland still had the fourth highest rate of such contracts in the European Union in 2006).5 Plan Balcerowicza came as a shock to a Polish economy that had been used to full employment and job security, and the apparent deterioration of the economy through the early 1990s led to a decline in public support for the new government. 6 These tensions were not quickly resolved. In spite of a steadily recovering economy the high level of unemployment remained. In 2004, the year of the country’s accession to the EU, the unemployment rate stood at 10.3%, and deteriorated further in the following half decade.7 The end of Communism and the prospect of re-joining Europe (with the perception that this was a move from instability to development) was welcomed by many Polish people, 8 but the painful shift to a free market economy gave rise to a great deal of disillusionment. 9 Economic recovery in Poland was slow; taking until almost 2005 for unemployment to sink to a more acceptable level. Price rises reduced real wages and purchasing power – leading to a decrease in spending and a further slowing of the economy.10 Returning to [Western] Europe was one of the major themes of Polish political life from 1989 11 – referring to the ideas of democracy and Capitalism – and the continuation of poor economic performance began to act as a push factor driving an increasing number of young middle class Poles to migrate to Western Europe at a time when Ireland’s economic boom and labour shortage was acting as a significant pull factor on would-be Polish migrants.12 Some saw in Ireland a “temporary, personal-investment opportunity,”13 while others, on arrival, saw it as a home; offering a future and a better quality of life. ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATIONS IN IRELAND Wlodzimiers Dymarski, “Poland Two Years after Accession: Good economic performance and unsolved social problems” Alternative Economic Policy in Europe 12th Workshop Presentation Paper, Poznan University of Economics (2006): 8. 6 Aleks Szczerbiak, The Political Context of EU Accession in Poland (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2002), 4. 7 Eurostat, “Long Term Unemployment Rate” Eurostat, http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/tgm/table.do?tab=table&init=1&language=en&pcode=tesem130&plugin=1 (accessed 20 November, 2015) 8 Hyz and Gikas, 187-200. 9 Antje Roeder, “Polish Migration to Ireland – A Literature Review” Trinity College Dublin; Sociology, Index of Sociology Assets, (2011): 7; and Kerry Gallagher, “Mediating Catholicism – Religious Identities, Polish Migrants and the Catholic Church in Ireland” National University of Ireland, Sociology PhD Thesis (2014): 135. 10 Wlodzimiers Dymarski, “Poland Two Years after Accession: Good economic performance and unsolved social problems” Alternative Economic Policy in Europe 12th Workshop Presentation Paper, Poznan University of Economics (2006): 8-9. 11 Aleks Szczerbiak, The Political Context of EU Accession in Poland (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2002), 1. 12 Antje Roeder, “Polish Migration to Ireland – A Literature Review” Trinity College Dublin; Sociology, Index of Sociology Assets, (2011): 7. 13 Kerry Gallagher, “Mediating Catholicism – Religious Identities, Polish Migrants and the Catholic Church in Ireland” National University of Ireland, Sociology PhD Thesis (2014): 135. 5 Until the 1980s Ireland’s was an economy of emigration. 14 Towards the 90s, however, there were a number of short and long-term factors which began to transform the Irish economy. Barriers to trade began to be dismantled together with trade tariffs, and accession to the EU increased the attractiveness of Ireland for foreign investment, which acted to bolster internal levels of productivity and employment. Between 1996 and 2001 the state’s economy rose at an annual rate of eight percent, driving the employment level to 30% and triggering a labour shortage. 15 EEA controls to safeguard employment targets meant that prior to 2004 Polish workers required work permits. 16 In order to combat this inhibitor Ireland increased the number of permits that it issued from 6,250 in 1999 to 47,551 by 2003, and Polish workers availed of this new openness – making Polish migrant labourers the fifth top beneficiaries of the change.17 Ireland, like Sweden and the United Kingdom, required this injection of labour due to its economic growth in a way that other EU member states did not, and so opted to adopt full market access to non-member states before their full accession in 2009.18 Sweden did not have, at this time, a comparable surge in its level of employment, and so did not attract as many Polish workers.19 The UK was a preferred destination for Polish migrants, but growing negative feeling towards immigrants as a threat to Britishness discouraged many, resulting in greater numbers arriving in Ireland.20 With the legal change of Article 3(2) of the Treaty on European Union, granting freedom of movement to all EU citizens, the last barriers to people movement between Poland and Ireland were removed.21 The opportunities offered by the Irish economic boom, coupled with the depression conditions in Poland, meant that there was a “gold rush” phase in Polish migration to Ireland – peaking in 2006.22 According to the CSO the non-Irish population rose from 4% to 10% between 2002 and 2006; with Polish migrants accounting for the majority of this number (120,000 in the 2011 census). Inexperience of economic success and indeed foreign immigration 14 Steven Loyal and Kieran Allen, Rethinking immigration and the State in Ireland in Alana Lentin and Ronit Lentin (eds) “Race and State” (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2006): Chp.10 15 Gerard Hughes and Emma Quinn, “The Impact of Immigration on Europe’s Societies; Ireland” ESRI and European Migration Network (2004): 1-6 16 Gerard Hughes and Emma Quinn, “The Impact of Immigration on Europe’s Societies; Ireland” ESRI and European Migration Network (2004): 1-6 17 Gerard Hughes and Emma Quinn, “The Impact of Immigration on Europe’s Societies; Ireland” ESRI and European Migration Network (2004): 13-15 18 Barrett Alan, EU enlargement and Ireland’s labour market, in Kahanec M, Zimmermann KF (eds) “EU labor markets after post-enlargement migration” (Springer: Berlin, 2009): 145–161. 19 McKinsey Global Institute, “Growth and Renewal in the Swedish Economy; Development, current situation and priorities for the future” McKinsey Global Institute (2012): 11; and E. Wadensjö, “Migration to Sweden from New Member States”. IZA Institute for the Study of Labour Paper No.3190 (2007): 5. 20 Ariel Spigelman, "The depiction of Polish migrants in the United Kingdom by the British press after Poland's accession to the European Union", International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. 33 Issue.1/2 (2013): 98 – 113 21 Marion Schmid-Drüner, “Free Movement of Workers”, European Parliament – Europarl.europa.eu (2015), http://www.europarl.europa.eu/atyourservice/en/displayFtu.html?ftuId=FTU_3.1.3.html 22 Torben Krings, Elaine Moriarty, Alicja Bobek, Justyna Salamonska and James Wickham, “Polish Migration to Ireland: ‘Free Movers’ in the New European Mobility Space” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Vol.39, No.1 (2013): 87-103. meant that the Irish state employed an ad hoc set of policy solutions to deal with the changing economic landscape – ultimately reverting to a stricter regime when conditions changed. 23 IRELAND DURING THE BOOM In 2006 the Central Statistics Office’s “Non-Irish Nationals Living in Ireland” census counted 63,000 Polish nationals living in Ireland.24 As has been stated above, Ireland’s flexible employment conditions and its slackening of work permit restrictions attracted many Polish workers from 2004, with numbers increasing towards 2006.25 EU policies also contributed to the labour influx to Ireland from Poland. The introduction of the European Employment Strategy (1997) required a register of migrant labour across the EU, which in Ireland led to the creation of the National Employment Action Plan (NEAP) which was to advise all member states on their individual employment strategies. 26 This plan was developed to increase cooperation in the EU and include more specific strategy employment goals. In terms of employment, targets were set for 2010 that hoped to see an overall EU employment rate of seventy percent.27 A common EU policy on migration was set by the Treaty of Amsterdam seeking to foster a more welcoming environment for migrant workers and more open borders. Amsterdam had two specific facets: The creation of a common framework to incorporate certain minimum standards in key areas of migration and employment, and the integration of employment and migration policies across the European Union. 28 The EU and its eventual enlargement mean that member states’ citizens became EU citizens with the right to freedom of travel, employment, and benefits inside the Union. In effect this meant that workers from economically depressed regions within the EU could move to more prosperous areas. Ireland began to attract workers from poorer member states.29 Another factor which greatly contributed to immigration was Ireland’s decision to raise the minimum wage in 2011 to €8.65, giving employment in Ireland an edge over unemployment and economic Antje Roeder, “Polish Migration to Ireland – A Literature Review” Trinity College Dublin; Sociology, Index of Sociology Assets, (2011): 9 24 Central Statistics Office, “Census 2006 Non-Irish Nationals Living in Ireland,” Central Statistics Office of Ireland, 28-30, http://www.cso.ie/en/media/csoie/releasespublications/documents/population/nonirish/nonirishnationalscomplete.pdf 25 Katarzyna Kropiwiec and Rebecca Chiyoko King-O'Riain, Polish migrant workers in Ireland (Maynooth: National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism, 2006), 21. 26 European Parliament, “European Parliament Fact Sheets 4.4.3. Employment Policy,” European Parliament, 2-3: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/facts_2004/4_8_3_en.htm; and Nuala Kelly, Work Permits in Ireland: A Recommendation for Change (Dublin: Migrant Rights Centre Ireland, 2004), 22-24. 27 Timo J. Weishaupt, and Lack Katja, "The European employment strategy: assessing the status quo," German Policy Studies 7, no. 1 (2011): 14. 28 Nuala Kelly, Work Permits in Ireland A Recommendation for Change (Dublin: Migrant Rights Centre Ireland, 2004), 19. 29 Katarzyna Kropiwiec and Rebecca Chiyoko King-O'Riain, Polish migrant workers in Ireland (Maynooth: National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism, 2006), 21. 23 stagnation in Poland.30 Even in recession foreign labour was still attracted to Ireland. On top of this was the 1997 legislation on the maximum working week.31 Such legal benefits allowed Polish migrant labourers to earn approximately double what they would in Poland.32 In 2006 the average hourly rate was €4 in Poland while forty-three percent of Polish workers in Ireland earned from €7.65 to €10 per hour.33 Polish people coming to Ireland set into motion a “chain migration,” in which migrants with family and other networks at home catalysed the migration of yet more people. 34 ECONOMIC DOWNTURN AND POLISH MIGRANTS Owing to specific irregularities and failures within the Irish financial system, an overheated property bubble, and a later global credit crisis, the Irish economy after 2007 went into decline (to say the least). From the first half of 2008 Ireland’s economy was in recession, and this impacted immediately and seriously on the nation’s labour market conditions. Over the following twelve months GNP shrunk by one tenth resulting in an 8.2% fall in the rate of employment; a trend which continued to sink to 14% over the next three years.35 By 2011 (the second quarter of which) unemployment had reached 14.2% nationally. This sustained shrinkage of the economy from 2007 became apparent throughout the construction sector.36 Construction in Ireland, from the mid-to-late 90s, had burgeoned reflecting the rapid growth of the economy, and so – as much of the Irish economy was driven by the sector – became a bellwether for changes in the overall economic health of the country. At the apex of the economic boom the Irish construction sector accounted for 13% of employment (in an economy where 14% of the entire workforce was made up of non-Irish nationals)37 and an output of €38.5 billion. In 2007 over one fifth of the total male labour force was engaged within the sector, 38 and, as construction and its related industries were principle foci of the earlier labour shortages, it attracted a significant number of workers from new EU member states.39 This meant, of course, that Polish workers – who Citizens Information, “Minimum Rates of Pay,” Citizens Information Board, http://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/employment/employment_rights_and_conditions/pay_and_employment/pa y_inc_min_wage.html. (accessed December 15, 2015) 31 Citizens Information, “The Working Week,” Citizens Information Board, http://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/employment/employment_rights_and_conditions/hours_of_work/working _week.html 32 Thomas Turner, Daryl D’Art and Christine Cross, “Polish Workers in Ireland A Contented Proletariat?” Labour Studies Journal, vol.34, no.1, (2009): 122. 33 Thomas Turner, Daryl D’Art and Christine Cross, “Polish Workers in Ireland A Contented Proletariat?” Labour Studies Journal, vol.34, no.1, (2009): 122. 34 Izabebel Grabowski. "Changes in the international mobility of labour: job migration of Polish nationals to Ireland," Irish Journal of Sociology, no. 14 (2005): 32. 35 ERSI, Working Paper No. 434, May 2012, International Migration in Ireland, 2011, Philip J. O’Connell, Corona Joyce and Mairéad Finn, 36 36 ERSI, Working Paper No. 434, May 2012, 40 37 MCA Newsletter No. 3: Migration and Social Welfare in Post-Celtic Tiger Ireland, January 2010, 1 38 ERSI, Working Paper No. 434, May 2012, 40 39 MCA Newsletter No. 2: After the Boom: Migration and the Irish Construction Sector, July 2009, 1 30 constituted the majority of this latter bracket – were particularly vulnerable to the effects of the downturn.40 Ireland’s policy decisions around the 2004 EU expansion to facilitate the easier absorption of labour from new member states rather than to focus on the education and skills training of underqualified Irish people (as discussed hereinabove) meant that the eventual recession led to disproportionately higher job losses for immigrant workers.41 Immigrant labour after the onset of the recession suffered job losses at close to three times the rate of that suffered by indigenous labour, but it would not be true to say that unemployment was the only outcome of the recession on immigrant labour in Ireland.42 While O’Connell, Joyce and Finn’s survey (cited above) point to the concentration of immigrant labour in the lower-skilled sectors as a major contributing factor to this higher rate of unemployment, many migrant workers, due to various familial and social ties in Ireland, renegotiated their wages and working conditions to remain in employment, and others – let go from employment – remained in Ireland and sought social protection within the social welfare system. Unemployment for migrant labour in Ireland resulted in a sharp increase in emigration of the same to Poland (principally) and other destinations, but many stayed and, with the support of the welfare system as a survival mechanism, sought further employment. Those who did not lose employment faced other employer-driven cost cutting measures such as wage cuts and reductions in the quality of working conditions, and those looking for new employment often found themselves offered wage packages significantly lower than the Registered Employment Agreements (REAs).43 OVERVIEW AND CONCLUSION Between 2001 and 2006 Polish immigrants in particular were attracted to Ireland, and their numbers greatly increased in that period. Of the 130,000 workers who applied for PPS (Personal Public Service) numbers in 2005 and 2006 Polish migrants were the majority. 44 Elwood and Gontarska’s 2012 report “Polish Migrant Workers in Ireland” found that 93,787 PPS numbers were issued to Polish citizens at this time, compared with only 3,828 in 2003.45 According to the CSO by 2011 there were 122,585 Polish nationals living in Ireland;46 the majority of who were living in private rented accommodation.47 Given the labour shortage in Ireland created by the rapid growth in the Laurence Elwood and Marlena Gontarska, “Polish Migrant Workers in Ireland’s Black Economy: a Phenomenological Investigation” Global Management Journal. vol.4, issue ½ (2012): 99. 41 Barrett, E. And Kelly, E. (2012). ‘The Impact of Ireland’s Recession on the Labour Market Outcomes of its Immigrants’ European Journal of Population, 28: 91 -111 42 ERSI, Working Paper No. 434, May 2012, 47 43 MCA Newsletter No. 2: After the Boom: Migration and the Irish Construction Sector, July 2009, 2 44 Katarzyna Kropiewiec and Rebecca C. King-O’Riain, “Polish Migrant Workers in Ireland” Department of Sociology, National University of Ireland, Maynooth. National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism (NCCRI), Community Profiles Series (2006): 21. 45 Laurence Elwood and Marlena Gontarska, “Polish Migrant Workers in Ireland’s Black Economy: a Phenomenological Investigation” Global Management Journal. vol.4, issue ½ (2012): 99. 46 CSO, “Census 2011 Results” Central Statistics Office (2012): 7. 47 CSO, “Census 2006 Non-Irish Nationals Living in Ireland” Central Statistics Office (2008): 28. 40 economy migrant workers from Poland found finding work in Ireland relatively easy,48 yet they did face a number of difficulties. The language barrier made preferment within employment more difficult, and a lack of fluency in English could result in a loss of employment. Problems with the language meant that Polish workers were vulnerable to exploitation by employers, and hindered many from gaining access to their rights in employment and in the social welfare system.49 Polish workers were relatively well educated with over half having completed secondary level, and forty-seven percent having had attained a third level qualifications. In Ireland, however, research has shown that often the qualifications level of many Polish migrants did not match the level of their employment.50 Around seventy percent of Polish migrants surveyed in this recent research responded that they earned below the hourly average of €19.82 in 2006 (which was still higher than the average of €4), but most were paid on or above the national minimum wage. 51 After the economic downturn many Polish migrants turned to the social welfare systems, as did many Irish workers, as a means of survival. It has been estimated that almost one in four Polish migrants between the ages of fifteen and sixty-four were in receipt of social welfare support, with 23,905 on Jobseeker’s Allowance or Benefit. 52 Thirty-one percent of PPS numbers issued to Polish migrants between 2004 and 2007 were never activated, and it has been thought that these migrants were engaged in the shadow economy.53 Many Polish respondents remarked that illegal employment was useful in the short-term, but the conditions were worse – falling under what has been termed the three D’s: dirty, dangerous, and difficult employment. 54 Regardless of this, there is no evidence to suggest other than that Irish people had a positive attitude towards the Polish workers in Ireland. 55 Notwithstanding the difficulties faced by many Polish workers in Ireland, more than ninety percent have stated that they were at least to some extend satisfied with pay and working conditions in Ireland, and the same percentage have reported an overall positive experience of life in Ireland. 56 A 2011 satisfaction study on satisfaction with life in Ireland 52.1% reported that life was better in Ireland Torben Krings, Elaine Moriarty, Alicja Bobek, Justyna Salamonska and James Wickham, “Polish Migration to Ireland: ‘Free Movers’ in the New European Mobility Space” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol.39, no.1 (2013): 94. 49 Katarzyna Kropiewiec and Rebecca C. King-O’Riain, “Polish Migrant Workers in Ireland” Department of Sociology, National University of Ireland, Maynooth. National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism (NCCRI), Community Profiles Series (2006): 44. 50 Thomas Turner, Daryl D’Art and Christine Cross, “Polish Workers in Ireland A Contented Proletariat?” Labour Studies Journal, vol.34, no.1, (2009): 117-118. 51 Thomas Turner, Daryl D’Art and Christine Cross, “Polish Workers in Ireland A Contented Proletariat?” Labour Studies Journal, vol.34, no.1, (2009): 122. 52 John Drennan, “One in four Polish workers in country claiming dole” Independent.ie (September, 5 2012), http://www.independent.ie/opinion/columnists/john-drennan/one-in-four-polish-workers-in-countryclaiming-dole-26883566.html 53 ` Laurence Elwood and Marlena Gontarska, “Polish Migrant Workers in Ireland’s Black Economy: a Phenomenological Investigation” Global Management Journal. vol.4, issue ½ (2012): 99. 54 Laurence Elwood and Marlena Gontarska, “Polish Migrant Workers in Ireland’s Black Economy: a Phenomenological Investigation” Global Management Journal. vol.4, issue ½ (2012): 102-104. 55 Thomas Turner, Daryl D’Art and Christine Cross, “Polish Workers in Ireland A Contented Proletariat?” Labour Studies Journal, vol.34, no.1, (2009): 112-126. 56 Thomas Turner, Daryl D’Art and Christine Cross, “Polish Workers in Ireland A Contented Proletariat?” Labour Studies Journal, vol.34, no.1, (2009): 118-122. 48 than in Poland, and 42.3% said it was similar. The same study shows that 71.1% said earnings were better compared to Poland and 22.1% said it was the same.57 Antje Roeder, Peter Mühlau Monika Kaliszewska, “Polonia in Dublin: Polish migrants’ perceptions of quality of life, earnings and work Report of Survey Findings Report No.2” Trinity College Dublin Trinity Immigration Initiative Parallel Societies or Overlapping Identities Project, (2011):6-8 57 BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Statistics Office, “Census 2006 Non-Irish Nationals Living in Ireland,” Central Statistics Office of Ireland, 28-30, http://www.cso.ie/en/media/csoie/releasespublications/documents/population/nonirish/nonirishnationalscomplete.pdf Citizens Information, “Minimum Rates of Pay,” Citizens Information Board, http://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/employment/employment_rights_and_conditions/p ay_and_employment/pay_inc_min_wage.html (accessed December 15, 2015) Citizens Information, “The Working Week,” Citizens Information Board, http://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/employment/employment_rights_and_conditions/h ours_of_work/working_week.html (accessed December 15, 2015) European Parliament, “European Parliament Fact Sheets 4.4.3. 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School of Social Sciences and Philosophy Assignment Submission Form Student Name: XINYUE QIN Student ID Number: 15304894 Programme Title: Race, Ethnicity, Conflict Module Title: Race, Ethnicity and Social Policy Assessment Title: Polish Workers in Ireland Lecturer (s): Elaine Moriaty Date Submitted 15/12/2015 I have read and I understand the plagiarism provisions in the General Regulations of the University Calendar for the current year, found at: http://www.tcd.ie/calendar I have also completed the Online Tutorial on avoiding plagiarism ‘Ready, Steady, Write’, located at http://tcd-ie.libguides.com/plagiarism/ready-steady-write Signed: Date: ___Xinyue__Qin________________ ___20/12/2015_________________ School of Social Sciences and Philosophy Assignment Submission Form Student Name: Enis PORAT Student ID Number: 15308166 Programme Title: Race Ethnicity Conflict Module Title: Race Ethnicity Social Policy Assessment Title: Polish Workers in Ireland Lecturer (s): Elaine MORIARTY Date Submitted 22.12.2015 I have read and I understand the plagiarism provisions in the General Regulations of the University Calendar for the current year, found at: http://www.tcd.ie/calendar I have also completed the Online Tutorial on avoiding plagiarism ‘Ready, Steady, Write’, located at http://tcd-ie.libguides.com/plagiarism/ready-steady-write Signed: Date: ________ ____________ ___22.12.2015__________________ School of Social Sciences and Philosophy Assignment Submission Form Student Name: Hirofumi Goto Student ID Number: 15302658 Programme Title: Race Ethnicity Conflict Module Title: Race, Ethnicity and Social Policy Assessment Title: Polish Workers in Ireland Lecturer (s): Elaine Moriarty Date Submitted 20.12.2015 I have read and I understand the plagiarism provisions in the General Regulations of the University Calendar for the current year, found at: http://www.tcd.ie/calendar I have also completed the Online Tutorial on avoiding plagiarism ‘Ready, Steady, Write’, located at http://tcd-ie.libguides.com/plagiarism/ready-steady-write Signed: Date: 後藤浩文 20.12.2015 School of Social Sciences and Philosophy Assignment Submission Form Student Name: Student ID Number: 04112946 Programme Title: Race Ethnicity Conflict Module Title: Race Ethnicity Social Policy Assessment Title: Polish Workers in Ireland Lecturer (s): Elaine MORIARTY Date Submitted 22.12.2015 I have read and I understand the plagiarism provisions in the General Regulations of the University Calendar for the current year, found at: http://www.tcd.ie/calendar I have also completed the Online Tutorial on avoiding plagiarism ‘Ready, Steady, Write’, located at http://tcd-ie.libguides.com/plagiarism/ready-steady-write Signed: Date: Jason Michael McCann 22.12.2015