Islamophobia

This work reflects on how the representation of the Arab world has evolved in three fictional works that have emerged in the second decade of the 21st century: Homeland (Showtime Networks, 2011-2020), Tyrant (FX Network-Fox, 2014-2016), and Jack Ryan (Amazon Prime Video, 2018-). The goal is to determine whether the main socio-political milestones that occurred during this period (the Arab Spring, Syrian Civil War, appearance of ISIS, etc.) have transformed the already classic theories of authors such as Edward Said, Jack Shaheen, or Evelyn Alsultany, among others. A viewing and analysis of the first season of each show demonstrates that the panorama has not improved in terms of discourse, topics, and stereotypes. It is clear, therefore, that the lens of 9/11 is still very present in the Hollywood mindset regarding Arabs, Muslims, and Islam.

This book shows how scholarly studies of prejudice, identity formation, and genocide studies can shed light on global examples of religious hatred. The book is divided into four parts, focusing respectively on: theories of prejudice and violence; historical developments of antisemitism, Islamophobia, and race; contemporary Western antisemitism and Islamophobia; and, prejudices beyond the West in the Islamic, Buddhist, and Hindu traditions. Each part ends with a special focus section.

Key features include:
- A compelling synthesis of theories of prejudice, identity, and hatred to explain Islamophobia and antisemitism.
- An innovative theory of human violence and genocide which explains the link to prejudice.
- Case studies of both Western antisemitism and Islamophobia in history and today, alongside global studies of Islamic antisemitism and Hindu and Buddhist Islamophobia
- Integrates discussion of race and racialisation as aspects of Islamophobic and antisemitic prejudice in relation to their framing in religious discourses.
- Accessible for general readers and students, it can be employed as a textbook for students or read with benefit by scholars for its novel synthesis and theories.

The book focuses on antisemitism and Islamophobia, both in the West and beyond, including examples of prejudices and hatred in the Islamic, Hindu, and Buddhist traditions. Drawing on examples from Europe, North America, MENA, South and Southeast Asia, and Africa, Paul Hedges points to common patterns, while identifying the specifics of local context.
Religious Hatred is an essential guide for understanding the historical origins of religious hatred, the manifestations of this hatred across diverse religious and cultural contexts, and the strategies employed by activists and peacemakers to overcome this hatred.

“Muslims in America: Examining the Facts” (ABC-CLIO, 226 pages, $63) presents evidence-based documentation to provide a full and impartial examination of American Muslims. Author Craig Considine, a lecturer of sociology, reviews the history of American Muslims’ settlement and integration into the U.S.; explores the prevailing social, political, cultural and economic characteristics of American Muslims and their communities; and studies the ways in which Muslims’ experiences and beliefs intersect with various notions of American national identity. Considine examines and critiques the leading social and political narratives surrounding American Muslims and the religion of Islam, including false or malicious claims about Muslims’ actions and beliefs regarding 9/11, terrorism, jihad, sharia and other significant issues. “This book gives readers a clear and accurate understanding of the actual lives, actions and beliefs of Muslim people in the United States, rather than some of the misleading messages crafted by politicians, religious figures and media outlets,” Considine said. “I provide the facts about American Muslims and bring their voices and actions to light.” Throughout the book, Considine answers 31 questions about Muslims in American society. The topics include American Muslims’ contributions to the U.S. (including employment and military service), their views on militant Islamic groups and their actions to counter Islamophobia as well as radicalization. Considine dispels widespread myths regarding American Muslims – including rumors of jihad training camps on U.S. soil and a preference to be governed by sharia. He also writes that Muslims condemn violent attacks by extremists and contribute significantly to the betterment of interfaith relations in the United States.

Der globale Aufschwung von rechten Parteien hat negative Auswirkungen auf den Kosovo. Rechtsextreme greifen die Existenz des Staates an. Im deutschsprachigen Raum sind es unter anderem Thilo Sarrazin und Peter Handke. (Publikationsdatum: 23. August 2020)

Drawing upon the recent theoretical framework of Burkean concept of identification (ID), the current study aims at probing the interaction of content and form in two letters penned by Iran's Supreme Leader and addressed to the Youth on Jan. and Nov. 2015. To this end, the study seeks (i) to determine a role ID takes in the conveyance of intended assumptions to the targeted readers; and (ii) to observe if the writer's objectives, i.e. to identify himself with the readers and to realize his politically-religiously-infused creeds, result in success or failure; moreover, (iii) it seeks to determine how he achieved his end to attenuate the impacts of blazing inferno of Islamophobia and anti-Islam sentiments in his addressees. The whole corpus (about 3000 words), in light of van Dijk's Socio-cognitive approach, is critically perused to seek out contextually-coded expressions. The study tries to set out a manner in which political text/talk could be analyzed rhetorically employing ID concept. It was found that ID as a two-way process is a key component for both parties to identify with. It makes the readers align themselves with the writer and helps the writer to associate with the readers and accomplish his goals.

Antes de pasar al acto, Brenton Tarrant, el extremista australiano de 28 años de edad que abatió a 50 personas en Christchurch, se cuidó mucho de publicar en twitter un manifiesto racista de 74 páginas bajo el título 'el gran reemplazo', en referencia a una teoría complotista muy popular en los foros de extrema derecha sistematizada por el escritor francés Renaud Camus hace casi una década, según la cual los «pueblos europeos» estarían siendo «reemplazados» por poblaciones de inmigrantes. en un alarde de narcisismo, el monstruo quiso teorizar su odio, para lo cual procedió a la selección de una serie de variables y motivos de la ultraderecha, el nazismo e incluso el «ecofascismo», dejando en evidencia un delirio obsesivo por la supuesta «sumersión» del «mundo occidental» bajo hordas invasoras étnica-mente discordantes. La filiación manifiesta de tarrant ha sido interpretada como un indicador de la expansión del radicalismo violento de ultraderecha en nuestras socie-dades, vinculando la matanza en nueva Zelanda con atentados como el de Oklahoma City de abril de 1995, que dejó un saldo de 168 muertos, y los de julio de 2011 en Oslo y la isla noruega de Utoya, que segaron la vida de 77 personas. Como mito movilizador compartido se halla la idea de que la raza blanca está desapareciendo y, por consiguiente, frente al apocalipsis pregonado, todos los medios se antojan lícitos. La aprensión al «reemplazo», cuyo colofón es el exterminio del hombre blanco, va de la mano del rechazo de una sociedad multicultural, pero sobre todo multiétnica, que abre la puerta a la definición de un enemigo compartido y, de paso, al establecimiento de una solidaridad y proyecto comunes.

http://www.stopwar.org.uk/news-comment/888-the-five-pillars-of-islamophobia-and-the-roots-of-anti-muslim-racism

On a Thursday night, terrorists blew themselves up in the streets of Beirut. The next day, co-ordinated terrorist attacks in des rues of Paris. The same perpetrators targeted Muslims and Christians in the two different capitals.

Just a month ago, it was a moving scene watching European women and men holding signs welcoming refugees arriving at train stations. Thus, the horrific attacks would become even more appalling if there was any truth to the news these terrorists might have hid among refugees to reach France. Especially since refugees found better reception in Europe than anywhere else, including many of the Arab and Muslim countries. And for these terrorists to exploit that hospitality is neither Arab nor a Muslim value.

There could be no rationalisation to the terrorist attacks in Paris or the atrocious murders in Beirut, Baghdad, Damascus or Nigeria. Putting aside our virtuous indignation, however, we mustn’t forget the so-called Islamic State (IS) was the illegitimate child of George Bush’s “birth bangs of democracy.” The misguided US-led Western interventionist policies created the environment that gave birth to the refugees and terrorists.

NOTE: Fareed Khan makes no claim to the authorship of this commentary/article.

This work studies the use of disinformation to construct an image of otherness through the internet. We applied a content analysis methodology to the 161 racist, xenophobic or Islamophobic fake news pieces that were discredited in 2020 by the four Spanish information verification media entities accredited by the International Fact-Checking Network: Maldita.es, Newtral, Efe Verifica and Verificat. The results show that the most commonly used formats were image and video, that disinformation was most often based on taking information out of context and deception, and that the source could not be identified. The most shared characteristics associated otherness with receiving aid, violence and illegal immigration. The most commonly used images were photographs, which mostly showed people in a general manner (not individually). Despite this, disinformation was * This research has been carried out in the framework of the project entitled “Strategies, agendas and discourse in electoral cyb...

The aim of this paper is to contribute to the debate on integration of Muslim immigrants into the European societies. Censuses indicate a continuous growth of Muslims in member states of the European Union (EU) since the 1960s. In some of the member states of the EU, Muslims make up more than five percent of the population, and this number is expected to grow in the coming decades, depending mostly on how much immigration into the EU will be allowed. Since 2011 the EU has been facing the biggest influx of migrants in its history. Reasonably, accepting and integrating such a large number of people in its societies became a great challenge for many EU member states. It has become clear that the integration programmes within the EU member states are outdated and that new migration policies, as well as practices will have to be adopted and developed.

In the article, a role of religion in Czech politics after the fall of communism until present time is presented. The text introduces a Czech religion-political reality and explains relevance and importance of religion for Czech political behavior. Due to historical events, Czech society considers itself highly secular, but religion still matters in many regions and affects election results at local levels.

Küresel emperyalist aktörler, oryantalistlerin yıllardır inşa ettikleri “barbar Müslüman” imgesini diri tutmaya çalışıyorlar. Böylece İslâm’ın, Müslümanların bilime, uygarlığa, ilerlemeye engel olduğu düşüncesini “barbar” imgesiyle birleştirip, İslâm coğrafyasındaki işgal ve katliâmlarını meşrulaştırmayı ve sürdürmeyi amaçlamaktalar. Kuşkusuz bunda dışarıdaki ve içerdeki oryantalist sanat ve edebiyatın büyük rolü var.
Konstantinos Kavafis’in “Barbarları Beklerken”i tam da bu korkuyu, bu vehim politikasını, bu vehmin toplumsal etkisini yansıtan ironik bir şiir.

Past research on the link between anti-Semitism and criticism of the Israeli government has revealed a partial correlation between the two. However, among the political arguments that have inspired such research, one has gone unaddressed: that criticism of the Israeli government along with silence about more egregious human rights abuses committed elsewhere can only arise from anti-Semitism. This article investigates the link between knowledge of conflicts around the world, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and criticism of the Israeli and Saudi governments. Using a deeper index of anti-Israel opinions than prior research, the results indicate that some criticisms of the Israeli government are more reliable indicators of anti-Semitic sentiment than others. The findings are discussed with regard to how legitimate political criticism can be distinguished from prejudice in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

A great deal has been written on the subject of Muslims and extremism, for a number of decades. In Western Europe, the Rushdie Affair and the impact of the Bosnian war created further considerations for analysts, policymakers, social scientists and activists attempting to understand the nature of this phenomenon. However, the events of 9/11 and the subsequent acts of terrorism on European soil during the 2000s generated increased interest in this area, but while doing so it also conflated matters as a result of neoconservative ideological and political perspectives of dominant groups seeking to explicate the subject.

Met de weerzinwekkende aanslagen op de luchthaven van Zaventem en het metrostation van Maalbeek werd België in een nieuw tijdperk geloodst. Europa reageerde – zeer begrijpelijk – met onbegrip, angst, ongeloof en woede. Indien men zulke aanslagen in de toekomst wenst te vermijden, mag het echter niet bij gevoelens en emoties blijven. Er moeten serieuze vragen gesteld worden en duidelijke antwoorden voorgelegd worden door mensen die een grondige kennis van de islam, de Europese getto’s en de moslimwereld bezitten. In deze reeks vraag-en-antwoorden wordt een oplossing geboden voor het bestrijden van radicalisme binnen de moslimgemeenschap.

This paper is a contribution to the debate on the meaning of the term “Islamophobia”. It proposes an examination of the early twentieth Century approximations to both the term and the phenomenon of Islamophobia. The objective is to show that already at the end of the nineteenth century the phenomenon was identified and that at the beginning of the twentieth the term was already defined. That definition could throw some light on the current debate about the definition of Islamophobia.

In the current context of generalized Islamophobia and the proliferation of anti-discrimination organizations, this article aims to analyze the willingness of Muslims to participate in some kind of common initiative, focused or not on the fight against discrimination. The objective is to find out if among Muslims in Madrid a common awareness of subalternity exists, based on their Muslimness, which structures any expression of claims-making, whether collectively organized or not. We investigate the nature of such claims by applying Fraser’s status model (2000) to the materials obtained from six discussion groups held in October 2016.

To cite: Katarzyna Górak-Sosnowska, Marta Pachocka, Inventing the Muslim Other in Poland (and Why Does it Differ from Western Europe), in: Muslim Minorities and the Refugee Crisis in Europe, eds. Katarzyna Górak-Sosnowska, Jan Misiuna, Marta Pachocka, SGH Publishing House, Warsaw 2019.

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to discuss how the Muslim Other has been invented and still is in contemporary Poland. We argue that it is framed into a different narrative and ‘logic’ than in the case of many Western European countries. While Poles also need their Muslim ‘enemy’, they use him or her not only to strengthen their national identity, but also to oppose the very idea of Europe from within.

Keywords: Poland, Central and Eastern Europe, Western Europe, islamophobia, otherness, Other, Muslim

This paper posits adoption as a function of failed political, economic, and social policies. These policies derive historically from injurious views of populations not ascribed political embodiment. As a tool of dispossession, displacement, and disinheritance, adoption joins other extirpating practices. Given this history, the current focus on Muslim-majority countries as sources for adoptable infants is neither charitable nor coincidental. In this regard, Islamophobia is defined as an additional prejudicial justification for adoption. Islamophobia promulgates this justification based in part on faulty readings of the Quran. This maps readily onto similar use of the Bible. This paper offers a contingent, expansive, and corrective reading of these Books. It advances a countervailing argument for child welfare that questions and resists adoption's negation of family, community, and place.

Islamophobic sentiments in the Western world have gained scientific attention, particularly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. However, the effects of religious stigma on Muslim minorities’ identity formation have rarely been studied. Using structural equation modeling, this cross-sectional study examined direct and indirect effects of different forms of religious stigma on the national affiliation of 210 Norwegian-Pakistani and 216 German-Turkish Muslims. Furthermore, the study examined the mediator role of religious identity. Our results suggest that being a Muslim in Norway is more reconcilable with affiliating with the nation than being a Muslim in Germany. However, across the samples, the results indicated that various forms of religious stigma affected Muslims’ national identity and engagement in the public and private sphere in distinct ways. These effects were both positive and negative, differed between the two samples, and in Germany, were mediated by the participants’ religious identity. The findings indicated that the ways in which religious stigma influences Muslims’ national affiliation is context and culture bound.

The surge in divisive and far-right politics and escalating Islamophobia in Britain pose new challenges for Muslim advocacy organisations. British Muslim activism has taken centre stage in the public sphere as a result. Yet, for over fifty years Muslim advocacy groups have worked to preserve religious identity, lobby the state and provide concerted responses to the political establishment. This is the first book to critically chart the national and global factors influencing the political mobilisation of British Muslim activists as Muslims. Khadijah Elshayyal traces the changes in thought, direction and method within Muslim identity politics after 1960, noting key organisations and turning points
such as the Rushdie Affair, the 9/11 attacks, the 7/7 bombings and the current conflict in Syria. Considering recurrent debates around the often contentious subject of freedom of expression, Muslim Identity Politics provides a history of interaction between Muslim advocacy groups and the state, and the impact of state policy on Muslim communities. It shows that Britain’s Muslims continue to experience an ‘equality gap’ and recommends where progress can be made. Based on primary sources and in-depth interviews, this book is a vital resource for government officials, policy-makers and researchers interested in multiculturalism, Islamophobia and security issues in Britain.

In  a  wide  variety  of  studies  over  the  past  two  decades,  the  media  has  consistently  been  identified  as  a  significant  social  institution  implicated  in  normalizing  and  disseminating  anti-Muslim  prejudice.  Identifying  and  combating  Islamophobic  discourses  has  been  a  challenging  proposition,  however,  due  to  difficulties  in  systematically  identifying  and  evaluating “Islamophobia” within texts. Islamophobia is a complex and contested phenomenon that defies easy classification within the boundaries of terminology which would normally be employed to describe hostility or prejudice based on, for example, race or religion. This article outlines some of the challenges involved in defining and categorizing Islamophobic discourses through  an  exploration  of  the  process  of  constructing,  evaluating,  and  applying  a  unique  content analysis instrument, the “Islamophobia Index,” to media texts, using data sets drawn from the Australian news media. We critically reflect upon the methodological limitations of systematic  quantitative  studies,  the  importance  of  qualitative  and  interpretive  approaches  that take into account researcher subjectivities, and ultimately reposition and repurpose this project as a mixed-method study. In conclusion, potential applications for the Index, including non-media textual analysis, are considered.

The Trojan Hose Affair scandal alleged that there was a hardline extremist Islamism plot to take over British state schools in Birmingham. While commu- nity groups and government officials battled to take control of the narrative, the pupils who were ultimately at the center of the scandal, were not con- sidered. This paper is based on research conducted in 2015, with students at one of the schools implicated in the Trojan Horse Affair. Through seven one-to-one interviews and a group discussion, the research finds that students portrayed their selves in a state of constant psychological reconciliation due to the heightened mediatization, racialization, and securitization of Islam and Muslims, during and after the Trojan Horse affair. This caused increased levels of anxiety in students, which peaked around the constant surveillance through the gaze of the media, teachers, and Ofsted inspectors, creating a double-edged Panopticon. The paper particularly underscores student concerns for potential social exclusion and discrimination they may experience as a result of the school affiliation.

In this chapter I present two major divergent lines of thought that read European Islam differently, though this difference has hardly been problematised and remarked before, nor has it been put face to face in a scholarly debate. This chapter then presents the views of two major scholars of Islam and Muslims in Europe: those of the French scholar Olivier Roy, and those of the Danish scholar Jørgen S. Nielsen. My own reading of European Islam makes me stand with the latter on his position: European Muslims are making their own theology; it is a pluralist theology in progress. It may even be inspiring to the Arab-Islamic world.

This article was discussed taking into consideration racism, discrimination, maltreatment, hatred for Muslims and killing of innocent Muslim especially among the west. The article also investigates the purpose and meaning of Islamophobia, the causes and effects of Islamophobia, why are Muslims and Islamic religion been attacked worldwide and drivers of hatred and prejudices against the Muslims. The article briefly reviews the introduction, concepts, terminologies, challenges, causes, and effects of Islamophobia and prejudices across the world with particular attention to the developed countries. The study found the purposes of Islamophobia to include: Hate for the Islamic religion, seeing Muslims as a terrorist, hate women in hijab/niqab and seeing Muslims not united. While the causes of Islamophobia include: increase in the population of Muslims, Islam becoming the dominant religion soon, the preaching/teachings of Islam, Call to "salat"/"adzan", the rate at which people convert to Islam and the influx of Immigration. Furthermore, the increase in the Muslim population, hatred for the "deen" are the reasons why Muslims are been attacked to minimize Islamic believers population. The researcher recommends that to move from Islamophobia to Islamophillia, Muslims should educate the world especially the western what Islam entails and the need to be peaceful and loving to all humanity without discrimination as the Noble Quran taught. They must understand that a brother is a fellow brother to the other notwithstanding colour, race, religion, etc. this I believe can change the negative perceptions and think of the non-believers.

Professor Tariq Ramadan's case and the solitary confinement he faces in a French prison sheds some light on the differentiated treatment Muslim subjects receive in the legal system of the Western states. In this article, I am not defending or making any arguments for the charges levied against Professor Ramadan-they are serious and require full and fair examination by the authorities and the courts as well as more responsible coverage from the media. The cause of sexual harassment is rightly receiving a much needed and overdue global attention. What is important is to make sure that the scales of justice in pursuit of a needed legal, social and political corrective does not lead to undermining the rights and standing of a similarly demonized community. Demanding justice, fairness and transparency is a universally supported set of principles, which are critical in the case of Professor Ramadan. The guilt or innocence after a transparent legal process and a trial are what all parties to this painful case deserve and expect. Muslim subjects have become accustomed to an abnormal legal treatment from the moment they are arrested and charged, and even throughout the court proceedings. This abnormal is becoming the normal no matter whether the charges are civil or criminal and is for sure the case when the charges are remotely related to terrorism. I do think that the initial attempts to defend Professor Ramadan were wrong in disparaging the women who levied the charges. These shortsighted attacks on the women who came forth caused a mix-up and confusion between the demands on the French legal system to treat Professor Ramadan fairly and the attempts to win public debates and alter the demonized media coverage of the Muslim subject. These two should be separated and I am not sure how this should be done but it should be part of any serious approach. A basic analysis of the French media coverage of this case points to the problematic nature of the coverage and the preponderance of journalists to pile-on and sentence Professor Ramadan before even the end of the investigation and the court proceedings have started. What is expected of the French State and its legal system is to adhere to the due process of the law and accord Professor Ramadan the same rights that are granted to any non-Muslim, non-Arab and non-Maghrabi person in the country. Indeed, the legal process in France is tainted by the differentiated treatment accorded to all " non-French to the source " populations that face systemic discrimination at all levels of society including foremost in the legal system. The treatment is similar to the one faced by the African Americans in the U.S. and an entrenched racism dating from the colonial period is ever present in France. Let's be clear – Professor Ramadan travelled willingly to France and surrendered to the police authorities in order to face the charges levied against him and then to prepare for the legal proceedings. The French authorities moved to arrest Professor Ramadan, refused to grant bail, placed him in solitary confinement, and limited family visitation and access to proper medical care, which collectively point to the differentiated treatment reserved for the Arab and Muslim

Special Feature: Community Collaboration

Part of a speical feature that illuminates the synergistic relationship between individuals, communities and community organizations and Memorial, with a focus on Memorial's supporting role to community-led work.

La construcción postmoderna del poliamor choca frontalmente con el imaginario racista según el cual la monogamia es una forma superior de relación respecto a la poligamia o a los matrimonios grupales. Para desmarcarse de esta confusión con la alteridad subalternizada, los grupos poliamorosos han generado una urgencia para aclarar que "los malos" son los otros.

Muslim youth in Canada face daily challenges which impact their sense of identity and belonging, their mental health and well-being, and their faith.

After 72 qualitative interviews in five cities, the results show that the primary challenge facing urban Muslim youth in Canada is identity crisis or the problem of seemingly irreconcilable dual identities, exacerbated by generational gaps in families and Muslim communities, and the contingent burdens of codeswitching and ambassadorship for Islam. Direct and structural Islamophobia fosters the crisis and adds additional stressors on Muslim youth, including mental health issues, financial or job insecurity, a lack of belonging and the experience of vicarious trauma from witnessing atrocities against Muslims globally, among other factors. In dealing with the ongoing identity crisis and its accompanying stressors, Muslim youth are not finding the space, solace, programming and guidance they feel they need from their religious communities. Intracommunity problems, including a lack of community inclusion, lateral violence such as racism and misogyny, and infrastructural problems such as a lack of adequate/relevant mentorship and programming or meaningful spaces of participation for youth in Islamic centres and mosques, only serve to alienate Muslim youth in Canada further. A number of alarming outcomes from these compounded issues were reported by respondents.

This policy report will briefly outline the methodology and relevance of the study before expounding its findings regarding primary challenges of Muslim youth in Canada and identified pathways of resilience, in summary. The final section will offer practical recommendations for Islamic organizations and institutions hoping to take up the cause of Muslim youth.

Ist Antisemitismus eine Form des Rassismus oder handelt es sich um zwei völlig verschiedene Phänomene? Und gibt es Analogien zur Islamfeindlichkeit oder ist dieser Vergleich abwegig? Der Aufsatz zeichnet die international geführte Fachdiskussion um das Verhältnis verschiedener Ausgrenzungsmuster und Diskriminierungsformen nach.

Twenty years after the 9/11 attacks, stereotypes that associate Muslims with terrorism go far beyond depictions in newspapers and television. Recent research raises the alarm about rampant Islamophobia in digital spaces, particularly far-right groups’ use of disinformation and other manipulation tactics to vilify Muslims and their faith.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socioeconomically , politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.