Racism

Em conferência intitulada “The Master’s Tool Will Never Dismantle The Master’s House” (1984), a escritora afro-americana Audre Lorde declara ser preciso forjar novas ferramentas que contribuam para a desconstrução do racismo que, historicamente, subalterniza diversos grupos sociais. Partindo dessa proposta, utilizamos o referencial da Análise do Discurso de Maingueneau e Bakhtin, especialmente a linguagem-intervenção, e o conceito de Bassnett e Lefevere de tradução como reescrita para refletir sobre os efeitos de subjetividade em traduções que, por serem produzidas por pessoas que fazem parte de grupos marginalizados, têm a possibilidade de subverter a lógica das traduções realizadas por grandes editoras. Dessa forma, analisamos a tradução do referido discurso de Lorde para a língua portuguesa feita por Tatiana Nascimento — mulher, negra e lésbica —, com o objetivo discutir novas possibilidades de construção de realidades e subjetividades que podem ser produzidas a partir do que cha...

L’étude de la présence afro-brésilienne dans le quartier de Bexiga à São Paulo dans les années 1920 et 1930 permet de comprendre à la fois la manière dont les élites de la ville prennent en considération ces habitants issus d’un esclavage encore proche et l’influence de ceux-ci sur leur quartier. Le racisme des élites de la ville les a marginalisés à Bexiga, mais les Afro-brésiliens du quartier ont su « bricoler » cette place qui leur a été laissée en ville pour y construire une certaine autonomie. La construction des particularités de cette communauté et de son quartier est d’abord abordée sous l’angle des « bricolages » de la vie quotidienne afro-brésilienne à Bexiga, grâce auxquels ils adaptent leur vie et leur territoire. L’exception culturelle du quartier exprime aussi ces conditions, ainsi qu’un passé afro-brésilien.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

Future. Il domani narrato dalle voci di oggi, an anthology published in Italy in 2019, comprises writing by 11 self-identified black Italian women. As the book’s title suggests, their work, mostly personal accounts of being black women in Italy, is forward-looking while grounded in contemporary realities: a tomorrow narrated by the voices of today. The essays also are steeped in Italian history and particularly a past that only recently has begun to be acknowledged: that of Italian empire and its African colonies. The book—the first literary anthology by black Italian women— is a political intervention, an act of resistance to the racism and anti-immigrant attitudes that have become alarmingly widespread in Italian society and politics.

This paper addresses the broad question of how work in sociolinguistics should be related to social theory, and in particular the assumptions about cognition that can underpin that relation. A discursive psychological approach to issues of cognition is pressed and illustrated by a reworking of Stubb's review of work on language and cognition. A discursive psychological approach is offered to the topics of racist discourse, courtroom interaction, scientific writing, and sexism. Discursive psychology rejects the approach to 'cognition' as a collection of more or less stable inner entities and processes. Instead the focus is on the way 'mental phenomena' are both constructed and oriented to in people's practices.

While the idea that racism is accompanied by its denial is well established, this paper examines the widespread explicit advocacy of a stance of ‘not racism’. The rejection of racism by proponents of positions that hinder the cause of racial justice is the discursive next step in ‘postracial’ racism. I examine the various ways in which racism has been proposed to be an ‘unhelpful’ framework. I make the case that the dominant position within philosophy of race that racism is, first and foremost, a moral failing has unwittingly contributed to the emergence of ‘not racism’ as a dominant expression in race thinking today. Following an examination of several key moral philosophical analyses of racism, I illustrate my argument that ‘not racism’ is a form of racist violence with reference to several recent and contemporary cases against the backdrop of the rise of ‘Global Trumpism’.

Die Auswirkungen struktureller Diskriminierung in Form von Audismus werden gegenwärtig gesellschaftlich und politisch unterschätzt. Privile-gien, die sich für Menschen durch die Fähigkeit, zu hören, ergeben, bleiben tauben Menschen verwehrt. Es wird deshalb in der vorliegenden Arbeit an-genommen, dass die Lebensrealität hörender Menschen zu Nachteilen für taube Menschen führt. Die Diskriminierungen, die taube Menschen tagtäg-lich in vielen wichtigen Lebensbereichen innerhalb der hörenden Gesell-schaft erfahren, bleiben jedoch im Diskurs unsichtbar (Tuccoli 2008, 23 f.). Beispielhaft für die daraus anzunehmenden Spannungen zwischen der tau-ben sprachlich-kulturellen Minderheit und der hörenden Mehrheit soll im Folgenden das Phänomen der "kulturellen Aneignung" von Gebärdenspra-che und der diesbezügliche Diskurs-ausgelöst durch den Eurovision Song-contest (ESC) 2017-stehen und untersucht werden. Ziel der Arbeit ist es, eine wissenschaftliche Grundlage anzubieten, um auf deren Basis den Diskurs über "kulturelle Aneignung", Audismus und hearing privileges breiter und fundierter führen zu können. Sie greift das im Postkolonialismus geprägte Konzept der "kulturellen Aneignung" auf und beleuchtet dabei mithilfe der Kritischen Diskursanalyse nach Jäger (2015) die Reproduktion struktureller Diskriminierung. Die Analyse des Diskur-ses wirft Schlaglichter auf seine Aspekte und Argumente und versucht, die-se zu entschlüsseln. Dabei werden verschiedene Subjektpositionen sowie Diskursverschränkungen,-brüche und-verschiebungen sichtbar gemacht.

A sequel to the groundbreaking volume Race and Racism in Modern East Asia: Western and Eastern Constructions, the present volume examines in depth interactions between Western racial constructions of East Asians and local constructions of race and their outcomes in modern times. Focusing on China, Japan and the two Koreas, it also analyzes the close ties between race, racism and nationalism, as well as the links race has had with gender and lineage in the region. Written by some of the field's leading authorities, this insightful and engaging 23-chapter volume offers a sweeping overview and analysis of racial constructions and racism in modern and contemporary East Asia that is unsurpassed in previous scholarship.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations and Tables
Conventions
Preface

1. Introduction: The Synthesis of Foreign and Indigenous Constructions of Race in Modern East Asia and Its Actual Operation, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
I. Antecedents: A Detailed Examination of Early Western Racial Constructions of East Asians
II. Interactions: The Fusion of European and Asian Constructions of Race
III. Nationalism: Interactions between Race and Ethnic Nationalism in East Asia
IV. Gender and Lineage: The Impact of Domestic and Foreign Racial Constructions

PART I: ANTECEDENTS
2. East Asians in the Linnaean Taxonomy: Sources and Implications of a Racial Image, Rotem Kowner and Christina Skott
The Linnaean Revolution and View of Humankind
Sources of Linnaeus’ Racial Perspective on East Asians
The Essence of Asia: Swedish Views of China
Swedish Reports and Linnaeus’ Revision of His Human Taxonomy
Linnaeus’ Legacy and the Unfolding Racial View of East Asians
3. Constructing Racial Theories on East Asians as a Transnational “Western” Enterprise, 1750-1850, Walter Demel
The Founding Fathers of Racial Theories: Linnaeus, Buffon, Kant and Camper
The Second Generation: Multiple Directions
4. The ‘Races’ of East Asia in Nineteenth-Century European Encyclopaedias, Georg Lehner
Classifying the Peoples of Asia
The Encyclopedias' Main Sources for Remarks on the “Races” of East Asia
Chinese, Japanese and Koreans: Descriptions of East Asian peoples
Stereotypes of East Asians in General Knowledge
Visual Representations of Race in Works of General Knowledge
Concluding Remarks
5. The Racial Image of the Japanese in the Western Press Published in Japan, 1861-1881, Olavi K. Fält
Background
The Oldest People on Earth
The Shining Japanese Race
Weak and Inferior Race
Praising the Endeavors of a Poor Race
Conclusion

PART II: INTERACTIONS
6. The Propagation of Racial Thought in Nineteenth-Century China, Daniel Barth
The Background: Imperial China and the “Other”
Stage I (1846-1851): Marques and Wei Yuan
Stage II (1851-1855): Hobson and Muirhead
Stage III (1855-1872): The Self-Strengthening Movement
Stage IV (1872-1892): John Fryer and the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine
Conclusion: Chinese Intellectuals, Social Darwinism and Race
7. Learning from the South: Japan's Racial Construction of Southern Chinese, 1895-1941, Huei-Ying Kuo
The South Seas as Japan’s Backyard, 1895-1914
Japan's Expansion into the Southern Chinese Networks, 1914-1928
Chinese Anti-Japanese Nationalism and Japanese Discourses on South Seas Chinese, 1928-1936
Southern Chinese as Non-Han Races, 1936-1941
Conclusions
8. “The Great Question of the World Today”: Britain, the Dominions, East Asian Immigration and the Threat of Race War, 1905-11, Antony Best
Immigration and “the Awakening of Asia”
The Prophets of Race War
Critics of White Solidarity
Finessing the Racial Divide
Conclusions
9. “Uplifting the Weak and Degenerated Races of East Asia”: American and Indigenous Views of Sport and Body in Early Twentieth-Century East Asia, Stefan Hübner
Sportive Citizenship Training in the Philippines
Chinese Cooperation and Acceptance of American-Style Modernization
Japanese Resistance and its Defeat by American Style Modernization
Conclusion
10. Racism under Negotiation: The Japanese Race in the Nazi-German Perspective, Gerhard Krebs
Early Nazi Views on the Japanese Racial Position
Becoming More Aryan
The Problem with the Japanese in the Nazi Worldview
Continuing Mutual Mistrust
The End
11. Discourses of Race and Racism in Modern Korea, 1890s-1945 , Vladimir Tikhonov
Race and Its Uncertainties
The Emergence of Race Theories in Modern Korea: One of the Logics of the “Civilized World”
“Race” and “Ethnic Nation” in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945
Conclusion: Race as a Path to Modernist Self-assertion?
12. The United States Arrives: Racialization and Racism in Post-1945 South Korea, Nadia Y. Kim
Contextual Background: America Marches In and Mass Mediates
The American Military, Whiteness, and Imperialist Racial Formation
American Mass Media, White Heroes, and Counter-Hegemony
Blackness and Imperialist Racial Formation
Racism and Invisibility in Korean “America”
Concluding Remarks
13. A Post-Communist Coexistence in Northeast Asia? Mutual Racial Attitudes among Russians and Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, David Lewis
Discrimination against Siberian Peoples as an Outcome of Racial Prejudice
The Origin and Legacy of Russian Attitudes to Asians
Racial Attitudes among Indigenous Siberian Peoples
The Communist Model of Racial Modus Vivendi
The Impact of Prolonged Racism on Indigenous Siberian Peoples
Marriage as an Anti-Racist Means in a Multi-Racial Society

PART III: NATIONALISM
14. Nationalism and Internationalism: Sino-American Racial Perceptions of the Korean War, Lü Xun
Descendants of the Mongolian Hordes: American Perceptions of the Chinese
The Ambitious Wolf: Chinese Perceptions of Americans
The Mirrored Self: A Nation-State in the Making
15. Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Racialized Chinese Nationalism, Yinghong Cheng
Gangtai Patriotic Songs: A “Colored” Political Genre of Pop Music
A Tacit Collaboration between the Party-State and Capitalist Cultural Producers in Hong Kong and Taiwan
The Interaction between Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Chinese Popular Nationalism
Analyses
Concluding Remarks
16. Japanese as Both a “Race” and a “Non-Race”: The Politics of Jinshu and Minzoku and the Depoliticization of Japaneseness, Yuko Kawai
The Historical Trajectories of Jinshu and Minzoku
Being a “Race” and a “Non-Race” in Present-day Japan: An Empirical Study
Conclusions and Implications
17. Ethnic Nationalism in Postwar Japan: Nihonjinron and Its Racial Facets, Rotem Kowner and Harumi Befu
Premises of Nihonjinron
Nihonjinron as a Manifestation of Japanese Nationalism
Nihonjinron and Its Concern with Origin, Blood and Racial Hierarchy
The Impact of Race-Related Tenets on Everyday Life
Functions of Ethnic Nationalism in Contemporary Japan
Concluding Remarks
18. Ethnic Nationalism and Internationalism in the North Korean Worldview, Tatiana Gabroussenko
The Soviet Discourse of the Outside World: Conditional Internationalism
The North Korean Worldview in the “Soviet Era”: Echoing the Soviet Paradigm
Mono-Ethnicity as a Special Korean Virtue: The Evolution of the North Korean World Vision under the Influence of Juche
North Korean Propaganda about Foreigners from Inclusive and Alienating Perspectives
Conclusion

PART IV: GENDER AND LINEAGE
19. In the Name of the Master: Race, Nationalism and Masculinity in Chinese Martial Arts Cinema, Kai-man Chang
From Anti-imperialist Nationalism to Cultural Nationalism
Masculinities That Matter
Conclusion
20. Sexualized Racism, Gender and Nationalism: The Case of Japan’s Sexual Enslavement of Korean “Comfort Women”, Bang-soon Yoon
Korean “Comfort Women”: Drawn in as Substitutes
The Nature of Victimization
Colonial Policies and the Mobilization of Korean Women
Treatment of Korean “Comfort Women”
Lives under Sexual Slavery
Nationalism, Gender and Sexual Violence
Conclusion
21. “The Guilt Feeling That You Exist”: War, Racism and Indisch-Japanese Identity Formation, Aya Ezawa
Power, Discourse, and “Mixed Blood”
The Indisch and the Dutch East Indies
The Indisch Community under Japanese Occupation
Indisch-Japanese Relationships
Indisch-Japanese Descendants
Conclusion
22. ‘The “Amerasian” Knot: Transpacific Crossings of “GI Babies” from Korea to the United States, W. Taejin Hwang
“An Act of Both Humanity and Patriotism”: The Amerasian Immigration Act of 1982
“Confucius’ Outcasts”: The Korean Amerasian “Plight”
Inter-country Adoption of Korean “GI Babies”
Living as a “Mixed-Blood Child” (Honhyeola) in Cold War Korea
“Half-American Also is American”: Towards Migration
Conclusion and Postscript

PART V: CONCLUSIONS
23. The Essence and Mechanisms of Race and Racism in Modern East Asia, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
The East Asian Contribution to the Study of Race and Racism
East Asia’s Role within the Rise of Racial Theory and the Resulting Hybridity
Sources and Manifestations of Racism
The Close Links between Racism and Nationalism
The Role of Gender and Lineage in Constructions of Race and Racism
East Asia and the Future of Race and Racism
Contributors
Bibliography
Index

A chronology of all measures introduced by the National Socialist municipal administration and other perpetrator agencies against the Berlin Jews. The day by day chronicle, based on many hitherto unknown sources, provides the reader with a detailed and graphic picture of how the exclusion of the Jews from all spheres of public life unfolded over time and who was responsible for it. The introduction discusses the overlooked importance of local institutions for the radicalization of the persecution in the capital of the Third Reich, yet also touches upon the reactions and resistance of the Jews.

Researchers across the health sciences are engaged in a vigorous debate over the role that the concepts of “race” and “ethnicity” play in health research and clinical practice. Here we contribute to that debate by examining how the concepts of race, ethnicity, and racism are used in medical–anthropological research. We present a content analysis of Medical Anthropology and Medical Anthropology Quarterly, based on a systematic random sample of empirical research articles (n =283) published in these journals from 1977 to 2002. We identify both differences and similarities in the use of race, ethnicity, and racism concepts in medical anthropology and neighboring disciplines, and we offer recommendations for ways that medical anthropologists can contribute to the broader debate over racial and ethnic inequalities in health.

Focusing on many previously untranslated articles in popular national magazines and newspapers, as well as works by prominent racial theorists, this chapter traces how outrage was systematically fomented against Jews in Nazi-era Germany, creating perceived imperatives for drastic discriminatory measures. Rather than locate the core of Nazi antisemitism in historical or psychological factors, this study approaches antisemitism using the theoretical framework of risk communication. The heuristics of risk perception reveal an array of rhetorical tactics that fomented visceral aversion impervious to logical refutation. Portrayals of Jews as embodying maximal and uncontrollable risk, political, academic, and mass media discourse converged on the theme of Jews as posing unacceptable dangers that required progressively more drastic measures to control. The principles of risk communication, especially the means of inflaming outrage, could furnish useful interpretive frames for analyzing current antisemitism and other types of repressive discourse.

Brahmins – who are they . where do they originate from.  Any proper credible verifiable evidence , as to their true origins ? More than 1, 200 clans of Brahmins . Some are considered backward classes . Everyone don’t intermarry , interact .  Some of the Brahmin clans are --- Manu / Modh / Sha / Datta / Valmika / Rai / Bharathavarsha / Mithila / Parashara / Vasishtha / Vyasa / Kar / Kali / Pandit / Salman / Gopinath / Gouthama / Viswamithra / Dhanwanthari . 

Chittpavan Brahmins are said to be Jews – Godse , Savarkar were Chittpavans .
   
Swami Vivekananda ( born Narendranath Datta ) --  extremely racist , one of the Highest degree Freemason , in his time . Groomed and promoted by Freemasons & Knights of Queen of England.  Hero of both Reformed Hinduism & Sanatanis .  Sanata Dharma - promoted  by Freemasons & Theosophists like Annie Besant …. Benares Hindu University was founded by British. They  promoted  Sanskrit .  Madan Mohan Malavya was a just a front man.

How come Indus Valley Civilisation – if at all it existed - is applicable to everyone in the present day massive nation called India?. What is the justification? It must have been practiced by a very small number of people , if at all it existed .   

The opposition  is always controlled . Led by Freemasons. Example = CAA , NCR =  Asaduddin Owaisi whose father was a protégé of Nizam of Hyderabad/ freemason ,who follows- MalcolmX , Maududi.  – ( The All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen or AIMIM (translation: All India Council for Unity of Muslims) ..  has its roots in the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen founded in 1927 in the Hyderabad State of British India .  It was founded and shaped by Nawab Mahmood Nawaz Khan Qiledar of Hyderabad State with the "advice" of Nawab Mir Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad and in the presence of Ulma-e-Mashaeqeen in 1927 as a pro-Nizam party.  Then it was only Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) and the first meeting was held in the house of Nawab Mahmood Nawaz Khan on November 12, 1927.

Robert M. Pirsig et les vérités alternatives. De la nocivité des vaccins jusqu'à la forme plate de la terre, la multiplication des vérités alternatives, parfois cautionnées jusqu'à la Maison Blanche, a de quoi nous intriguer et nous alarmer. Pour tenter d'y voir plus clair, Robert M. Pirsig nous propose une piste qui mérite d'être explorée. Dans son roman philosophique et autobiographique (Traité du zen et de l'entretien des motocyclettes, 1974), c'est la science elle-même qu'il cible :

International audiencePublic policy related to intangible heritage is particularly active and voluntary in Brazil and is characterized by an explicit valorization of its minorities. The specific case of Afro-Brazilians intangible cultural heritage, afro-descent population suffering from a strong discrimination, is addressed here through the study of three intangible cultural heritages: samba de roda, the ciranda of Lia Itamaraca and the jongo. The study of the implementation of those various projects also raises the limitations of these safeguarding programs, whether international, federal or regional. By the way, political and identity issues stressed here fall under one question: Which Nation and which citizenship Brazil aims to implement through its policy of inclusion by means of intangible heritage?La politique publique liée au patrimoine immatériel est particulièrement active et volontaire au Brésil et se caractérise par une volonté de valorisation explicite de ses minorités. ...

Racial health disparities continue to be a serious problem in the United States and have been linked to contextual factors, including racial segregation. In some cases, including breast cancer survival, racial disparities appear to be worsening. Using the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) database, we extend current spatial analysis methodology to derive new, spatially continuous indices of (1) racial bias in mortgage lending and (2) redlining. We then examine spatial patterns of these indices and the association between these new measures and breast cancer survival among Black/African American women in the Milwaukee, Wisconsin metropolitan area. These new measures can be used to examine relationships between mortgage discrimination and patterns of disease throughout the United States.

The paper has been drafted to critically evaluate the heart of darkness and it portrays of Africa and Africans. It has considered Chinua Achebe's criticism of the novel as a means for "dehumanization of Africa and Africans." For the critical evaluation of the assertion different perspective has been taken. The novel has been critically evaluating from the perspective of the Chinua Achebe and other writers. In the later section, the writing of Conrad has been evaluated based on the circumstances and the perspective of that era. Lastly, the assertion has been evaluated based on the period of critics like Chinua Achebe. Reading and evaluating the work of Conrad in the 21 st century is itself a different perspective. When the novel has been published, no critic has pointed out that it's writing to the dehumanization of Africa and Africans. However, in 1902, "An Image of Africa" has been evolved. The critics like Chinua Achebe know that its perspective will be well understood in that period. Though the meaning of the words remains the same the ideas that had been construed from it have to keep on changing based on the period and the circumstances of that era.

A look at a few of the courageous individuals who were harassed, beaten and bombed while testing desegregation court rulings for the Southern United States. They rode buses in May of 1961 in an heroic act of nonviolent protest that helped pave the way for the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Is the SNP failing on race, just like the Westminster parties? The Scottish National Party (SNP) has held the reins of power at Holyrood since 2007. By the end of the SNP's third term in office they will have been in government for more than a decade. With the opinion polls suggesting that victory was all but assured, BBC Newsnight facilitated a discussion prior polling day about whether the SNP had become part of the 'political establishment'. This debate gathered more pace following the First Minister Nicola Sturgeonbeing photographed with a copy of The Sun. In considering this question there is an important area of debate, which is all too often relegated to the periphery of Scottish politics that we might want to consider: the SNP's record on tackling both racism and ethnic inequality. Here there are several ways that we can assess whether the SNP are similar to Labour and the Conservatives: the party's rhetoric; racism within the SNP; ethnic minority representation in the party and the Scottish government; and the progress the SNP have made in terms of tackling both racism and ethnic inequality after two full terms in office. In the years preceding the 2015 referendum on Scottish independence, Alex Salmond and the SNP have sought to articulate an inclusive Scottish nationalism which is all too often contrasted to a 'backward-looking' ethnic sense of Britishness. Such a contrast must be treated with considerable caution. Not only is the SNP's inclusive vision of Scottish nationalism a relatively recent phenomenon, it cannot be completely or cleanly separated from a historically founded imagining that equates Scottishness with whiteness. This can be traced back to the Scotland's role in Slavery and Empire. However, asBrendan McGeever notes, research has shown that 'Scottishness can indeed be imagined as something other than 'white'. In recent times the SNP have offered an important critical voice amidst the desperation and despair of the ongoing refugee crisis. This, of course, should be welcomed, if not commended. This has again reinforced the distinction between the SNP and the Conservative government's inhumane response which, if anything, has only stoked the flames of anti-immigrant political discourse. The SNP's opposition to the Conservative's was again evident after parliament voted down the attempt by MPs to force the British government to offer sanctuary to 3,000 unaccompanied child refugees in Europe. It is in this context that it is regrettable that the current constitutional setup sees Westminster retain control over immigration. Had the 2001 Scotland Act devolved control over immigration to the Scottish parliament, would the SNP maintain or dismantle the racist immigration laws introduced by Conservative and Labour governments in Westminster? Internal party racism and ethnic minority representation is another one terrain upon which we might consider whether the SNP are part of the 'establishment'. Over the last few weeks and months, the Conservatives have used Zac Goldsmith's London Mayoral election campaign to reveal their own deep-seated Islamophobia. At the same time, Labour has been engulfed by accusations of

سه اشکال عمده نژادپرستی، از میان اشکالات بسیاری که به آن وارد است، به طور خلاصه از این قرار است: ۱- اصولا نژاد، به معنای زیست‌شناختی کلمه، وجود ندارد. ۲- برتری نژادی، به معنای زیست‌شناختی کلمه، وجود ندارد. ۳- حتی اگر، به فرض، نژاد (به تلقی زیست‌شناختی) وجود داشته باشد، و حتی اگر به فرض، بتوان نشان داد که نژادی بر همه یا برخی نژادها «برتری همیشگی» یا «موقتی» دارد، چنین امری نمی‌تواند مبنایی برای تبعیض باشد.

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have consistently functioned as engines of social change and racial uplift and are among the few places where Black culture is placed at the forefront, appreciated, and sustained. Today and in the future, it will be paramount for HBCUs to not only embody their eminent legacies of social change, but to also serve as fierce settings that will ultimately champion action-oriented change for Black communities and the society at large. This cannot happen if Black students with additional oppressed identities feel ‘othered’ or shamed among their own within these unique post-secondary environments. In these tentative moments following the election, this work provides a call and challenge to HBCUs to capitalize on their unique abilities to serve as spaces of refuge for Black students, so long as they embrace the full spectrum of Blackness present.

This paper reviews domestic and international activism seeking justice for Romani and other women harmed by coercive, forced, and involuntary sterilization in the former Czechoslovakia and Czech Republic. Framed by Michel Foucault’s theory of biopower, it summarizes the history of these abuses and describes human rights campaigns involving domestic and international litigation, advocacy, and grassroots activism, as well as the responses of the Czech governments. The paper describes how legal and policy work during the past decade has led to recognition of coercive, forced, and involuntary sterilization as a present-day human rights issue worldwide, to the adoption of new guidelines on female sterilization, and to a joint statement on the issue by seven UN agencies. Relying on academic literature, reports by domestic and international human rights groups, state investigations, judgments from Czech courts and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), media reports, and the experience...

http://www.stopwar.org.uk/news-comment/888-the-five-pillars-of-islamophobia-and-the-roots-of-anti-muslim-racism

On a Thursday night, terrorists blew themselves up in the streets of Beirut. The next day, co-ordinated terrorist attacks in des rues of Paris. The same perpetrators targeted Muslims and Christians in the two different capitals.

Just a month ago, it was a moving scene watching European women and men holding signs welcoming refugees arriving at train stations. Thus, the horrific attacks would become even more appalling if there was any truth to the news these terrorists might have hid among refugees to reach France. Especially since refugees found better reception in Europe than anywhere else, including many of the Arab and Muslim countries. And for these terrorists to exploit that hospitality is neither Arab nor a Muslim value.

There could be no rationalisation to the terrorist attacks in Paris or the atrocious murders in Beirut, Baghdad, Damascus or Nigeria. Putting aside our virtuous indignation, however, we mustn’t forget the so-called Islamic State (IS) was the illegitimate child of George Bush’s “birth bangs of democracy.” The misguided US-led Western interventionist policies created the environment that gave birth to the refugees and terrorists.

NOTE: Fareed Khan makes no claim to the authorship of this commentary/article.