Religion and Politics

[Uncorrected Page Proofs] -- Montgomery, David W. 2019. "The Hardest Time Was the Time without Morality": Religion and Social Navigation in Albania. In Everyday Life in the Balkans, edited by David W. Montgomery. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 265-277.

John Skelton is a central literary figure and the leading poet during the first thirty years of Tudor rule. Nevertheless, he remains challenging and even contradictory for modern audiences.

This book aims to provide an authoritative guide to this complex poet and his works, setting him in his historical, religious, and social contexts. Beginning with an exploration of his life and career, it goes on to cover all the major aspects of his poetry, from the literary traditions in which he wrote and the form of his compositions to the manuscript contexts and later reception. Contributors: Tom Betteridge, Julia Boffey, John Burrow, David Carlson, Helen Cooper, Elisabeth Dutton, A.S.G. Edwards, Jane Griffiths, Nadine Kuipers, Carol Meale, John Scattergood, Sebastian Sobecki, Greg Waite

In light of recent "bathroom bills" in several states, this essay addresses gender identity in the Bible, which proponents of the bills claim supports their legislation. However, this essay argues that the Bible challenges many aspects of gender, especially in Roman perspective, and actually supports a more tolerant and communal respect for gender identity and the transgender community as a whole.

Situated within the wider post-secular turn in politics and international relations, this collection focuses not on religion per se, but rather explicitly on theology. Contributions to this volume highlight the political theological foundations of international theory and world politics, explicitly recasting theology and politics as symbiotic discourses with all the risks, promises and open questions this relation may involve. The overarching claim this volume makes is that all politics has theology embedded in it, both in the genealogical sense of carrying ineradicable traces of its theological origins, but also in the more ontological sense of being enacted by alternative configurations of the theologico-political. The book is unique in bringing together a diverse group of scholars, spanning knowledge areas as varied as IR, political theory, philosophy, theology, and history to investigate the complex interconnections between theology and world politics. It will be of interest to students and scholars of political theory, international relations, intellectual history, and political theology.

This essay considers the ways in which an “ethnic studies” analysis might be used to think through issues of tension and conflict between Black and immigrant Muslims, in particular the ways in which those in each group have sought to articulate their visions of Islam in the quest for Muslim American political enfranchisement and social equity. I argue that these
Black-immigrant Muslim relations would be well-served to be examined through the discourse of Black-Asian intersection and comparative racial formation which has emanated mainly from
ethnic and Asian American studies fields. I then propose critical race studies scholar Eric Yamamoto’s application of “restorative justice”—a theory of justice which seeks to repair harm
through a cooperative processes between the parties involved—as a means to facilitate future discussions of racial and ethnic difference between Black and immigrant American Muslim
communities, as well as a framework for how Muslim Americans can productively engage the state in ways that account for the trauma and violence their communities have experienced since
9/11.

This paper deals with the relation between God and the secular legal systems of Western liberal democracies. It provides a normative argument for the compatibility of God and secular legal reasoning. In our age, in which believing in God is no longer socially axiomatic and the right to religious freedom protects all kinds of theistic and non-theistic religious beliefs, creeds, and first philosophies, it seems contrary to religious neutrality for secular legal systems to single out God. This paper instead argues that, although God and religion are inextricably intertwined, they affect the legal system in different ways because they are ontologically different. God cannot be reduced to a mere component of theistic religion. This paper argues that a proper understanding of secularization might call for keeping God outside the legal system but not for driving God out of the public sphere of democratic societies. Secular legal systems are not atheist legal systems. Secular legal systems are legal systems 'without religion' but not 'without God.' Secularization implies some degree of minimal recognition of God as a metalegal concept. The specific degree of recognition of God appropriate for any given political community depends on its cultural and communitarian identity and should be subject to the rules of democratic procedures and majorities. This is the metalegal God.

This article intervenes in the debate on the place of religious arguments in public reason. I advance the debate not by asking whether something called " religious reasons " ought to be invoked in the justification of coercive laws, but by creating a typology of (a) different kinds and forms of religious arguments and, more importantly, (b) different areas of political and social life which coercive laws regulate or about which human political communities deliberate. Religious arguments are of many different kinds, are offered to others in a variety of ways, and the spheres of life about which communities deliberate pose distinct moral questions. Turning back to the public reason debate, I argue then that political liberals ought to be concerned primarily about the invocation of a certain subset of religious reasons in a certain subset of areas of human activity, but also that inclusivist arguments on behalf of religious contributions to public deliberation fail to justify the use of religious arguments in all areas of public deliberation.

This essay was published in The Bible and Early Trinitarian Theology, edited by Christopher A. Beeley and Mark E. Weedman, for the CUAP Studies in Early Christianity (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2018); this is the uncorrected proofs. Exploring the humanity and divinity of Jesus, the Son's relation to the Father, and the agency of the Holy Spirit, it is one of five essays suggesting Johannine contributions to trinitarian discussions in the early church.

Jürgen Habermas und Talal Asad zählen zu den bedeutendsten Protagonisten des Diskurses um die postsäkulare Gesellschaft. In der vorliegenden Arbeit unternehme ich eine vergleichende Lektüre zentraler Schriften beider Autoren. Dabei versuche ich, möglichst präzise zu beschreiben, wie Habermas und Asad einen neuen Blickwinkel auf die Verhältnisbestimmung von Religion und Gesellschaft in der Gegenwart freigeben und plausibilisieren.
Einen zentralen Stellenwert schreibe ich der Tatsache zu, dass hierfür von beiden der Begriff der ‚Übersetzung‘ herangezogen wird. Ziel der Untersuchung ist es folglich, erste systematisierende Vorstöße bezüglich des Begriffspaars ‚Religion übersetzen‘ zu leisten. Dabei gilt es ein Bündel an Forschungsfragen zu beantworten: Wie wird der Begriff der Übersetzung verstanden? In welcher Art und Weise kommt Religion im Werk der Autoren zur Sprache? Auf welche Aspekte der Religion soll sich die Übersetzungsleistung beziehen? Wer sind die Subjekte dieser Übersetzung? Und schließlich, welche Chancen und Probleme bringen die beiden Ansätze für eine politiktheoretische Perspektive auf religiös-gesellschaftliche Fragestellungen mit sich?

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

'Proto-Salafist' 14th century theologian Ibn Taymiyya is recognised as the intellectual forefather of contemporary Salafism and Jihadism. This volume offers a unique approach to the study of Ibn Taymiyya, by offering an English translation of his fundamental political treatise, The Office of Islamic Government, and shorter collections from The Collected Fatwas and The Prophetic Way, and Islamic Governance in Reconciling between the Ruler and the Ruled. The volume not only sheds light on these primary sources through translation and annotation, but also offers a theoretical analysis of Ibn Taymiyya's thought and how his legal viewpoint can be reconciled with current trends in Islamic political theory. The analysis provides an overview of Ibn Taymiyya's geo-political context, and offers an original study of his normative political thought. In examining the contemporary implications of Ibn Taymiyya's political theology, the authors explore his doctrine of the Islamic state in the context of Islamic decolonial theory.

Islam and the State in Ibn Taymiyya will appeal to academics in the fields of political science and religious studies, particularly within the field of Islamic history.

Why do Muslim-majority countries exhibit high levels of authoritarianism and low levels of socio-economic development in comparison to world averages? Ahmet T. Kuru criticizes explanations which point to Islam as the cause of this disparity, because Muslims were philosophically and socio-economically more developed than Western Europeans between the ninth and twelfth centuries. Nor was Western colonialism the cause: Muslims had already suffered political and socio-economic problems when colonization began. Kuru argues that Muslims had influential thinkers and merchants in their early history, when religious orthodoxy and military rule were prevalent in Europe. However, in the eleventh century, an alliance between orthodox Islamic scholars (the ulema) and military states began to emerge. This alliance gradually hindered intellectual and economic creativity by marginalizing intellectual and bourgeois classes in the Muslim world. This important study links its historical explanation to contemporary politics by showing that, to this day, ulema-state alliance still prevents creativity and competition in Muslim countries.

The aim of this study was to investigate the role of minority (Islam and Hinduism) religions in the liberation of South Africa. Though it made extensive use of desktop document analysis, this was supplemented by field research interviews. An equal number of Polokwane based Hindu and Muslim respondents were interviewed. The findings revealed that members of these two religions in Polokwane are few. As distinct racial and religious minority groups, they could not however escape the adverse effects of apartheid. From the findings and by their own admission, they confined themselves mostly to business and other cultural and religious practices. As the liberation struggle unfolded they realized the fortitude of lending their material resources to the campaign and victims alike. Written accounts of these activities in Limpopo are unfortunately sparse and insufficient. Given that the study had its own logistical and other challenges, the need for further research cannot be denied.

Given the prominence of Muslim veils—in particular the hijab and full-face veil—in public discourse concerning the place of Muslims in Western society, we examined their impact on non-Muslims’ responses at both explicit and implicit levels. Results revealed that responses were more negative toward any veil compared with no veil, and more negative toward the full-face veil relative to the hijab: for emotions felt toward veiled women (Study 1), for non-affective attitudinal responses (Study 2), and for implicit negative attitudes revealed through response latency measures (Studies 3a and 3b). Finally, we manipulated the perceived reasons for wearing a veil, finding that exposure to positive reasons for wearing a veil led to better predicted and imagined contact (Study 4). Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.

The cleavage between the secular Kemalists and the political Islamists has been salient throughout the history of Republican Turkey. On the one hand, an identity based on Turkish nationalism and laicisim put forward by the Kemalist elite during the inception of the Republic has been prevalent in state institutions. On the other hand, a movement which aims to revive Islam as an identity both socially and politically has risen in response to this Kemalist project. An important institution established during the early years of the Republic, which aimed at disseminating official Islam, is the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı, DİB). Within the context of the Kemalist-Islamist cleavage, this thesis aims to show how the official Islam adopted by the DİB has changed. Specifically, the DİB has moved from representing the Kemalist idea of Islam to representing the version of Islam adopted by the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), successors to the political Islam movement. The thesis argues that AKP has achieved this change through a process of “desecularization”, once it reached “commanding heights” after the 2010 Constitutional Referendum. To show this change, 696 Friday sermons published by the Istanbul Müftü’s Office (İstanbul İl Müftülüğü) are analyzed using a mixed methods approach. The analysis finds that there is a clear distinction between the two periods analyzed across various themes, such as the idea of the nation, ethnicity, terrorism and science.

The Main subject under study for this research work is “Problems of Nation Building in Pakistan: Issues and Challenges”. For this research work a reference is made to the theory regarding the nation building and its historical perspective. In the case of Pakistan, pre and post independence history is examined and all those factors which are substantial in the formation of nation building process evaluated.

https://journalistethics.com/
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This publication is about the Deep State and pursues four core objectives.

This book: 

• Defines the notion of the so-called ‘Deep State’;
• Outlines 101 tools that the Deep State uses to achieve short-term objectives;
• Analyzes the mechanisms that the Deep State uses to pursue its arch objective;
• Synthesizes an original diagram that summarizes the Deep State’s modus operandi.

This book is written for those with zero to little knowledge of the ‘Deep State’. It analyzes credible sources that claim a Deep State apparatus exists. Much discussion is cutting-edge. The Deep State’s existence has not mainstreamed in public knowledge during pre- or recorded history.

This book synthesizes the consensus that appears in various public sources. Examples include mainstream and alternative media reports, scholarly publications and institutional documents. Discussions are Western-centric. They focus on power structures in Europe, the Near East (e.g. Israel) and the United States of America (USA). These are the core locations of Deep State bases.

This book aims to arm readers with the tools required to form their own opinions. Much language in this book unambiguously informs the audience of the author’s informed opinions. May critical readers conduct their own independent research and always draw their own conclusions.

Under Turkey’s neoconservative government, the Directorate of Religious Affairs deploys state-employed religious functionaries to provide Sunni Muslim citizens with advice and guidance on family life. By inculcating government-sanctioned sensibilities and dispositions related to kinship, these Islamic authorities have become instrumental to extending state power into the domestic lives of the religious majority. This particular entwinement of religion with state power is no aberration. Indeed, the Turkish case reveals a contradiction that lies at the heart of secular governance: the continuing involvement of religion in the politics of the family despite the assumed separation of religion and politics. Secular states may appropriate religious discourses and authority in regulating intimacy and the family while aligning these with biopolitical rationalities, as well as with secular laws and expertise. [secularism, kinship, family, intimacy, governmentality, the state, expertise, Islam, Turkey].

Selefilik beşe ayrılır. Sahabiler, Tabin, tebeyi tabinle, Selefi Salihin ilk saf çeşidi idi. Hakiki Müslümanlardı. Bu dönemin Abdülkadir Geylani’nin tarikatları kurumsallaştırmasına kadar sürdüğü varsayılabilir. İslam’ın altın çağındaki alimler, ‘2. Selefi Türü’ oluşturuyor. İbni Arabi bir selefi idi. Mevlana Rumi'ye, İmam Rabbani'ye kadar devam etti. Suudi devleti 3. Tür üzerine devletleşti ve İngiliz istihbaratı altınlarıyla Osmanlı nefreti ve aşırı Arap milliyetçiliği doktrini üzerine bir dikta rejimi kurdu. Şiddet Vehhabisi, 4. çeşididir ve kaynağını Hanbeli ekolünden gelen Şii karşıtlığına dayalı İbni Teymiye Kur’an yorumundan alır! ABD'nin Suudi Arabistan'da 5 askeri üs kurması, 1979'de Sovyetlerin Afganistan'ı işgali ve Humeyni'nn İran'da Şii darbesi ile başlar. Üsame Bin Ladin gibi zengin ve eğitimli Selefi çocuklarını CIA ustalıkla kullanmıştır. El Kaida bu projenin adıdır. Bağdat’ı işgal eden Hülagu komutasındaki Moğol ordusunda Şii alim Nasreddin Tusi’nin başdanışman olması Hanbeli Sünni İslam’ın da keskin tepkilere neden oldu. İbni Teymiye tefsiri bu travmanın ürünü olduğu için aşırı Şii karşıtıdır. Ladin ise Şii karşıtı değildi, batı karşıtı idi.
Selefeliğin ilk iki çeşidi Asrı Saadet İslam’ına dönme ve ayakta tutma, İslam’ı evrensel kılma akımlarıdır. Vehhabi İslam’ı İngiliz ürünüdür. IŞİD, bir Vehhabi İslam’ı öcüsüdür. IŞİD, ‘petrodolarlar’la 1980’lerde CIA’nın devletsiz yapıda kurdurduğu El Kaida’nın devlete dönüştürülmüş son global ve yerel kötü silahıdır. 5. türrdür, 2009'da Ürdün'de tezgahlanmıştır. Suudi Arabistan  kraliyet Vehhabi rejimi ile uzun yıllara dayanan ilişkiler sonucu Abdullah Gül, Ahmed Davutoğlu ve Erdoğan üçlüsünün hastalıklı siyasal İslam çizgisinden böyle bir anomali doğması destek çıkması normaldi. Ancak herkesin desteklediği ayrı bir IŞİD öcüsü var! IŞİD, yeni kolonicilerin haritaları petrol, gaz ve su kaynaklarına göre aralarında paylaşırken, Müslümanları bölme, parçalama ve yutma projesinin kirli adıdır. Sünni İslam'a saldırı ve ihanet projedisidir.  Büyük Kürdistan'ı kurmakla neticelenecek IŞİD projesi, bir mezhep savaşıyla Müslümanları birbirine kırdırmayı da amaçlıyor. Batılı kolonicilerin yeni imtiyazlar alarak bölgeyi sömürmesine yol açan IŞİD projesine destek verenler, büyük bir ihanet içinde olan Batılı kolonicilerin kuklalarıdır. Gerisi lafı güzaf...

Bu eserde, Pakistanlı general Abdurrahim’in tüm dünyaya yaydığı Barnaba İncil’inin çarpıcı bölümlerin Türkçesini diğer İncillerle karşılaştırmalı olarak ilk defa masaya yatırıyoruz.
Pakistan’daki Begüm Aisha Bawany Vakfı tarafından kitap haline getirilerek İslâm dünyasına kazandırılan bu eserin derinlemesine tahlilini yapıyoruz. Tevhid eri olan Barnaba ile bugunkü Hristiyanlığın kurucusu Pavlus ve kilise sistemini kuran ilk papa Simon Petrus’un Hıristiyanlığını kıyaslıyoruz.
Son bulunan üç ayrı nüsha Barnaba İncil’lerinin etrafında son yıllarda büyük bir fırtına koparıldı. “Barnabas İncili” nüshalarının içeriği ve bunların tam olarak ortaya çıkarılamaması için yurt dışı ve dışı fesat şebekesi elinden geleni ardına koymadı.
Ne yazık ki henüz bu nüshaların tam metni henüz gün yüzüne çıkarılamadı. Tercüme edilen 19 sayfada da tevhitten başka bir şey yoktur. Zikrullah vardır. İbadet etmenin önemi, Allah’a eş koşmama vardır. Elbette piyasada ulaşılabilen ile arşivlerde saklanan arasında tam karşılaştırma şansına sahip değiliz.
Hristiyan literatüründe Barnaba İncili'nin adı nerede geçmişse, oraya bir muhalefet şerhi konmuş,
bu İncil'in, sahte ve uydurma olduğu, dolayısıyla reddedilmesi gerektiği ileri sürülmüştür. Hattâ
bu İncil'in, bir müslümanın hayal gücünün bir eseri olduğu iddia edilmiştir.
Barnaba İncili'nin Müslümanlar tarafından uydurulduğunu iddia eden Hıristiyanlık dünyası, esas
itibariyle bu tavırlarıyla havarisi oldukları ilim ve araştırma rûhuyla zıtlaşma içindedir.
Barnaba İncilinin sırrı er geç çözülecek ve Hristiyan dünyasında büyük bir çatlak, kırılma veya
yırtılma oluşturacak ve hakiki İsevileri İslam dünyasına yakınlaştıracaktır.
Ne var ki, İncil gökten yeniden inse ve bu orijinal nüshada Efendimizi müjdeleyen ayetler
halihazırda elimizdeki Barnaba İncilinde bulunan ayetler gibi apaçık görülse de, onlar, bu eski
inatları yüzünden inkarlarında ısrar edeceklerdir.
Tabii, bir gün bulunan bu İncil nüshası gün yüzüne çıktığında, tarihin yeniden yazılması da
kaçınılmaz olacaktır. Ve o gün bazıları şimdiye kadar yazdıklarından, söylediklerinden utanarak
saklanacak birer delik arayacaklardır.
Çünkü Barnaba bu incili Pavlus’la ayrılmasından sonra Kutsal kitabı değiştirmiş oldukları için
Nikolaycıların komplosuna karşı yazmıştı. Bugünkü Hıristiyan kilisesi, Nikolaycıların izindeydi,
bu nedenle Barnaba İncili’ni reddediyordu.Asıl geçerli “İbrahimi” inancın mirasçısı değildi.
Grek-Roma kültürü Yahudi dinsel iman içeriğini senkretizme (dinleri birbirine karıştırma) ile
şekillenmişti. Sezar'ın yaptığı gibi bir insanı Tanrı olarak onurlandırma çabası, Kutsal Üçlübirlik
doğması gibi putperest kaynaklara dayanıyordu.
Hristiyanlık ve Müslümanlık, ortak noktada tevhid esasında buluşacaksa Barnaba İncil’inin bu
sürece katkısı olacaktır. Asırlarca haçlı seferleri ile dinsizliği temsil eden savaş grubu tarafından
savaştırılan iki din mensuplarına muhtemel Barnaba açılımını sunuyoruz.

Global ve yerli  İlluminati, ülkemizde taktik değiştirdi ve ilk defa muhafazakar insanları ve Kürtleri de bünyeye aldı ve ülkenin gerçek sahiplerine karşı savaşımı sürdürüyor. Ergenekon soruşturmasında, örgütün dış istihbarat örgütleriyle ve masonlarla bağlantısı olduğuna polis ulaştı ama üzerine gidilemedi. Çarklar tersine dönüyordu, masonların çöküşü, Ergenekon'u ve içimize yerleştirdikleri baronlara ve askeri vesayete dayalı derin gücü bitirebilirdi. Bu nedenle ahtapotun bir parçası kesilerek yeni  bir yapı kuruldu, adına da Göktürk denildi. Ve Ergenekon ile savaş sona erdi. Bundan sonra AK Parti derin devletin üzerine gitmeyecekti, ittifak kurarak Türkiye'yi yıkacaktı. Başörtülü AKP ve Erdoğan ile ezilecekti. Bu Herc ü Merc'i kim durduracaktı? Şeytan mı kazanacaktı, yoksa Hz. İsa yeniden gelip hakem olacak ve adaleti mi sağlayacaktı. Şeytanları bilmeden, melekleri tanıyamazsınız.

This article combines historical and philosophical analysis to examine and critique the ideas motivating Christian conservative legal activism. Such activists routinely claim to be motivated by a Christian worldview, which they define as a comprehensive explanation of reality that determines all their thinking and action, including their legal activism and argumentation. Examination of the historical and philosophical roots of the concept of worldview identified by Christian thinkers reveals two understandings of the concept: an analytic tool for rationally comparing the evidence for different social philosophies, and a pre-theoretical lens that determines what counts as evidence in the first place. Christian conservatives have largely favored the first sense of worldview as a tool to understand issues like sexuality and gender identity in an essentialist way and to demonstrate with foundationalist logic the rational superiority of their legal conclusions about these issues. However, a comparison of the Christian conservative worldview and the queer theory worldview illustrates how this understanding of worldview as a tool fails because there is no neutral perspective outside of any worldview, from which one could examine and compare one to another. The idea of worldview as a pre-theoretical, historically, and socially contingent lens can be more productive. Embracing this notion of worldview in a personalist way is necessary to build a culture of dialogue that uses narrative to pursue the truth while also respecting and honoring the different perspectives from which these narratives are told.

This article discusses the tradition of Western Marxism-focusing upon key differences between Antonio Gramsci and the Frankfurt School-in an effort to suggest what it is about this tradition that accounts for its widespread appropriation in contemporary Christian political thought. The work of the Frankfurt School and Gramsci is representative of the shift within Marxism toward a concern with the politics of consciousness, the political-ideological role of intellectuals, the relation of theory and praxis, and the theorization of domination in advanced capitalist societies. These are concerns that serve as a bridge between Western Marxism and the Christian political ethics of such writers as Jose Miguez Bonino, Cornel West, and Charles Davis. Yet there remain important differences between the Frankfurt School and Davis on the one hand and Miguez Bonino, West, and Gramsci on the other. These differences can be seen in their divergent understandings of the nature and purpose of thought and in their divergent analyses of the relation between the state and civil society.

عنوان کتاب: کارکرد سیاسی دین در هندوستان معاصر (هندوئیسم و اسلام)
نویسنده: صباح مفیدی
مجموعه اندیشه سیاسی
ناشر: نگاه معاصر
شابک: 9786226189897
سال انتشار: 1398
قطع کتاب: رقعی
جلد کتاب: شومیز
تعداد صفحات: 396 صفحه
قیمت: 60000 تومان


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BJP again back in Delhi with a hyper-majority 128 of 181 seats. Almost 85% which means only 15% percent people were not given the vote to MODI. But without didn't work, how can BJP won the Delhi again? While two years ago similarly AAP has won the same type of majoritarian vote. Surely AAP has lost their credential front of the Delhites. what about that promises which were taken by our hero Kejriwal. We can not neglect the AAP government works which are more ground related developments such as education and health also these works are highly recommended by the international agencies despite AAP has been losing popularity since two years. are MODI wave did work in Delhi election also? as we also seen in UP election. Here media play an important role to make pro-BJP consciousness among the Delhi people. If you see the timing of UP and Delhi election which happened within one and half month, since UP election in which BJP has won, news channels continuously telecast the YOGI ADITYANATH decision and policies and try to portray him as a hero. for this reason, Delhi population started believing over the BJP. However, rest of the wards where BJP was not won, mostly are Muslim majority areas such as Okhla, Ajmeri gate, Khureji, etc. it means BJP clearly won by a particular community. Because traditionally BJP is a right wing party. In UP election, BJP had not given a single ticket to the Muslim leaders, which shows BJP played their traditional communal card in UP election. Delhi also captured by these conservative things and lost their one and only chance to maintain civic administration. now the chance has increased in which state administration would be demolished because central government agenda is clear, they want a complete BJP occupied nation-state. Now the time has come in which we can say that religion is more important than any other issues such as sanitization, primary health and education etc. during the election we see in