Shoah

A chronology of all measures introduced by the National Socialist municipal administration and other perpetrator agencies against the Berlin Jews. The day by day chronicle, based on many hitherto unknown sources, provides the reader with a detailed and graphic picture of how the exclusion of the Jews from all spheres of public life unfolded over time and who was responsible for it. The introduction discusses the overlooked importance of local institutions for the radicalization of the persecution in the capital of the Third Reich, yet also touches upon the reactions and resistance of the Jews.

In his recent prose, Peter Krištúfek repeatedly returns to the traumas of the 20th century. In terms of a literarry treatment of the subjekct of Shoah, it is a typpologically well-known and much used storyline. The basic question that remains about the Post-November processin is how to talk about the traumas of the twentieth century. Fictional narratives about the Holocaust in contemporary literature are very actual historical testimony, but rather of the limits represented by the author's stratégy in such historical fictions This is the case of Krištúfek's novel Ema a smrtihlav (2014). Krištúfek's narrative recedes from so-called traumatized literature. The reader perceives the text as a statement of solidarity from ordinary people. The narration is based more on psychology of the characters than the historical vents that, without a deeper stressing the symbolism of Jewish destiny, expresses a desire for an aesthetic update.

"Imme Klages untersucht am Beispiel von Fred Zinnemanns
Film The Search, der 1947 u.a. in den Ruinen von
Nürnberg gedreht wurde, welche Rolle die jüdischen
Kinder als Laienschauspieler und Überlebende der Shoa
spielten. In ihrem Beitrag »But not a single one that tells
the story of Jews as Jews« – Jüdische Kinder als Laienschauspieler
in Fred Zinnemanns Film The Search (1948) analysiert die Filmwissenschaftlerin, welche nationalen
Identifikationen zu dieser Zeit bestanden und warum die
Kinder nicht als explizit jüdische Kinder auftreten sollten.

Call for Contributions (Edited Volume) and Workshop Announcement
Date and time: 12 November 2021 (Tue.), 10:00-17:00 MET (online).
Interested scholars may submit abstracts (of up to 250 words) to the organizers (rueckej@hhu.de) by 30 September 2021.

We invite contributions to an edited volume titled “Gendering Fascism” and hope for theoretically grounded empirical case studies within the time frame of the 1920s through the 1940s. Taking gender seriously means asking questions about the functions that gendered individuals, institutions and imaginaries fulfil in the emergence and the politics of
fascisms, and how these politics in turn shape ideas and manifestations of gender. This includes but also goes beyond highlighting the presence or absence of women in fascist
movements or regimes. We encourage contributors to trace the sometimes contradictory representations of gender as they appear in imaginaries, media and political strategies, in ways that suit the advancement of power.

In occasione della GIORNATA DELLA MEMORIA 27 GENNAIO 2021  L'incontro è volto a ripensare, in occasione della Giornata della memoria, la questione della Shoah in prospettiva interdisciplinare. Il dialogo tra giuristi, storici, filosofi e studiosi della storia dell'arte permetterà di aprire nuovi orizzonti su di un passato che offre ancora notevoli spunti per interrogarci sulle responsabilità di ieri e di oggi.

La questione antropologica è sicuramente uno dei temi più dibattuti all'interno degli studi filosofici attorno all'opera di Primo Levi. L'obbiettivo del presente contributo è quello di offrire una lettura darwiniana del modo in cui lo scrittore torinese ha definito il complesso rapporto tra umano e non-umano. A mio parere, analizzare il pensiero antropologico di Levi a partire dalle tesi psicologico-evoluzioniste esposte da Darwin in The Descent of Man permette infatti di risolvere le contraddizioni e le aporie in cui sembrano cadere alcune interpretazioni post-umaniste e umaniste. L'ipotesi di un Primo Levi 'lettore di The Descent of Man' verrà qui indagata sia dal punto di vista filologico sia da quello argomentativo e concettuale.

Sceneggiatura che narra la storia vera di Leone Benyacar, ebreo salvato da Margherita Zanchi (Giusta d'Israele) e don Primo Mazzolari. La memoria del bene si interseca con una vicenda di dissimulazione, di alterità necessitata ma anche di confronto religioso e accoglienza. Leone, divenuto cieco, si converte infine al cattolicesimo e al culto di Maria, madre di Gesù.

ONLINE COST-FREE DIGITAL EDITION. HEBREW. 200 PAGES. 86 PICTURES. NAME INDEX INCLUDED. FIRST EDITION 2016. OVER.35,000 READS COMBINED in the 3 LANGUAGES EDITIONS (ENGLISH, POLISH, HEBREW). >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
    גובר מתאר השיטה-הגרמנית לטבח 2.5 מיליון יהודים בבורות-הריגה ויישומה בלומאזי, כפר במזרח פולין בחודש אוגוסט 1942. באמצעות בורות-ההריגה טבחו הגרמנים וסייעניהם 2.5 מיליון יהודים, 40% מתוך 6 מיליוני היהודים אשר נרצחו בשואה. אינדקס-שמות מלא נמצא בסוף הספר
The 2016 paperback edition by MEIR Halevi GOVER (c).
This full Hebrew Edition is now published online for cost-free downloads.
IN ORDER TO TRACE SPECIFIC SURNAMES, YOU MAY WANT TO GO FIRST TO THE NAME INDEX AT THE END OF THIS BOOK.

ספר במהדורת כריכה רכה וגם במהדורה מקוונת יצא-לאור בשנת 2016, פרי מקלדתו של מאיר הלוי גובר. בשנת 2017 יצאה-לאור מהדורה מקוונת בשפה האנגלית: בשנת 2018 נוספה גם מהדורה מקוונת בשפה הפולנית. הספר 'יהודים
רגילים' מתאר שלב אחר שלב את הטבח המצמרר של 1,800 יהודים, כל יהודיי הכפר לומאזי במזרח פולין, ביום 18 באוגוסט 1942. הספר מתייחס לשלוש נקודות-מבט ייחודיות ופרטניות: נקודת המבט היהודית של הניצול היהודי היחיד אשר הצליח להימלט ערום כביום-היוולדו משפת בור-ההריגה; נקודת המבט הפולנית של עד-הראייה הפולני היחיד שנותר, וגם מנקודת המבט הגרמנית של הרוצחים הגרמנים ושל עוזריהם האוקראינים והפולנים. שלוש נקודות-מבט שונות אשר מתארות את אותו האירוע - אותו הטבח מתואר משלוש זוויות-ראייה שונות: הקורבנות היהודים באמצעות עדות הניצול היהודי הבודד משפת-הבור; העד הפולני היחיד לטבח והרוצחים הגרמנים וסייעניהם. האם ייתכן כי נקודות-המבט לא היו בעצם כה שונות? קיראו בעצמכם

"If the international Finance-Jewry inside and outside of Europe should succeed in plunging the peoples of the earth once again into a world war, the result will be ...the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe." Hitler's speech to the Reichstag, January 30, 1939.

"Europe" as defined by Hitler himself, was "the European nations and their overseas possessions," inclusive of "French Morocco," "French Algeria," "French Tunisia" - "French North Africa" also called "France" (see maps 1, 2, 3), and Italian Libya/Italy N. Africa (Libya)." The Jews of European North Africa, in Vichy-North Africa and in Italian Libya/North Africa were part of "the Jews of Europe" that the Nazi regime wanted to annihilate in its "Final Solution to the Jewish question in Europe."

Inscindibile dalle vicende della Germania nazista, la musica scandì l'ascesa e il crollo del regime hitleriano, assumendo un ruolo di preminenza assoluta su tutte le arti. Que-sto libro ne indaga l'intimo intreccio con la politica tedesca tra il 1933 e il 1945, analizzandone le tappe principali: i presupposti; l'epurazione di ebrei e oppositori politici; la costruzione del «mito» del Terzo Reich da parte dei musicologi; l'ascesa e la caduta di nuovi e vecchi astri; l'effimero tentativo di colmare il vuoto lasciato dalle epurazioni; in-fine, la sorprendente organizzazione musicale del sistema concentrazionario. Accanto alle vicende dei musicisti ebrei, vittime predestinate e oggetto delle più gravi vessazioni, emerge un groviglio indistricabile di partigianerie e atti di resistenza, fedeltà cieca al regime e op portunismo, invidie e ri-valità tra potenti, sullo sfondo della più spa-ventosa tragedia collettiva del XX secolo.

"If the international Finance-Jewry inside and outside of Europe should succeed in plunging the peoples of the earth once again into a world war, the result will be ...the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe." Hitler's speech to the Reichstag, January 30, 1939. "Europe" as defined by Hitler himself, was "the European nations and their overseas possessions," inclusive of "French Algeria" and its French departments," the French protectorates of Morocco and Tunisia" - also called "France" (see maps 1, 2, 3), and Italian Libya/Italy N. Africa (Libya)."
France: Metropolitan France and its overseas territories/possessions (territoires d’outre-mer); officially the French Republic (French: République française) is a sovereign country in Western Europe that includes several overseas regions and territories. Metropolitan France and Overseas France together form what is officially called the French Republic.

Metropolitan France (French: France métropolitaine or la Métropole – as used by General de Gaulle in 1941) is the part of France located in continental Europe. It is also referred to as "continental France, "mainland France" (as used by Renée Poznanski, expert on the Shoah in France), or as the French mainland.

La France d'outre-mer, or l'Outre-mer (Overseas France) is the collective name for French territories outside 'mainland France.' Because of its proximity to mainland France, French North Africa was considered "le prolongement de la France" and "an extension of Europe."

Análisis de la conferencia sobre el holocausto gitano impartida por la catedrática por la Universidad de Sevilla María Sierra, el 16 de abril de 2021. En dicha conferencia se comentó la persecución y los diversos castigos a los que fueron sometidos los miembros de la comunidad romaní bajo el gobierno nacionalsocialista y sus efectos posteriores.

סדרה של תמונות שצולמו - ככל הנראה - כדי לתעד את ההריסה הזדונית בידי הנאצים ועוזריהם של בית הכנסת הגדול והמפואר שנבנה בעיר בעלזא על ידי אבי השלשלת כ"ק מרן מהר"ש זי"ע ונהרס בתקופת המלחמה העולמית השניה

Analysis of a series of photographs of the systematic and deliberate destruction of the famous Belz Synagogue by the Nazis and their collaborators during World War 2

Troisième roman de Gilles Rozier qui le fait remarquer sur la scène littéraire mondiale, Un amour sans résistance (2003) présente une de ces histoires saisissantes du sauvetage des Juifs persécutés pendant l’Occupation. Le sujet, galvaudé par des récits tant authentiques que fictifs, qui ne cessent d’affluer malgré le temps qui s’est écoulé de ces terribles événements, est traité ici sur une approche originale, fondée essentiellement sur l’idée d’ambiguïté. Assurée par un narrateur homodiégétique qui, a posteriori, raconte son vécu, la narration s’effectue sur un mode équivoque et se présente comme une variante de la unreliable narration : tout en révélant les faits, elle dissimule soigneusement un détail substantiel qui sert à monter l’intrigue romanesque. À cette ambiguïté narrative en viennent se joindre d’autres, concernant la posture morale du narrateur. Détectables surtout à travers ses comportements contradictoires envers les occupants et les occupés, elles se manifestent également dans sa manière particulière de raconter dont les réticences, un ton neutre et un style sobre¬ – procédés typiques de l’écriture blanche propre aux témoignages de la Shoah – n’ont ici rien à voir avec l’incapacité de dire l’horreur de la guerre mais révèlent plutôt une attitude inintelligible, entre cynisme et détachement pathologique de la réalité. En s’appuyant sur quelques théories de la narration non fiable et sur les travaux choisis concernant les narrations de la Shoah, le présent article se propose d’analyser la double ambiguïté romanesque dans Un amour sans résistance pour démontrer la manière dont elle contribue à rejouer autrement la problématique de l’extermination des Juifs et rappeler encore une fois à travers un texte déroutant cet épisode honteux de l’Histoire de l’humanité.

“Credo che Auschwitz chiami in causa il futuro, ancor più del passato”. Eraldo Affinati sancisce così la necessità di rievocare una delle più grandi tragedie del Novecento quale monito per le nuove generazioni, perpetuando l’invito di Primo Levi ad intendere la storia dei campi di sterminio come un “sinistro segnale di pericolo”.
Come avviene in Affinati la consegna del testimone del ricordo?Quale percorso distingue uno scrittore testimone indiretto dai superstiti che hanno narrato la loro personale tragedia? Quali sono le strategie adottate da Affinati per evitare che la memoria si perda nell’assuefazione al dolore, fenomeno sempre più ordinario al giorno d’oggi? A questi interrogativi tenta di rispondere il presente saggio. All'analisi "Campo del sangue", seguirà una riflessione di natura filosofica e socio-antropologica, che, attingendo da Jean Baudrillard, Hannah Arendt, Enzo Traverso e Annette Wieviorka tra gli altri, consentirà di rilevare l’impatto che l’evento concentrazionario sortisce nella società attuale e, soprattutto, le contromisure da adottare affinché, come paventa Baudrillard, la commemorazione non si opponga alla memoria.

A íntegra do livreto, organizado por mim, que acompanhou o espetáculo poético "...busco por palavras que não existem..." - A poesia polonesa perante o Holocausto e o Seminário "Jan Karski e os Justos entre as Nações do Mundo". O livreto contém textos introdutórios, biogramas dos Justos e as traduções de minha autoria das poesias de Jerzy Ficowski e ensaio de Marek Bieńczyk sobre Jan Karski.

The full booklet organized by me accompanying the poetical spectacle "...I search for the words that not exist" - Polish poetry facing the Holocaust, and the
and the Seminar "Jan Karski and the Righteous among the Nations of the World" . The booklet contains introductory texts, biographic notes of the Righteous and of my own translations of poetry of Jerzy Ficowski and essay by Marek Bieńczyk about Jan Karski.

Front page, table of contents and introductory article to an edited volume of a conference at Yad Vashem in December 2010.  Includes an introductory article by the editor: 'Beyond "Righteous Among the Nations" and "Altruism": On Rescuers and Rescue Activities During the Shoah

A publication of a Holocaust diary from the Nowogródek ghetto in Western Belarus. The document was written in eloquent Hebrew by an unknown man named Beinish Berkowicz, from April 1942 until January 1943, two weeks before the liquidation of the ghetto. The diary was smuggled from the ghetto by a non-Jewish friend of the author and made its way to the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw. Over the years, the original has been lost, and only an error-ridden, barely legible copy survives. The text published here is based on a meticulous study of the document, with many of its errors and omissions corrected. The Hebrew version of the article contains the original Hebrew (and Yiddish) text, and the English version provides a translation. Both versions have an introduction and annotations to the text.

Urdu Playwright and theatre director Afaq Almas is ready with a theatrical dramatization in Urdu of Susan Masotty's English translation of the Diary of Anne Frank. The diary itself is yet to be translated into Urdu, the lingua franca of linguistically diverse South Asian Muslims who make up one third of the global Muslim population. Certain sections of them deny or minimize the Holocaust. Overall there is widespread ignorance of the Holocaust in South Asia. Afaq Almas's endeavour would be a great remedial measure. He also intends to stage the play in all major cities of India and elsewhere in South Asia, though he has little idea as to how he will manage the funds to cover the expenses involved.

Theodor Adorno‟s statement that to write poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric exemplifies the artists‟ loss for representational paradigms after the horrors of World War II. This issue is especially relevant when it comes to children‟s literature, and much scholarship has discussed whether conflicts and genocides should be suitable topics for the younger addressees. Published in 1971, Judith Kerr‟s When Hitler Stole Pink Rabbit is an interesting case. In this article I argue that Kerr‟s book is a semi-autobiographical story which raises interesting considerations concerning representation, memory, language and discourse. I explain how, by telling the story of a nine-year old asylum-seeker, Kerr‟s novel reveals a dual tension between the need for those who survived the Shoah to elaborate trauma, and the role of testimonial literature in counterbalancing the risks of narratives of denial. I also suggest that, by portraying such events from a child‟s perspective, the novel focuses on the way refugee children attempt at defining their own identity once they leave their homeland and must settle in a host country.

À la suite d'Arendt et de Heidegger, le national-socialisme a été réinterprété comme un révélateur de la modernité technicienne au point que l'institution nazie des camps de concentration et d'extermination s'est vue érigée en paradigme de cette modernité. Cette vision postmoderne de l'histoire du XX e siècle mérite d'être interrogée 2. Il importe également d'élucider une question bien actuelle, qui met en jeu les références intellectuelles sur lesquelles appuyer un enseignement portant sur la Shoah. Comment se fait-il en effet que Heidegger, ce professeur et recteur national-socialiste interdit d'enseignement en 1945, a pu conquérir une audience planétaire telle que sa pensée, au lieu d'être reconnue comme un cas exemplaire, dans le champ philosophique, de la vision du monde ou Weltanschauung nationale-socialiste dont ses écrits font l'éloge 3 , est devenue au contraire une source d'inspiration pour penser le nazisme ? De quelle réception at -il bénéficié pour que, du penseur nazi qu'il est à l'évidence, il se soit vu conférer le statut de penseur du nazisme, ce qui est tout autre chose ? Bref, comment en est-on venu à soutenir, aujourd'hui encore, que la philosophie aurait besoin de l'auteur des Cahiers noirs pour « penser la Shoah » ? Que l'étude de l'extermination nazie suppose celle d'auteurs nationaux-socialistes aussi radicaux que Heidegger et qui ont explicitement légitimé cette extermination 4 , cela est justifié, mais 1 Emmanuel Faye est professeur de philosophie moderne et contemporaine à l'université de Rouen-Normandie. Il a publié notamment Heidegger, l'introduction du nazisme dans la philosophie (Paris, Albin Michel, 2005 ; Le Livre de Poche, 2007, traduit en six langues), le collectif international Heidegger, le sol, la communauté, la race (Paris, Beauchesne, 2014) et Arendt et Heidegger, extermination nazie et destruction de la pensée (Paris, Albin Michel, 2016). 2 Dans cet esprit, cet article prolonge et complète un essai récemment consacré à l'étude des relations intellectuelles entre Hannah Arendt et son ancien professeur (Faye, Arendt et Heidegger, op. cit.). À la suite d'un premier ouvrage destiné à montrer, à partir de deux séminaires inédits, que la vision du monde nationale-socialiste s'inscrivait dans les fondements mêmes de la pensée heideggérienne (Heidegger, l'introduction du nazisme dans la philosophie, op. cit.), Arendt et Heidegger s'interroge sur les conditions de la réception planétaire de Heidegger et fait le point sur les révélations apportées par la publication des premiers Cahiers noirs. 3 Martin Heidegger enseigne par exemple en 1933-1934 que « lorsque aujourd'hui le Führer parle sans cesse de la rééducation en direction de la vision du monde nationale-socialiste, cela ne signifie pas inculquer n'importe quel slogan mais produire une transformation totale, un projet mondial sur le fondement duquel il éduque le peuple tout entier ». (Gesamtausgabe vol. 36/37, Francfort, Klostermann, 2001, p. 225). 4 Heidegger a appelé ses étudiants à préparer sur le long terme et à se donner pour but l'« extermination totale » de l'ennemi intérieur incrusté dans la racine du peuple (Gesamtausgabe vol. 36/37, op. cit., p. 90-91) et en 1941, dans ses Cahiers noirs, il a fait l'éloge de la politique nazie contraignant l'ennemi à procéder à sa propre « auto-extermination » (Gesamtausgabe vol. 96, Francfort, Klostermann, 2014, p. 260).

Competenze attivate Collaborare e partecipare Sviluppare il pensiero critico e consapevole Discutere e argomentare Acquisire e interpretare l'informazione Impostare un dibattito critico IL TEMA Il 27 gennaio 1945 i sovietici entrarono nel lager di Auschwitz, in Polonia, e lo liberarono. Di lì a pochi mesi la Seconda guerra mondiale si sarebbe definitivamente conclusa ma, per far luce sullo sterminio di quasi sei milioni di ebrei nei campi nazisti-nonché sul massacro dei deportati militari e politici, degli omosessuali, dei Rom e dei Sinti e di altre categorie di civili-ci sarebbero voluti anni di studi, ricerche, raccolta di memorie e di dati. Dal 2000 il Parlamento italiano ha stabilito il Giorno della memoria per le vittime della Shoah <<al fine di ricordare la Shoah (sterminio del popolo ebraico), le leggi razziali, la persecuzione italiana dei cittadini ebrei, gli italiani che hanno subìto la deportazione, la prigionia, la morte, nonchè coloro che, anche in campi e schieramenti diversi, si sono opposti al progetto di sterminio, ed a rischio della propria vita hanno salvato altre vite e protetto i perseguitati>>. Nel 2005, anche l'Onu, con la risoluzione 60/7, ha istituito la Giornata internazionale di commemorazione in memoria delle vittime dell'Olocausto, riaffermando il rifiuto di <<qualsiasi negazione dell'Olocausto come evento storico, in toto o in parte>>. Il ricordo delle persecuzioni e dello sterminio del popolo ebraico è divenuto oggi un momento per riflettere pubblicamente, e non solo fra gli storici, sull'enorme portata degli eventi che si verificarono fra gli anni trenta e quaranta del Novecento, ma negli ultimi anni, la discussione sulla Shoah non è sempre stata seria e puntuale, come ci ricorda la storica Valentina Pisanty evidenziando una varietà di "usi impropri" della memoria, fra banalizzazione e negazionismo, da un lato, e "sacralizzazione", dall'altro. DEBATE Perché ricordare?