Terrorism

This work reflects on how the representation of the Arab world has evolved in three fictional works that have emerged in the second decade of the 21st century: Homeland (Showtime Networks, 2011-2020), Tyrant (FX Network-Fox, 2014-2016), and Jack Ryan (Amazon Prime Video, 2018-). The goal is to determine whether the main socio-political milestones that occurred during this period (the Arab Spring, Syrian Civil War, appearance of ISIS, etc.) have transformed the already classic theories of authors such as Edward Said, Jack Shaheen, or Evelyn Alsultany, among others. A viewing and analysis of the first season of each show demonstrates that the panorama has not improved in terms of discourse, topics, and stereotypes. It is clear, therefore, that the lens of 9/11 is still very present in the Hollywood mindset regarding Arabs, Muslims, and Islam.

The focus of this book is ultimately to present a clear and succinct view of what psychological research has revealed about terrorists and terrorism. The results are often disturbing, sometimes surprising and frequently disheartening. Perhaps most worrying of all, is the extent to which this current level and range of knowledge has repeatedly been ignored and overlooked by those tasked with the responsibility of controlling terrorism. This book aims to provide a clear, intelligent and well-informed account of what psychology has learned in the past thirty years about issues relating to terrorism. It also aims to demonstrate just how one branch of social science can provide a powerful tool for insight and guidance on one of the most challenging problems facing the modern world.

The first act of Chechen suicide terrorism occurred on June 7, 2000 and was carried out by two young women. This inaugurated the migration of suicide terrorism from other conflict zones, into the Chechen conflict. How suicide terrorism as a tactic made it’s way into Chechnya is the topic of this paper, which provides an analysis of the events concerning the importation of militant ideologies and radical terrorist movements taking place since the Chechen declaration of independence as well as an empirical and theoretical analysis of Chechen suicide terrorism based on psycho-social interviews that were collected in Chechnya over a two-year time period from March 2003 to March 2005. We report data about suicide terrorism and the radicalization process from thirty-two interviews with family members and close associates of thirty-four Chechen suicide terrorists inquiring about the terrorists’ backgrounds, experiences, religious, and psychological reasons leading up to their suicidal acts.

Because of its extensive Mediterranean history, France had a particular responsibility when the Arab revolutions broke out in 2011. The strategies defined by Paris in Libya and Syria, implemented through foreign policy, have proved to be less effective than expected. Although distinct, both were pursuing the same aim: the expansion of friendly democratic regimes in the Southern European neighborhood bloc.

This paper discusses the dynamics of the gang-crime-terrorism continuum and its relationship to ”generations of warfare” within the contemporary spectrum of conflict. The focus is to explore the potential for gang-terrorist interaction in the current and emerging conflict environment. The concepts of third generation street gangs (3G2), netwar, and fourth generation warfare (4GW) are applied to investigate the typologies and relationships of third generation street gangs and terrorist groups.

Global terrorism continues to be a multifaceted security threat that decisively shapes the policies of political actors worldwide. An important component of contemporary terrorism is the financing mechanisms connected to the activities of terrorist organizations (TOs): TOs have proven apt in diversifying their funding sources and now rely on activities as broad as involvement in organized crime, illicit resource extraction as well as transnational trade in drugs and people. Following the innovation and popularization of modern communication technologies, TOs have also increasingly capitalized on the internet as a space through which to finance their operations, disseminate their propaganda and recruit new members. The financing mechanisms of TOs are subsequently in a process of consistent evolution and are shaped by external factors, thereby producing consistent challenges for State actors to develop their counterterrorist capacities in accordance with the newest trends in terrorist activities.

How do regional arrangements construct and respond to threat agendas, and to what extent can the existing literature on securitization theory help us understand this process? This article explores these questions by analyzing how the African Union (AU) has responded to contemporary transnational challenges. After providing an overview of the Copenhagen School's concept of securitization, the article discusses whether the known problems and limitations of securitization theory prevent this approach from being applied to regional arrangements. Arguing that they do not do so per se, the article then provides an overview of transnational challenges on the AU's agenda and explores the extent to which the organization has " securitized " them. It concludes that the AU has collectively securitized only a limited number of transnational challenges, particularly terrorism and HIV/AIDS, and that significant problems remain when attempting to apply the Copenhagen School's framework to regional arrangements.

White supremacism and anti-government violent groups in the United States has seen a rapid increase in the last five to ten years, with its rhetoric being brought to the front line of American politics. Despite a decrease in actual major attacks in the last two years, far-right clandestine groups with violent aspirations have proliferated since, approximately 2018 with the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting. The most recent administration shift has seen the fight against terrorism with these foundations set as a priority in the long term to avoid further anti-democratic attacks such as the January 2021 raid on the Capitol which could carry more violent consequences. Despite what seems as an un-organized, multi-focused extremist movement uncapable of carrying out terrorist acts per se, the re-interpretation of their violence or threat of its use may have the same effects or lead to larger and deadlier consequences, thus targeting the core groups and armaments with law enforcement efforts could avoid further expenses and losses for a longer term. The present paper will analyze the level of threat that the different groups pose nowadays, or could pose in the future, to American national security, the actions taken in its regard and their possibilities of success and adequacy.

"Based on a case study of the role of private financial institutions in the fight against terrorist financing, this article examines the rationales for, and actual results of, public-private partnerships in counterterrorism. It shows that there is still a lack of appreciation of the roles that regular private business play, both willingly and
unwillingly, in the fight against terrorism. As profit, rather than security, maximizers, private sector actors may decide to take certain security risks rather than addressing them directly, which in contrast is expected from public agencies. As a consequence,
public-private partnerships have not been the silver bullet that the representatives of public agencies had hoped for since 9/11. In fact, to many private sector representatives, they are more akin to public-private dictatorships."

This paper analyzes the prehistory of the War on Terror to explore how the meanings counterterrorists attributed to “terrorism” in the 1990s. A Tom Clancy novel, Rainbow Six, read in the context American cultural shifts in the 1990s surrounding capitalism, technology, globalization, and gender, reveal a counterterrorist fantast of mirroring terrorist dissociation from state institutions to engage in extralegal practices. These tactics range from breaking international law to torture, anticipating the War on Terror. The paper concludes with a consideration of the possibility that 9/11 may have slipped into a pre-existing cultural narrative rather than starting a new one.

While recognizing the need for intelligence gathering and acknowledging that gathering such intelligence may require the adoption of extraordinary measures and approaches, international human rights law ascribes limits to how such extraordinary measures can be used. First and foremost, intelligence collection, by its very nature, is likely to infringe aspects of the right to privacy that all individuals enjoy under international human rights law. However, there are six accepted grounds in international law under which it may be acceptable to interfere with an individual’s or group’s privacy: National security, public safety, the economic wellbeing of the country, the prevention of disorder or crime, protection of public health or morals, and the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. All but public health and morals fall squarely within an intelligence service’s purview. While there is a growing body of jurisprudence on the use of so-called Special Investigation Techniques by law enforcement and domestic security agencies – for instance, telephone intercepts, eavesdropping devices, surveillance tools, undercover operations and human source recruitment – there is far less jurisprudence that touches upon the collection of foreign intelligence although perhaps some basic principles can be inferred from court rulings, as well as other international bodies.

Violent extremist groups from a wide variety of backgrounds have long been recognized to be making extensive use of the internet. However, assessments of the cyber-terrorist threat have often been wastefully focused on issues and concerns which do not match fully with the reality of how terrorists are currently interested in the internet or on what activities such individuals and groups are actually engaged in. Instead, the main concern has been on what terrorists might do, especially with regard to information warfare. Such a heavy focus on possibilities is misguided and overlooks the substantial manner in which the internet is already being exploited by various extremists. Rather, much more serious issues are raised by the way in which terrorist organisations are currently and demonstrably using the internet to recruit new members, generate international support, raise and launder funds, and to share information and knowledge with similar groups

This work is a beguiling prospect for anyone who has been involved in South Asia or has an interest in the region. The idea of analysing so many distinct insurgencies and counter-insurgency (COIN) campaigns within the covers of a single book is both ambitious and tantalising. Unfortunately, and in spite of occasional good moments, this book provides few of the answers. It has a clunky structure, is peppered with editorial and factual errors and unsupported statements. The British General Templer in Malaya argued that COIN should only be 25% shooting. The remainder should be winning "hearts and minds". Sadly this has all too rarely been the case in South Asia where many of the COIN campaigns have been heavy-handed and brutal. Partly this is a function of capability; effective COIN needs excellent intelligence and highly trained and equipped Special Forces. Yet it is interesting to reflect that two "successful" COIN operations of recent years; the Indian defeat of the Khalistan movement and President Rajapaksa's suppression of the Tamil Tigers owed little to Templer or the proponents of minimum force

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

This chapter aims to show how radical beliefs and violent action relate to each
other. It summarises the current landscape of academic research that has, in different
ways, attempted to identify the causes of terrorist action. In showing the current
trends, areas of consensus and areas of dispute, the chapter aims to show the
complex relationship between drivers based on ideas, ideologies and beliefs and
drivers based on other factors. Terrorists, like normal people, are influenced on a
number of different levels and in ways that they do not always realise or acknowledge
themselves. Whether through social ties, the power of counter-culture, or the
desire to seek thrills, status or recognition, the story of why people undertake political
violence is more complex and subtle than simply a question of belief.

This study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the “Euromaidan.”

Ce rapport de recherche s’intéresse à la place réservée au terroriste dans la mouvancesécuritaire internationale de notre début de XXI° siècle, en se posant plus particulièrement la question de savoir comment la communauté internationale et le droit peuvent-ils faire face à cette nouvelle menace en ce qu’elle n’émane pas d’un Etat, mais de plusieurs groupes extrémistes transnationaux qui ne respectent aucun code de guerre, mais pour qui il conviendrait de respecter les droits de l’homme au nom de l’universalité.
Il est nécessaire de situer d’une manière plus globale la place des mouvements terroristes face à la communauté internationale tant dans la notion dans laquelle le terrorisme est définit que dans les normes érigées pour lutter contre ces mouvements (Section 1), avant de s’attacher plus spécifiquement à la place du terroriste face au droit, notamment le droit international humanitaire et les droits de l’homme (Section 2).

"Bu çalışma, terör örgütü üyeliği, terör örgütüne yardım, terörizmin finansmanı, terörizmin propagandası, terör suçlarından dolayı sorumluluk, terör suçlarından dolayı cezalandırılabilirliğin alanını genişletme, sorumluluk alanını öne çekme konularında yapılmış bir karşılaştırmalı hukuk çalışmasıdır."
Şahsımızın, "Amerika Birleşik Devletleri" başlığı altındaki açıklamaların kaleme alınmasında katkısı bulunmaktadır.
Editörler: Prof. Dr. İzzet ÖZGENÇ, Prof. Dr. Cumhur ŞAHİN, Prof. Dr. İlhan ÜZÜLMEZ

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

Terrorism has been part of human development dating back to the era of the struggles for independence and liberation but still defy attempts at an accepted definition. Hence, it has become increasingly necessary for governments to tackle this menace by whichever counter-terrorism measures possible. However, one pivotal means is the use of military force introduced by the then President of the United States, George W. Bush through his " War on Terror " speech on September 20, 2001. This paper tries to assess the pros and cons of this measure and other counterterrorism strategies.

Selepas Era perang dunia ke-dua,Negara-negara Asia Tenggara yang  telah mencapai kemerdekaan telah bersepakat menubuhkan ‘The Association of Southeast Asia ‘ ( ASA ) di Bangkok . Tujuan penubuhan ini adalah untuk mengadakan kerjasama dari segi ekonomi , politik dan keselamatan Negara serantau .ASA ini diaggotai oleh Malaysia , Filipina dan Thailand . Penubuhan ASA ini telah gagal  dan membawa pula kepada  penubuhan Maphilindo iaitu dari gabungan Negara Malaysia , Filipina , dan Indonesia pada awal tahun 1960 . Penubuhan Maphilindo ini juga turut gagal dan kegagalan ini telah membawa kepada penubuhan ASEAN . ASEAN mula ditubuhkan pada 8 ogos iaitu pada tahun 1967 apabila menteri-menteri luar dari lima Negara iaitu Indonesia , Malaysia , Filipina Singapura dan Thailand berjumpa di kementeriaan hubungan luar Thailand di Bangkok untuk menandatangani Deklarasi ASEAN

Women are considered a modernising factor in Islam. For decades the active and vocal Muslim feminists represented a progressive and liberating force challenging the traditional understanding of women in Islam and spearheading the efforts aimed at widening the spaces where females could exercise their full potential. Radical Islam, to the contrary, was believed to be and thus portrayed, as inherently masculine and necessarily patriarchal enterprise, somewhat oppressive when it came to women or at least defending the traditional status quo with regards to gender relations and roles. This paper provides an analysis of an emerging trend whereby Muslim women are not only active in the modernising circles but, quite the opposite, become vocal proponents of radical political Islam. Hence, instead of being the much hoped for progressive force, they constitute an avant-garde of the opposite: radical agenda advocating and actively supporting the agenda of political Islam; also in the sphere of political violence. This paper examines how feminisation of radical Islam progressed over time and shows how what hitherto represented a solely masculine privilege and domain, now also belongs to women. Where at first women were not present, with time they became pliable instrument in political struggle, only to gain their own independent voice, agency and a power to act autonomously.

ISBN 978-83-65158-04-8 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2015). Feminisation of Radical Islam. “Studia Erasmiana Wratislaviensia”, Vol. 9, pp. 307-330.

The frequent Boko Haram insurgences in the North-Eastern  part of the country is still the latest act of terrorism in the country. The tactics, strategies and mode of operations adopted by these terrorists are similar and professional in line with terrorist ideologies and practices found elsewhere around the world. The ugly phenomenon of terrorism has dented the image and credibility Nigeria among other nations of the world.

In this study, the linkages between political dynamics and foreign direct investment inwards to 118 developed and developing countries over the 2002-2017 period were analysed by the System GMM Panel Model to avoid the potential endogeneity problem. Findings indicate that the most vital positive determinant of FDI inwards is trade liberalization or trade openness. Also, there is no statistically significant relationship between countries' democratization and freedom level and FDI inwards. However, terrorism hinders FDI directly, especially in developed countries. Therefore, the decision of foreign investors might mainly depend on economic dynamics, which are related to them and host countries rather than politics.

Although suicide attacks have been carried out for hundreds of years, suicide bombings have only been a permanent feature of conflicts since the 1980s. In recent years, though, their use has dramatically escalated. AOAV, which collects data on explosive violence, has recorded a total of 1,191 suicide bombings globally between 2011 and 2015, resulting in 31,477 civilian deaths and injuries.

The vast majority of suicide bombings within these years have been carried out by international Salafi-Jihadi terrorist organisations.

In light of this, AOAV’s extensive report Understanding the rising cult of the suicide bomber investigates what makes individuals give their lives, and take others, for causes propagated by these transnational terrorist groups.

It also looks at what effect such attacks have had on local and regional conflicts, as well as on the communities exposed to them.

Furthermore, the report proposes how states and other actors in the international community might seek to prevent their use and further escalation based on the reports’ findings.

The report is based on extensive field-work, as well as a thorough mapping and investigation of specific suicide bombings and the individuals that perpetrated them.

Dünyada ve ülkemizde terör yeni medya ilişkilerini inceleyen araştırmalarda nicel ve nitel yöntemler kullanılarak, belirlediği konular hakkında derinlikli bilgiler sunmuştur. Ancak örgütün bazı propaganda araçlarını dışarıda bırakmaları nedeniyle büyük resme ilişkin bilgi verme konusunda yetersiz kalmaktadırlar. Bu çalışmada ile örgütün kullandığı tüm yeni medya araçlarını inceleyerek örgütün yeni medya kullanımı, iletişim stratejisi dijital yayınlar, videolar ve sosyal medya paylaşımları üzerinden bütünlüklü bir şekilde incelenmiştir. Böylelikle mecralar arasındaki ilişkiler ve benzerlikler ortaya konulabilmiştir.

Right-wing violence and terrorism have slowly gained more academic and public attention in recent years, with an increase in anti-immigration and anti-government organised violence from the extreme right in most Western countries. Some evidence exists that right-wing extremists have attempted to infiltrate the military in their home countries to gain access to tactical training, weapons, and to recruit highly skilled new members. Research about the extent and impact of extreme right-wing links to the military is, however, scarce. In addition to the lack of insight into potential right-wing (or other forms of) extremism problems in the military, most armed forces have not developed effective countering violent extremism (CVE) tools. In this way, the incorporation of CVE in the military lags far behind the use of CVE in other aspects of counter-terrorism in the West. As the military, next to the police and intelligence, is a critical part of a country’s security infrastructure, it must also include specially designed mechanisms to protect it from infiltration and abuse from violent extremists and those planning terrorist activities. This Policy Brief will discuss available knowledge about extreme right-wing links to the military in Germany, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States. It will conclude by formulating concrete recommendations for handling this potential threat.

Türkiye, uzun yıllardan beridir çeşitli ideolojilerde ve yapılarda terör örgütleriyle çeşitli yoğunluklarda mücadele etmiş ve etmeye devam eden bir ülkedir. Kürdistan İşçi Partisinin de (PKK- Partîya Karkerên Kurdistanê) bu terör örgütlerinin başında geldiği bilinmektedir. Ayrıca ülkeye maddi ve manevi anlamda verdiği zararlar çok büyük boyutlara ulaşmıştır. Bir terör örgütü olarak PKK, eylemlerinde silahlı yöntemlerin yanı sıra bu eylemleri ge-niş kitlelere ulaştırma, meşruiyet iddiasını sağlamlaştırma ve ele-man temini amacıyla yoğun biçimde propaganda faaliyetleri de yürütmektedir. Özellikle XXI. yüzyıl bağlamında terör örgütleri-nin propagandayı bir mücadele yöntemi olarak benimseme eğili-minin gün geçtikçe artış göstermesiyle PKK da propaganda uygu-lamalarını sürekli genişletmiş ve çeşitlendirmiştir.
Çalışmanın sonucunda hem Türkiye‟nin
hem de PKK‟nın propaganda dili, söylemi ve uygulamalarının
2000‟li yıllarda değişim gösterdiği, propagandanın giderek iki taraf
için de önem kazandığı savlanmaktadır. Son olarak da çalışmada,
Türkiye‟nin terörle mücadelede benimsediği propaganda yöntemleri
ve uygulamalarıyla PKK‟nın propaganda uygulamaları karşılaştırılmakta,
tespit ve önerilere yer verilmektedir.

The goal of this work is to describe the relations and contacts between the most representative italian left wing terror group and the East Germany intelligence service at the time of the kidnapping of Aldo Moro, one of the most investigated crimes in the italian 70's.

In the reputed work Securitization: A New Framework for Analysis (Buzan, Wæver, & de Wilde, 1998), the Copenhagen School theoreticians indicated that the media sector might not offer the correct answers in surveying the nexus between governments’ manoeuvres and sociopolitical developments because it is not easy to determine the principal goals of the sector. Nonetheless, they agreed that media is apt to be exploited as a threat “manufacturing” tool (Buzan et al., 1998, pp. 88–89; Sheafer & Dvir-Gvirsman, 2010, p. 212), even though it does not control the urgency levels of issues without the will of governments
(Hass, 2009, p. 83). The Copenhagen School also claims that securitization theory, which examines the relationship between security threats and political discourses, might have better practicability for peripheral researchers than other critical approaches within security studies (Bilgin, 2011, p. 405). The reference point is that “peripheral scholars may be distrustful of the ways in which ‘security arguments’ are often (mis)used by rulers and elites for domestic purposes” (Bilgin, 2011, p. 403). Although this statement needs to be evaluated in another review, the Copenhagen School’s arguments of (mis)usage of security issues and exploitation of the media sector have been proven in Turkey’s everlasting dilemmas, which were revived by the Justice and Development Party (Turkish acronym AKP) after the nine years of desecuritization of Kurdish separatism and Bashar Assad as the old enemy.

People abused by angry discipline as children, may tend to abuse or overly punish other people or themselves for perceived wrongs in their adult life. In some individuals, aggressive personality traits may be genetically inherited. The aggressive personality may feel weakened by having guidelines or boundaries for anger. Anger is a normal human emotion, and these guidelines can help express anger in a healthy way.

A method is presented for detecting changes to the distribution of a criminal or terrorist point process between two time periods using a non-model-based approach. By treating the criminal/terrorist point process as an intelligent site selection problem, changes to the process can signify changes in the behavior or activity level of the criminals/terrorists. The locations of past events and an associated vector of geographic, environmental, and socio-economic feature values are employed in the analysis. By modeling the locations of events in each time period as a marked point process, we can then detect differences in the intensity of each component process. A modified PRIM (patient rule induction method) is implemented to partition the high-dimensional feature space, which can include mixed variables, into the most likely change regions. Monte Carlo simulations are easily and quickly generated under random relabeling to test a scan statistic for significance. By detecting local regions of change, not only can it be determined if change has occurred in the study area, but the specific spatial regions where change occurs is also identified. An example is provided of breaking and entering crimes over two-time periods to demonstrate the use of this technique for detecting local regions of change. This methodology also applies to detecting regions of differences between two types of events such as in case–control data.