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The Great Deformation: The Corruption of Capitalism in America Kindle Edition

4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 605 ratings

A New York Times bestseller

The Great Deformation is a searing look at Washington's craven response to the recent myriad of financial crises and fiscal cliffs. It counters conventional wisdom with an eighty-year revisionist history of how the American state -- especially the Federal Reserve -- has fallen prey to the politics of crony capitalism and the ideologies of fiscal stimulus, monetary central planning, and financial bailouts. These forces have left the public sector teetering on the edge of political dysfunction and fiscal collapse and have caused America's private enterprise foundation to morph into a speculative casino that swindles the masses and enriches the few.

Defying right- and left-wing boxes, David Stockman provides a catalogue of corrupters and defenders of sound money, fiscal rectitude, and free markets. The former includes Franklin Roosevelt, who fathered crony capitalism; Richard Nixon, who destroyed national financial discipline and the Bretton Woods gold-backed dollar; Fed chairmen Greenspan and Bernanke, who fostered our present scourge of bubble finance and addiction to debt and speculation; George W. Bush, who repudiated fiscal rectitude and ballooned the warfare state via senseless wars; and Barack Obama, who revived failed Keynesian "borrow and spend" policies that have driven the national debt to perilous heights. By contrast, the book also traces a parade of statesmen who championed balanced budgets and financial market discipline including Carter Glass, Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, Bill Simon, Paul Volcker, Bill Clinton, and Sheila Bair.

Stockman's analysis skewers Keynesian spenders and GOP tax-cutters alike, showing how they converged to bloat the welfare state, perpetuate the military-industrial complex, and deplete the revenue base -- even as the Fed's massive money printing allowed politicians to enjoy "deficits without tears." But these policies have also fueled new financial bubbles and favored Wall Street with cheap money and rigged stock and bond markets, while crushing Main Street savers and punishing family budgets with soaring food and energy costs.
The Great Deformation explains how we got here and why these warped, crony capitalist policies are an epochal threat to free market prosperity and American political democracy.

Editorial Reviews

From Booklist

Stockman, veteran of the Reagan White House and Wall Street, offers his self-described polemic, a wide-ranging indictment of the American government-economic complex; free markets and democracy have been under long-term attack, and the author explains why we have myriad problems, perhaps intractable. He indicates the book “contains much original interpretation of financial and public policy events and trends of the last century, even a revisionist framework.” Stockman concludes his lengthy controversial argument with: “the cure . . . is to return to sound money and fiscal rectitude and to correct the great error initiated during the New Deal . . . . In pursuing humanitarian purposes the state cannot and need not attempt to manage the business cycle or goose the free market with stimulants for more growth and jobs; nor can it afford the universal entitlements of social insurance. Its job is to be a trustee for citizens left behind, maintaining a sturdy, fair and efficient safety net.” This thought-provoking book will contribute to important debates on these issues. --Mary Whaley

Review

“Stockman produces a persuasive and deeply relevant indictment of a system dangerously akilter…. What Stockman has written is a book that makes clear we are that future generation of the past, inheritors of all the wishful thinking, simple illogic and flawed compromises that produced the near-term benefits our parents and grandparents worried about but ultimately wanted. And now it's payback time.”

Steve Weinberg,USA Today “Stockman devotes some of the book to the past five years, joining multiple previous authors who have presented their nominations for the villains and heroes of the 2008 economic collapse. As a book critic and investigative reporter, I have absorbed a dozen of those previous books. Stockman's is my favorite because of his original research, the context he presents (starting with the economic depression of the 1930s), his former insider status, and his apparent political non-partisanship during the endeavor.”
David Weigel, Slate “I'd read this book 10 times before I read another possible presidential candidate's memoir of how his Real American Story schooled him in the Audacity of Hope. …a coherent vision of a World Without the Fed.”
Paul B. Farrell, Marketwatch

Kirkus Reviews “Stockman performs a real service when he debunks the myths that have been associated with Reagan's conservatism and promotes Eisenhower's fiscal and military conservatism…. Stockman forcefully conveys enormous amounts of knowledge.”

LewRockwell.com

“In 
The Great Deformation, David Stockman – former US congressman and budget director under Ronald Reagan – tells the story of the recent crisis, and takes direct aim at the conventional wisdom that credits government policy and Ben Bernanke with rescuing Americans from another Great Depression. In this he has made a seminal contribution. But he does much more than this. He offers a sweeping, revisionist account of US economic history from the New Deal to the present. He refutes widely held myths about the Reagan years and the demise of the Soviet Union. He covers the growth and expansion of the warfare state. He shows precisely how the Fed enriches the powerful and shelters them from free markets. He demonstrates the flimsiness of the present so-called recovery. Above all, he shows that attempts to blame our economic problems on "capitalism" are preposterous, and reveal a complete lack of understanding of how the economy has been deformed over the past several decades…Thanks to The Great Deformation, not a shred of the regime's propaganda is left standing. This is truly the book we have been waiting for, and we owe David Stockman a great debt.”

Booklist “This thought-provoking book will contribute to important debates on these issues.”

Washington Post

“His rhetoric in a recent New York Times op-ed piece ignites like Seal Team Six coming at you, flash grenades exploding, assault weapons blazing. No wonder he triggers wild angry, hatred and revenge. Yes, he's a truth-teller. And truth hurts, flushing out his enemies. Why? They're sucking trillions from Americans. So you hate him. Counterattack. Big mistake. Don't dismiss David Stockman. He's no Kim Jong-Un blow-hard.”
Bruce Krasting “This is a history book. It's a detailed account of the key events since the Depression that have shaped modern finance. I love history, and I'm familiar with those events. Stockman's spin on financial history makes for a very good read. There's something for everyone.”

Reuters Breakingviews “For anyone whose economics are Austrian, and who agrees with Stockman that crony capitalism and corruption have led both fiscal and monetary policies into a cycle of ever-increasing stimulus and ziggurats of debt, ‘The Great Deformation' is gloomily persuasive – and bodes ill for the future.”

Townhall.com “Agree with Stockman or not, one can't deny that he's a colorful writer!”

Rick Santelli, CNBC “Squawk on the Street”

Product details

  • ASIN ‏ : ‎ B00B3M3UK6
  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ PublicAffairs; 1st edition (April 2, 2013)
  • Publication date ‏ : ‎ April 2, 2013
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • File size ‏ : ‎ 1859 KB
  • Text-to-Speech ‏ : ‎ Enabled
  • Screen Reader ‏ : ‎ Supported
  • Enhanced typesetting ‏ : ‎ Enabled
  • X-Ray ‏ : ‎ Enabled
  • Word Wise ‏ : ‎ Enabled
  • Sticky notes ‏ : ‎ On Kindle Scribe
  • Print length ‏ : ‎ 770 pages
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 605 ratings

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Customer reviews

4.3 out of 5 stars
4.3 out of 5
605 global ratings
Should Be Mandatory Reading for American Voters
5 Stars
Should Be Mandatory Reading for American Voters
Where do I begin? This is a lengthy read with lots of meaty content. I found myself going back and re-reading sections to fully grasp his points. This book will take the reader through the last 100 years of political-financial history from Woodrow Wilson to Barack Obama's Administration. He is definitely not a fan of Keynesian Economics. Stockman is also not very complimentary toward the Federal Reserve Chair's over the years nor those that influence Presidential or Congressional policy. He frequently refers to Fed Chair's Greenspan and Bernanke as "nothing more than bagmen for the Wall Street Casinos." Despite the history book's treatment, he believes that only Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and Herbert Hoover served the American economy well through their actions and leadership. As Director of the Office of Management and Budget during President Reagan's first term, he accurately nails the account of fiscally conservative ideologies gone awry with unnecessary runaway defense spending and the mortgaging of America's future through out-of-control government spending. Nonetheless, Stockman possesses a brilliant mind and is accurate in his factual accounts. The book is surprisingly apolitical. He treats both parties with somewhat disdain for their lack of fiscal responsibility. He identifies Washington politicians and the expanded role of the Federal Government as the problem while citing frequent examples. He has strong opinions and even offers solutions toward the end of the book to fix the malaise that previous irresponsible generations of politicians have woven. He paints a portrait of "Financial Armageddon" for the USA unless we get spending and the deficit under control. This book is enlightening and brutally honest and in my humble opinion should be mandatory reading for every American voter.
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Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on September 1, 2014
This is going to be a review of David Stockman's 768-page tome The Great Deformation, and 0831-deform
although I never thought it was possible, it makes me angry to write this book review.

I'm not angry because I don't like the book. On the contrary, this is the best economics book I've ever read. Indeed, it may be the best and most influential book I've ever read in my life. I only wish I had read it the moment it was published in April 2013. I only finished reading it today, and for the entire time I've been plowing through it, I've been trying to think of what I would say in this review.

Why am I angry, then, to write this? Bluntly stated, because nothing I can say will make what I want a reality. And what I want is for every literate person in the United States to read this book, cover to cover. I want them to read it. I want them to understand it. I want them to agitate for the changes that it recommends.

But I know at the outset that none of that is going to happen. The vast majority (I'll pull a number out of the air and declare it as 90%) are too lazy, dim-witted, or apathetic to bother. And that 90%, I daresay, is a kind estimate. I would also wager that another 1% - - and that would be the fabled 1% which enjoy a storied existence at the top of the socioeconomic heap - - would be wholly irrational to embrace any of the core shifts that the book recommends. These elites, after all, are the beneficiaries of the madness elucidated therein.

Reagan's Stockman

0831-stockmanLet's back up. As those of you born before 1970 hopefully recall, David Stockman became nationally famous when, still in his mid-30s, he was made the budget director of the newly-elected Reagan White House. Stockman was front and center in national news for years, and I clearly remember, even as a young teenager, reading about Stockman and the battles he was waging to invoke the so-called Reaganomics. My general impression from that time was that he was smart, capable, and committed. Then, as of the mid-1980s, just like most of the rest of the nation, I stopped hearing about him.

I consider myself well-read, and I have the luxury of time to stay abreast of most financial and economic news. In spite of this, if you had asked me several months ago what had ever happened to David Stockman, I would have had absolutely no idea. I daresay most of you are in the same boat, so in brief, I'll bring you up to speed:

After leaving the Reagan administration, Stockman joined Salomon Brothers and later was one of the earliest partners of the Blackstone Group. Years later, he went on to found his own private equity firm, Heartland Industrial Partners, for which he initially raised well over a billion dollars.

Heartland executed over twenty deals, one of which - Collins & Aikman - filed for bankruptcy. Stockman served as CEO at Collins, and early in 2007, he became the target of federal prosecutors in Manhattan as well as the SEC. From the little I've read about this period, the charges were completely ludicrous, and after wrecking nearly two years of Stockman's life (as well as those of many others), the prosecutors dropped the entire fleet of charges well before a trial could even commence.

From what I can gather, Stockman's mounting of his defense during the period of his prosecution his come-to-Jesus moment, since it dawned on him the nature of the business game he had been playing for so many years. Specifically, the hazards of the debt-saturated private equity world and, much more broadly, the entire globe that had become utterly besotted by debt. Stockman writes:

At length, I saw the light, and it had nothing to do with Paulson's apparent illiteracy on the precepts of sound fiscal policy. The bailouts, the Fed's frenzied money printing, the embrace of primitive Keynesian tax stimulus by a Republican White House amounted to something terrible: a de facto coup d'etat by Wall Street, resulting in Washington's embrace of any expedient necessary to keep the financial bubble going - and no matter how offensive it was to every historic principle of free markets, sound money, and fiscal rectitude.

Stockman thus endeavored to put together this book that is fervent, passionate, articulate, and remarkable in scope. And I kept wondering to myself, if the villains in the book (Paulson, Bernanke, Obama, the corpse of Richard Nixon, Larry Summers, Yellen, etc.) actually read it, would they think to themselves (A) "Oh my God, what have I done?????" or (B) "Crap, they're on to us."

Notable Quotes

My copy of the book is highlighted as heavily as the Bible of a Southern Baptist preacher, so it's hard for me to "boil down" the book to anything less than a fifty page review. I will just share a few morsels that I think help capture some of the points Mr. Stockman wants to make and the elegant fashion in which he presents them:

"This was a blatant miscarriage of governance. As will be seen, at that late stage of the delirious financial bubble which had overtaken America, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley had essentially become economic predators. Their bankruptcy would have resulted in no measurable harm to the Main Street economy, and possibly some gain. It would have also brought the curtains down on a generation of Wall Street speculators, and sent them packing in disgrace and amid massive personal losses - the only possible way to end the current repugnant regime of crony capitalist domination of the nation's central bank." (p. 22)

"In a healthy capitalist economy, income distribution reflects the economic justice of the marketplace, not the political engineering of the state, and properly so." (p. 68)

"Policy measures like Fannie Mae, deposit insurance, social insurance, the Wagner Act, the farm programs, and monetary activism share a common disability: They fail to recognize that the state bears an inherent flaw that dwarfs the imperfections purported to afflict the free market; namely, that policies undertaken in the name of the public good inexorably become captured by special interests and crony capitalists who appropriate resources from society's commons for their own private ends." (p. 169)

"The Thomas Amendment was a nascent version of today's delusion that economic setbacks, shortfalls, and disappointments are caused by too little money. The true cause, both in the early 1930s and today, was actually an excess of debt. This explanation is never appealing to politicians because there is no real cure for the liquidation of excess debt, except the passage of time and the forfeiture of the ill-gotten gains from the financial bubbles preceding it." (p. 183)

It was around this time that I realized even sharing the very best of the best quotes, there would just be far too many, so I jumped toward the end of the book......

"The social insurance system is now entering an era of permanent funding crisis and chronic political turmoil. And, as detailed in chapter 32, the Bernanke stock market bubble is heading for a thundering meltdown which will vastly eclipse that of September 2008. So what lies ahead is endemic fiscal crisis, wrenching financial market dislocations, and relentlessly rising fear about financial security on Main Street." (p. 648)

"Only a financial system addicted to and whipsawed by central bank money printing can produce such erratic, capricious, and correlated results. What is implicated here is not the doings of the free market but the corruption of free money. For that reason, the Greenspan axiom that financial bubbles can't be prevented but only punctured and then bailed out afterward is downright perverse. Now in its third iteration, this policy is, in fact, the backstage mechanism by which society's income and wealth are being redistributed to the top 1 percent." (p. 656)

"While this is seemingly ironic given that Obama was reelected essentially on a platform of "fairness" for the middle class, that was content-free campaign rhetoric. The true irony is that political progressives are so indentured to Keynesian theories of demand stimulus that they have eagerly turned the nation's central bank over to Wall Street lock, stock, and barrel." (p. 657)

"The cruel corollary is that free market capitalism cannot help, either. It has been abused, burdened, demoralized, and impaired by decades of central bank money printing and the speculative raids and rent-seeking deformations which it fosters. Now the White House has a vague mandate that the 1 percent should pay more, but it's too late. The coming crash will leave a lot less to tax." (p. 671)

The Rogue's Gallery

There are some definite "bad guys" (and bad events) skewered in these nearly 800 pages. The names are all known to you, but the deeds, and their details, are articulated in ways I didn't understand well until now. These misfits include:

+ Richard "Tricky Dick" Nixon;
+ FDR (particularly his debasing of the dollar and confiscation of gold);0831-fatpig
+ Alan Greenspan's LTCM bailout in 1998;
+ Alan Greenspan's panicked, rate-plunging response to the Internet bubble collapse;
+ Alan Greenspan's deliberate inflation of the housing bubble (sense a trend here?);
+ Larry Summers, pictured here;
+ The military-industrial complex, wholly and utterly bloated beyond need;
+ Medicare/Medicaid/Obamacare and the breathtaking price inflation in the medical racket;
+ The "timorous" math professor Benjamin Bernanke;
+ The GM bailout, TARP package, and smorgasbord of "relief" programs in late 2008/early 2009
+ And, of course, President Obama

There are a few heroes mentioned in these pages, such as Fed chairman William McChesney Martin, Paul Volcker, Eisenhower, and Herbert Hoover (the last most particularly for the well-meaning, but aborted, efforts Hoover invoked to aid the nation as it entered Depression, only to be nefariously thwarted by a breathtakingly cynical FDR).

The Gospel?

Is this book absolutely perfect? Of course not. There are a smattering of typos and misspellings here and there, as one might expect of any book so large that could be used as a weapon of self-defense. It also is peppered with some phrases and expressions that get a bit overused or could be replaced with simpler language (for instance, "it cannot be gainsaid" could just as easily, and more clearly, be expressed by the word "undeniable.")

It's also on the long side, and it needn't be quite so lengthy. I personally found a few of the chapters, particularly those oriented toward leveraged buyouts and private equity, to not add much to the polemic. Stockman knows these topics so deeply, it was probably tempting to spend extra time espousing them, not unlike the way I prattled on in my own recent book about the Silicon Valley's Internet bubble.

But these trifles shave a hundredth of a point off the 100.00 score I would otherwise give the book. It is written with such clarity, fervor, and well-intentioned intellect that, even forty pages into it, I could hardly wait to climb go my rooftop to tell the world to go buy it. Mr. Stockman's days at the Harvard Divinity School have eased their way into the pages, because the prose has reads like the fiery gospel of a true believer.

It goes without saying that these ideas and arguments are not the scribblings of a lunatic standing on the soapbox in Central Park. Stockman occupied the highest levels of government and finance for his entire working life, and he is a wealthy, famous, and well-connected man who could easily, along with the rest of his 1% brethren, rest comfortably on his laurels for the rest of his days. He chose instead to bring to the truth - - the bare, detailed, and important-to-understand truth - - to the rest of us.

What Needs to Be Done

The final chapter of Great Deformation is the powerful money-shot to the entire tome, but the potency is instantly and honestly neutered by the reality - which Stockman proclaims at the outset - that none of the stated cures will see the light of day. In a word, it's simply too late, and only after a wrenching, worldwide financial cataclysm (that will make 2008 look like a gentle stroll with a lovely lass on a sunlit day) will humanity have the opportunity to get it right.

The last real opportunity to set things straight was presented - as Stockman writes - "on a silver platter" - but Washington doesn't have an iota of the political will that would have been required to seize that opportunity. The America today, and particularly the 1%, are far too fat, happy, and accustomed to the easy way out to undergo such a thing.

Having said that, even though it will break your heart (or should break your heart) to read what has happened, what probably will happen, and what might have been, you owe it to yourself to read this book. America is too flabby to buck up and face reality, but you as an individual should at least take it upon yourself to understand better than 99% of your compatriots how we got here and what road lies ahead. Thank you, Mr. Stockman.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 9, 2013
If you are someone with a strong political party identity or hold a strong identity with the economists Keynes or Friedman, you will hate this book!

However, if you are open to hearing about how modern economic theory has failed us when put to practice in a world where real political actors exist, then this is for you. Stockman painstakingly describes the history of the Federal Reserve, the Great Depression, Nixon's end of the gold standard, and how our departure from sound money practices has over time allowed the US to have "deficits without tears" and has allowed our financial system to become a highly leveraged casino that is increasingly prone to crisis. The hubris of monetarists and Keynesians in thinking that the government could manage our economy either through monetary policy or through deficits/taxation (in other words, thanks to the government, we no longer need Adam Smith's "invisible hand" of the market!) has led to a number of consequences that neither Friedman nor Keynes anticipated - that is the hijacking of our Treasury and central bank by the lobbyists of K Street to rob the public purse and the transformation of our banks into casinos where losses are covered by the taxpayer. The government's spending and taxation policies and the central bank's monetary policies have caused large economic deformations in our economy that have sent the middle class deeply into debt while their wages have been stagnant or even declining in real terms, but letting them "feel richer" by inflating the prices of their homes and other assets while cutting their interest payments (a trend that will soon reverse). In the meantime, US corporations have not been making the investments in equipment, R&D and other productive assets because Wall Street has been strip mining companies in leveraged buyouts. Wall Street and the board rooms of large coroporations have been the major beneficiaries of these deformations as they have learned how to game the system, and Stockman explains in detail the various means they have used to benefit from these distortions. Many of us sense that the US is on an unsustainable fiscal path and that our financial system is rigged. Even if the deficits do drop down to 4% of GDP in 2013, deficits cannot and should not run indefinitely and there is no one in Washington who is seriously talking about getting the budgets balanced. Here we are five years after the financial crisis of 2008 and after the Dodd-Frank bill that was supposed to restore stability to our banking system, and the Shadow Banking System has returned to a point where even Fed Chairman Bernanke has acknowledged its renewed risk to our economy (which has the irony of a Columbian drug cartel leader warning about the dangers of drugs). This book explains the history of how we got to this strange but dangerous place.

In addition to pointing out the villains in this saga (Economists Milton Friedman, J. M. Keynes, Fed Chairmen Arthur Burns, Alan Greenspan, Ben Bernanke, Presidents Franklin Roosevelt, Johnson, Nixon, Reagan, and George W. Bush and members of cabinets Casper Weinberger, George Schultz, and LBO king Mitt Romney) who did not envision where the path would lead (Friedman and Keynes) or simply sold out for short-term gain (Nixon, Johnson, Roosevelt) or to assert their power (Weinberger) or were blinded by ideology (Greenspan, Bernanke, Schultz, Reagan) he also points to the heroes. These heroes (Senator Carter Glass, Presidents Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Ford, Clinton, and Fed Chairmen Paul Volker and William McChesney Martin and others) tried to keep us on a path of sound money and balanced budgets. In addition to Stockman's excellent writing skills, this is what makes this book interesting - there are real characters that he describes, and Stockman's knowledge of government and the budgetary process, as well as his experience from the financial industry along with explanations supported by data and analysis, enable him to provide insights to what really happened in a way that few can or frankly want to. This book provides the reader a historical perspective that I don't think exists anywhere else. It will also make you worry, and for good reason, how to protect yourself from the inevitable financial disaster that is waiting for us.

The book, while providing a historical perspective, is not in chronological order. Chapters address themes and draw parallels or contrasts from different periods in time. As a result, some of the reviewers have mentioned that the book appears to jump around some, and this is why. If you keep in mind that the book is organized more around themes, the fact that it's not in chronological order won't surprise you.

Stockman, who made a fortune in the LBO business admits to his contribution to the mess late in the book. He acknowledges that while he was in the financial bubble (that he compares to the unreal and scripted world of the Truman Show) that he really thought that stripping companies and saddling them with enormous debt as he did at Blackstone was making them more efficient. That was the thinking of everyone around him and no doubt what Mitt Romney believes about himself. But, upon reflection after some legal issues (he was charged with accounting violations that were dropped) relating to one of the companies that he led through a Blackstone LBO, Stockman recognized that, rather than making the company more efficient, he had actually gutted the company and left the company with so much debt that it could not survive even a minor economic downturn. And, in the book he identifies and details how so many companies in the US have gone down this same path, either through LBO for private companies or, in the case of publicly traded companies, management equity withdrawals where managment issues debt to purchase stock and then gives a large portion of that purchased stock to the top management. What has made all of this possible is low interest rates that are not set by free market forces, but by Fed intervention, and taxation policies that favor capital gains over dividends. And, this realization is led drove Stockman to examine how these economic distortions have affected our economy, our financial markets, and our government.

Now, I don't personally agree with every conclusion that Stockman reaches, but there is too much good about this book to take a star off. The positive attributes of this book are really overwhelming. If you have an open mind you can enjoy the comprehensive history Stockman gives of how we got to where we are today and the meticulous use of supporting data without getting too hung up about differences in opinion with Stockman about where we need to go from here. In fact, I think the first chapter, which sort of captures much of what he will discuss might seem a bit off-putting at first because it sounds like he's letting off steam (he probably is). If he were to re-write the book, this is where I'd put his mea-culpa that is saved for later. But, read on. Much is explained in later chapters, and you may find yourself feeling as angry as Stockman once you get into the book. The last chapter discusses where he thinks we should go from here. Some of his recommendations are completely impractical and would require constitutional amendments. Others, like restoring sound money, bringing back a Glass-Steagall separation of investment and commercial banking) are spot on and consistent with what folks like Paul Volker (possibly the greatest Fed Chairman we have ever had) have preached. So, take the good with the bad because the good in this book far outweighs the bad.

A word of caution, if you don't have a very solid background in economics and finance, this book will be a tough read. Stockman uses a lot of terminology that the average person probably isn't familiar with. The book is also pretty long as far as this genre of books is concerned, but it certainly is not boring. While long, it is a good read.
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Freter
1.0 out of 5 stars No parece un libro nuevo
Reviewed in Mexico on May 1, 2019
Tiene una mancha de liquido derramado, me atrevo a publicar este comentario porque últimamente los libros me los envían con defectos
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Freter
1.0 out of 5 stars No parece un libro nuevo
Reviewed in Mexico on May 1, 2019
Tiene una mancha de liquido derramado, me atrevo a publicar este comentario porque últimamente los libros me los envían con defectos
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M Clark
5.0 out of 5 stars A book to argue with ...
Reviewed in Germany on July 14, 2016
David A. Stockman was Ronald Reagan’s budget director and his previous book, “The Triumph of Politics” exposed what happened when the Reagan administration was forced to turn their budget-slashing slogans into real policies. Pragmatic political policies won out against the pure slogans. With the 700+ page “The Great Transformation”, Stockman provides a contrarian’s history of US economics during the past 60+ years. His contrarian views, which challenge much of the conventional wisdom from both Republicans and Democrats, is a valuable contribution towards defining our recent economic history.

American political discourse has become increasingly polarized. As a result, the conventional wisdom explaining our recent history has also become totally polarized. Future historians will need to weigh the arguments from all sides when they begin to write their histories. Stockman’s greatest contribution is that he is an equal-opportunity critic that mercilessly attacks both Republicans and Democrats. Thus, his sharp criticism of Paul Krugman is often followed by an equally strong criticism of Milton Friedman. I suspect that one reason the book has received less attention than it deserves is that it does not paint the world in a simple “Us versus Them” story and instead finds things to criticize almost everywhere. What I liked most about the book was that it was a book to argue with and not a book that one can read while happily nodding in agreement. I found myself constantly wanting to challenge the assertions and interpretations of the author.

The book takes a detailed look at all of the financial crises since the Great Depression and, in true Old Testament style, Stockman wishes that these crises had been allowed to get so much worse that they would have burnt the rot out of the system. While reading the book, I kept picturing Stockman as an advisor to God at the time of the Great Flood finding the flood a wonderful idea but worrying about the moral hazard in letting Noah and his family survive.

The highlights of the book include an analysis of:
1) The 2008 crises which Stockman claims should have caused the collapse of all of the big Wall Street financial institutions since this would have only had minor impacts on Main Street
2) Nixon’s decision to leave Bretton-Woods which, in Stockman’s view, was the root of all evil.
3) The LBOs of Mitt Romney and others are analyzed at a level of detail not seen elsewhere. His analysis is just the right length to let you understand what happened and to make you upset at what was done
4) The policies of Alan Greenspan which promoted a culture of crony capitalism
5) The economics of Herbert Hoover which Stockman claims were on the right track to fixing the Great Depression until FDR got in the way.

Oddly enough, some of the things I dislike about the book became things that I ended up liking about it:
1) The tone of the book is like the wit you hear on a Fox News show. Although annoying in the beginning, Stockman’s style made a long book easier to read.
2) Although the book is very redundant, the redundancy helped refresh unfamiliar topics
3) The book is not an historical narrative that starts with the early history and works toward the present day. Instead, the book starts with the 2008 crises then goes back to Nixon’s decision to leave Bretton Woods and then goes back further to FDR’s new Deal. He then jumps forward and back in history a number of times.
4) Stockman’s jumping between topics within the same sentence (e.g. talking one minute about the public debt and the next minute about private debt) forces the reader to pay careful attention to what is being discussed.

The book has made a lasting impact on me – it is no longer possible to read today’s business reporting without seeing it as incredibly shallow.
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Merwin Fernandes
4.0 out of 5 stars Excellent book giving a lot of datapoints and insights into ...
Reviewed in India on September 18, 2015
Excellent book giving a lot of datapoints and insights into the global economic-financial mess that we find ourselves in. Cuts through the crap and brings out bare facts without any political or ideological colouring. A bit tedious read though with some avoidable repetitions
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Patrick Sullivan
5.0 out of 5 stars A Political And Economic Tome
Reviewed in Canada on April 19, 2013
Stockman has been situated in high office postings, on both Wall Street and Washington. From both of these unique vantage points, Stockman has collected many thoughts and observations. This book is a compilation of his; ideas, opinions, and conclusions, regarding the economy and politics.

Here is the most important factor, the prospective book reader must consider. Stockman bends every issue through the prism of laissez-faire economics. He explains how America transformed from a free market society, into an era of crony capitalism. From his standpoint, there were two deciding factors, that opened the floodgates. First was the resetting of the gold price, under FDR`s New Deal. Next was President Nixon. Nixon officially removed the USA from the gold standard. The result of these two drastic changes to the US money supply, would later allow America to descend into the present situation. Stockman believes the USA, will eventually end up in a fiscally bankrupt state of affairs. The quote, "the way forward is so radical it can`t happen", seems to sum up the essence of Stockman`s book. The USA has changed so drastically, that any free market proposals would be politically impossible.

The book is over seven hundred pages. Yet almost every turn of a page, revealed some eye popping statistic, or jaw dropping revelation. Get ready to make a lot of notes in the margin. Stockman details all sorts of both business and government misdeeds. He is also non-partisan, which is refreshingly rare in the current US political landscape.

This book is highly recommended, to anyone with an interest in politics and or economics.
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Athan
5.0 out of 5 stars A doorstop, but also a landmark
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on July 24, 2013
This is the most significant book of 2013.

It's rambling and endless. 700 pages feel like 1,700. Frankly, it's a bad read. Halfway through, you can already complete every sentence yourself, that's how bad Stockman repeats himself. I'm not sure all numbers check out. No editor ever got near this manuscript.

Before I continue with why this is the most significant book of 2013, some more bad news: The author's unifying theory is in my view quaint and irrelevant. For completeness allow me to rearrange what he believes the Great Deformation to be. It's spelled out on page 691: "In trying to improve upon the people's work on the free market, Keynesian professors from Heller to Laffer introduced the nations' politicians to the witch's brew of deficit finance, unleashing a great deformation; that is, a state which lacked any reason to stop the larceny of the K Street lobbies and the plunder of crony capitalist raiders from General Electric to Goldman Sachs, the cotton growers, the UAW, the timber barons, the ethanol distillers, the venture capital industry, the Medicaid mills, and the scooter chair manufacturers too."

The story he weaves is a dirge, a lament about loss of innocence. In his ideal world we'd still worship the lost religion of the gold standard and the US would be run by Ike Eisenhower. Ideally there would be no Fed at all, but if there was a Fed it would be busy undermining every economic recovery. There would be no financial futures exchanges and very little trading of any sort.

Don't let that put you off.

Despite doing his best to sound like Will Bonner sans the writing skills, despite himself, really, Stockman, has penned the only book currently in print that explains in plain English what's happened from 1992 to present, rather than 1913 to present. If you persevere till page 560, you will come across the following gem:

"we have a rigged system -a regime of crony capitalism- where the tax code heavily favors debt and capital gains, and the central bank purposefully enables rampant speculation by propping up the price of financial assets and battering down the cost of leveraged finance."

This is the unwitting, true thesis of the book. Its contribution, if you will. The problem he sets up is threefold

1. There is a large tax advantage to financing with debt rather than equity, because the cost of servicing debt can be carved out of your bottom line, reducing the tax a firm owes to the government. Modigliani and Miller are wrong, basically. Exactly the same holds for home ownership.
2. Tax on regular income (be it from dividends or from going to work every day) is much higher than tax on capital gains
3. The Fed perceives GDP growth to be its chief mandate and its only tool to achieve this is cheap money, which was duly delivered, and especially so when asset prices were endangered.

These three factors have unleashed the four horses of the last 20 years' financial apocalypse

1. 1992-2000 Tyco-style LBO acquisition bubble that aided and abetted but also fed off of the Internet bubble
2. The 1992-2008 private equity bubble that toward the end was 100% about Corporate Equity Withdrawal
3. The 2000-2008 GSE / mortgage broker / subprime / Wall Street / CDO housing bubble
4. The 1992- present corporate bond cum stock repurchase bubble to support stock option prices for CEOs and upper management.

Stockman describes these four bubbles from page 404 to 576. These 173 pages of the book are fact-packed, well-written, fast-paced, gripping, revealing and downright forensic in their description. They are almost a handbook for how to use debt financing, the tax regime and the Greenspan / Bernanke put to your advantage. As an added bonus, they provide a solid explanation for the soaring inequality in America: only a small fraction of the population is positioned to properly ride the four bubbles, via earning fees and rents rather than via actual exposure to the bubbles themselves.

I was like "what happened to the rambling old man from the first 400 pages" and then, on page 571, all was revealed: Stockman himself used to be a champion of Corporate Equity Withdrawal. A brush with bankruptcy, however, followed by a brush with the law, brought to a screeching halt his career that had weaved its way through Harvard, the US House of Representatives, the Reagan administration, Salomon Brothers, Blackstone and finally his own private equity shop. At that point he had the epiphany that he had sleepwalked to the dark side. Having been a practitioner of leveraging companies to within an inch of their existence, he is as good an author you could hope for to explain the financial deformation of the last 20 years.

He dedicates a full chapter to tearing Mitt Romney apart. He describes Romney's six biggest private equity deals, shows how every single one of them, while good for Bain capital, was actually a disaster for all other stakeholders and for the American economy and proceeds for the kill: his beef with Romney is not that he had acted in self-interest, pretty much like he himself had done. Rather, Stockman has pity for Romney because neither Romney nor the Republican party that nominated him as its presidential candidate ever understood that Romney did not make his money the old-fashioned capitalist way, using capital to build companies. The man made his money tearing them apart, very much at the expense of the American economy.

The evidence presented in favor is bulletproof, but like any "reformed sinner" Stockman does not want that to be his main thesis. He needs it to be part of a bigger, all-encompassing scheme. And that's why he does not get to the truly innovative part of his book till page 404. He wants you to hear his whole story first, the one about how the US government is the deformation. In his chosen order, here's a list of his major bullet points. While often controversial, and in my view more often than not wrong, they all made me think. The book starts from the very end, with three views on the "Blackberry Panic of 2008":

1. AIG needn't have been saved. As discussed, Stockman himself used to work for Blackstone and they looked very seriously into asset stripping a large insurer and the legal advice they got was that it could not be done. Insurance is regulated on a state by state basis. Just because the holding company needed help, the states were not about to allow the assets to be released that were backing up locally issued insurance contracts. Ergo, nobody was going to get hurt if AIG was let go other than Goldman, Deutsche and co.

MY VIEW: I only buy his argument outside the context of general meltdown. It's one thing to say "everybody would be getting their just desserts" which is a philosophical view and quite another to say "AIG was safe enough to fail" and to suggest that officials who had been in office for three to five years had a mandate to undo a system (love it or hate it) with a good 60 years of history behind it.

2. Main street banks would have survived the AIG / Wall Street meltdown because their books were clean.

MY VIEW: Again, unlikely. People would have pulled all their deposits from the main street banks (since all their other sources of liquidity would have dried up) who in turn would all be lining up at the Fed hoping it does a Bagehot and lends them money against their loan portfolios. The ATMs would indeed have gone dark. Hell, they were hours from going dark at my employer, RBS, when the UK government intervened in October of 2008. There must be many other examples.

3. Jeff Immelt was saved, not General Electric, when the Fed stepped in and guaranteed all Money Market funds and all commercial paper.

MY VIEW: Stockman's right about that one, no doubt. And the French banking system too, how did that escape Stockman? Money Market funds are still stuffed full of their paper. But he does get the story in about John Mack's wife getting a 200 million dollar assist from the US government on some silly venture of hers. Nice one.

Then Stockman travels back in time to take us to the origins of the "Great Deformation"

4. The Great Depression of the thirties had little to do with the gold standard and little to do with insufficient accommodation from the Fed that Bernanke apologized about in the famous speech to Friedman and Schwartz and everything to do with a collapse of US goods exports to overleveraged Europeans. A bit how China would suffer today if the world stopped buying cheap toys, expensive iPhones and everything in between, with the added kicker that when things went wrong 1. tariffs went up around the world that made it even harder for Americans to export and 2. the market stopped lending to Europeans anyway. As for the Friedman / Bernanke theory, he has the following to say: "The monetary populists of the 1920s and 1930s, including professor Fischer, had "cause and effect" backward. The sharp reduction after 1929 in the money supply was an inexorable consequence of the liquidation of bad debt, not an avoidable cause of the depression."

MY VIEW: I don't know enough, but I'm startled that this view is not discussed more widely. I read and thoroughly enjoyed "Lords of Finance" as well as Bernanke's papers and no mention is made of the collapse of European demand for American-manufactured products. "Wow" is all I have to say. I'm inclined to believe Stockman here when he says the lack of liquidity was a symptom rather than a cause. "Lack of demand," for sure, but quite impossible to fix if the demand used to come from abroad.

5. FDR wasted everybody's time with the New Deal because he was trying to address an exogenous problem domestically.

MY VIEW: blah. What do you want him to do? Germany is currently paying companies up to 20% of workers' salaries to keep them employed. What's the alternative? Why pay them 100% to stay at home? Yes, I know. Creative destruction. But with some type of time limit (much like unemployment insurance) it all makes sense.

6. FDR put in place the foundations for crony capitalism. By establishing Fannie Mae he put in the foundations of the "Housing Complex" that begat the housing crash of 2008. By establishing Social Security he put in place the first of many government-sponsored Ponzi schemes, a job that was finished for him by President Johnson with Medicare and Medicaid.

MY VIEW: We're talking some serious lead times there, no? A good 70 years. And how was FDR to guess what would happen to fertility rates, which are the true problem with Social Security (along with our general unwillingness to give up on stuff we feel entitled to)? This is ideology here, not economics. With all countries on the planet featuring some type of state retirement scheme and state-sponsored health service, the onus of proof here is with those who don't want Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. Why should the US be the exception?

7. Bernanke had a predecessor in messing with market prices and toying with wealth effects. Under the tutelage of Irving Fischer, FDR had messed with the price of gold on a daily basis to support the prices of agricultural products. One of the main American exports to Europe had been grain. Grain prices during WWI had been in a bubble that makes anything we've seen since look tame. Farm income soared from $3.5 billion in 1913 to $9 billion in 1919. This, in turn, begat a bubble in land prices, which benefited from a positive feedback loop with the arrival of the tractor (15,000 in 1914 to 1 million in 1930) and inevitably a collapse when Europe could no longer import. Farm mortgage debts, however, still had to be serviced. If you substitute the farming lobby of 1930 for the banking lobby in 2008 and FDR himself for Bernanke you get the picture. FDR confiscated private gold and personally participated in the London fixing for the price of gold on a daily basis with a view to propping up the prices of agricultural products, presaging today's buying of bonds to support the housing market. For the record, FDR abandoned this effort within less than two years, while Bernanke is carrying on, almost five years since starting his bond-buying spree.

MY COMMENT: Wow. Why had I not read this anywhere else? I knew about the gold thing, but I have never seen it attributed to an attempt to support the price of agricultural goods. Is it true? It's perhaps not directly relevant to what's going on in the world, but I'm fascinated nonetheless.

8. Bernanke also had a predecessor in buying Treasuries. You guessed it, it was FDR. The US financed its wartime effort through Fed purchases of US Treasuries. The Fed carried on owning Treasuries until the early sixties, and in the necessary amount to cap interest rates. Capped interest rates (thanks to Fed-engineered rates repression), balanced budgets and inflation worked together to bring down the debt to GDP ratio from 125% to 30% over time.

MY COMMENT: I did not realise the Fed was buying Treasuries into the sixties. Hell, I was born in the sixties

9. Eisenhower was the last president who systematically balanced the budget and the last president who actively chopped the defence budget. What money he did spend on defence he spent very judiciously, on nuclear arms, which in Stockman's view won the cold war some thirty years later.

MY VIEW: Boring. Also, I'm reading "Balance" by Hubbard and Kane and their numbers highlight that as a percent of GDP defence actually has shrunk a fair bit since Ike was president.

10. Nixon ended the gold standard because he did not want to lose the 1972 election same way he'd lost to Kennedy in 1960.

MY VIEW: Perhaps. However, the gold standard was but a very useful sharia law of the market. Much like sharia law, once upon a time, and for the standard of its day, it had once been extremely effective and quite fair, if a bit harsh. But gold, like, sharia law, requires everybody to buy into the religion. By 1970 there just wasn't enough gold to go around to sensibly provide a backbone for the financial system of the world economy, while still trading at a price retaining some type of relation to its commercial value. Nixon was the president whose fate it was to break that link while doing what every politician in the history has done, which is to buy the public's approval with tax dollars. Dunno, maybe one day we'll do a monetary standard with fresh water or something. But the "T-bill standard" Stockman hates is the only game in town. Dollars backed by future tax receipts. Not sharia law, but American law. Go find me better.

11. Reagan (for whom Stockman was budget director, so he should know) did not much cut spending. Moreover, he did not have it in him to cut defence spending and actually left the US with twice the defence budget as Eisenhower in inflation-adjusted dollars, and the military spent that money on conventional military power, planting the seeds of the two gulf wars.

MY VIEW: Boring. Everybody knows Reagan is the father of the bond market. Hell, we shut down the day he died, to honor him. He probably borrowed a bit of money, then. But I do like the point that Bush 41 and 43 would not have been able to conduct their wars of choice without Reagan's re-armament campaign.

12. Cheap printed money from Greenspan and Bernanke's Fed, along with Friedmanesque freshwater free-market ideology fuelled speculative finance. Futures trading, which should have been used only to hedge the risks of agricultural producers, strayed into financial futures, allowed the financial sector to multiply exponentially in size, enabled the Salomon Brothers "bond arb" and led to the LTCM disaster and bailout of 1998. In turn, Greenspan's response to the 1998 debacle guaranteed the final blowup of the NASDAQ.

MY VIEW: Futures are margined. Even if all collateral is pledged, say, three times (and even today it isn't) it is unthinkable that financial futures can be anything but part of the solution, rather than the problem. Nul points, monsieur Stockman. The idea, furthermore, that speculators in New York hold an advantage over a guy who has access to physical assets, is ridiculous. Last I checked, the biggest grain traders on earth were Cargill, and God knows they trade the physical. Last I checked, the biggest oil traders on earth all own refineries and pipelines. I cannot stress how utterly wrong these arguments are. As recently as 1990, investment banking was very much a cottage industry and its participants were regularly allowed to go bust. Lehman, Shearson, Drexel spring to mind. More to the point, there's nothing wrong with trading, shorting and betting, provided there is no safety net for losers.

Frankly, I think in this instance Stockman is merely demonstrating a bias I recognise from my 20+ years in finance: he comes from the banking side of finance and he hates traders. This can be the only explanation for some of the worst points he makes in the whole book.

And he totally misses the biggest banking deformation of all: when Glass Steagall was repealed, it was not the banks that became investment banks, it was the opposite. The investment banks went into the business of giving loans, with the added kicker that they were all booked as swaps and other derivatives, allowing the profit (the NPV of years of Net Interest Margin) to be booked upfront and immediately turned into bonus. That is how come their balance sheets increased tenfold. Not because of cheap money. The entire derivatives thing goes over Stockman's head, frankly.

Finally, like all commentators, he has a fixation with the twentieth century concept of the balance sheet. Open your Bloomberg and look at Barclays. Balance Sheet is 1.5 trillion Sterling (roughly one UK GDP). Derivatives exposure is 80 trillion Sterling. More than fifty times UK GDP. The interconnectedness is the monster. The collateral to back up all these deals (and Barclays is but one player, by no means the largest) simply does not exist. Unfortunately Goldman don't publish the equivalent number, but I'd love to see what it is. Stockman is too old to appreciate any of this. It's in reading these chapters that you appreciate the book is largely historical, rather than current.

13. Two factors allowed the Greenspan Fed to carry this policy to its illogical conclusion. The fig leaf of its inflation mandate and the battering the price of manufactured goods took when China entered the world arena. Under the cover of constantly falling prices for manufactured goods, Greenspan could keep interest rates impossibly low and still meet his inflation target, when he had the option of higher interest rates and benign deflation. This road not taken represents one of the biggest deformations.

MY VIEW: Bang on

14. The Fed is a Keynesian agent, a "prosperity-oriented politburo." Printing money is no different than digging holes and filling them back up again, but it benefits the top 1% more than anybody else. And it's about as effective. Cheap financing has landed America, which accounts for 4% of the world's population with 40% of hotel rooms. QE has done nothing for middle America, with grocery sales still 10% lower than they were in 2007.

MY VIEW: Yes, yes, yes, but you need to be more nuanced. In moderation, all of the above is good. If your argument is that you will never achieve this moderation because the "politburo" is a branch of government and will be "captured" in a quest to borrow prosperity from the future at all costs, that's another story. In principle, however, why would you not want to have the instruments to control disasters? Why is it wrong to have policy?

More to the point, suppose there was a low corporate tax rate and suppose the capital gains tax was higher than income tax, would that not have negated the entire deformation argument? That's what I took away from pages 404 to 576.

Stockman carries on, and it's all in this vein. He does not much like the 800 billion stimulus, he is systematically abusive of Larry Summers, he likes Obama (and his auto bailout and green energy policy) about as much as he likes Romney.

In his conclusion he goes on to propose that we (surprise, surprise) end the Fed, end deposit insurance, reinstate Glass Steagall, enact term limits for politicians, abolish the three entitlement programs and substitute them with means-tested programs etc. etc. Ah, and he does not ask for the gold standard. After spending 300 pages lamenting the end of "sound money" there's zero mention of gold in the conclusions. Can't disagree, but it does sort of indicate that the 300 pages were mere posturing.

With all these caveats, this is by a country mile THE BEST book currently in print if you want to understand what happened from 1992 to 2012. It's also the worst book. There is no other.

The Great Deformation is a doorstop, but it's also a landmark.
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