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Abstract
Along with perhaps North Korea, Democratic Kampuchea (DK), as the Khmer Rouge (KR) regime called itself, can be regarded as the ultimate twentieth-century paradigm of the totalitarian state. Using sheer violence and terror, a small clique usurped state power viewing itself as endowed with the messianic mission to bring happiness and prosperity faster than any of its revolutionary model and competitors. It came to control every aspect of social and private life. No one was allowed to nurse, let alone express, any form of opposition.
Notes
[1] L'Harmattan, Paris, 1995.
[2] See Moeung Sonn & Henri Locard, “Prisonnier de 1'Angkar”, Paris, Fayard, 1993.
[3] See Voices from S-21: Terror & History in Pol Pot's Secret prison, Thailand, Silkworm Books, 2000.
[4] See Stéphane Courtois et al., Le Livre noir du communisme, Paris, Robert Laffont, Citation1998, p. 8.
[5] See The Phnom Penh Post, 19 December 2003–1 January 2004, p.13.
[6] See “Pol Pot's Little Red Book”, Silkworm Books, Chang Mai, 2004.
[7] Read the chapter bearing that title, in Facing the Cambodian Past, Selected Essays, 197–94, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 1998, pp. 255–75.
[8] For a more detailed description of the choice of the ‘enemies’, read Chapter IV, ‘The Hunt for the Enemies of the People’, in my Pol Pot's Little Red Book, or the Sayings of Angkar, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, Citation2004.
[9] To understand this, read, for instance, publications of the Documentation Centre of Cambodia, such as Victims & Perpetrators? Testimony of Young Khmer Rouge Comrades, Phnom Penh, Meng Try Ea & Sorya Sim, Citation2001. The Khmer Rouge Division 703: from Victory to Self-Destruction, Phnom Penh, Hu Vannak, Citation2003.
[10] See his Cambodia: Year Zero, New York, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1977.
[11] The Quality of Mercy, Simon & Schuster, 1984, p. 338.
[12] Chandler, Voices from S-21, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, Citation2000 p. 149.
[13] ‘The tragedy of Cambodian History’, 1979, in David Chandler, Facing the Cambodian Past, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, Citation1996, p. 302.
[14] ‘The Tragedy of Cambodian history revisited’, 1994,The tragedy of Cambodian History’, 1979, in David Chandler, Facing the Cambodian Past, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, Citation1996, p. 315.
[15] See his ‘Beyond the ‘Colonizer’ and the ‘Colonized’: Intra-Asian Debates and the Complexities of Legal Categories in French Colonial Indochina’, personal communication.
[16] See his unpublished autobiography, provisionally entitled ‘Itinéraire d'un intellectuel khmer rouge: une rétrospective indispensable (1956–1996)’, pp. 61 & 62).
[17] Preface to Le Kampuchea, Catherine Quiminal, Citation1982, p. XVII.
[18] Preface to Le Kampuchea, Catherine Quiminal, Citation1982, p. 69.
[19] François Debré, Cambodge ou la Révolution de la Forêt, Paris, Flammarion, Citation1976, p. 87.
[20] François Debré, Cambodge ou la Révolution de la Forêt, Paris, Flammarion, Citation1976, p. 87, 1964, p. 166.
[21] FBIS, 19 January 1977, p. H 2.
[22] White Lotus Press, Bangkok, 2004.
[23] Justin Cornfield, Khmers, Stand up!, Monash University, Citation1994.
[24] Yale University Press, 2002.
[25] Yale University Press, 2002, p. 9.
[26] United Nations Transitory Authority in Cambodia, 1992–1993.
[27] Source of this information: the Phnom Penh Faculty of Law & Economics.
[28] Read John Ciorciari, Senior Research Scholar at Oxford University, Cambodia Daily, 18 March 2004.
[29] See UNDP, Human Development Report 2003.
[30] Front Uni National pour un Cambodge pour un Cambodge Indépendant, Neutre, Pacifique Et Coopératif.
[31] The rumour in Phnom Penh is that the deal has cost Hun Sen $6–15 million as a gift to his partners.
[32] United Nations Transitory Authority in Cambodia.
[33] For instance, Keat Chhon, an ex-Khmer Rouge, who was with Pol Pot till the early 1980s, now the irremovable Finance Minister, declared in the National Assembly during the debate for the approval of the 2004 budget that the unemployment rate today in Cambodia is 2.5%. Every serious observer knows that about 50% of the population does not have a real job. The Minister of Finance can no more face reality than Pol Pot, his former boss. See The Cambodia Daily, 12 October 2004, p. 12.
[34] Ayres, McHenry & Associates.