Reinventing China: Imperial Qing Ideology and the Rise of Modern Chinese National Identity in the Early Twentieth Century
Abstract
This article uses both Manchu and Han sources to interrogate the relationship between Qing and China. After toppling the Ming reign, the Qing rulers identified their state with China as their eighteenth-century campaigns in Inner Asia redefined what China was. By the early twentieth century, educational institutions had facilitated the Manchu efforts to gain the hearts and minds of the Han intellectual elite, who embraced the idea that China was a multiethnic state. Although Manchu rule ended in 1911, the Chinese people never returned to the position that “China” was the property of the Han people: China’s modern identity would be that of a unified multiethnic state. In other words, the Qing legacies to modern China include not just the country’s vast territory but also a new concept of China that laid the solid foundation for the rise of its national identity.
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1.
1. In this article, China and Chinese refer to the state and its people after 1911. China is used for the concept of Zhongguo—the state, according to the Qing court; its scope varied over different dynasties, expanded with the expansion of the Qing territory, and was similar to the scope of China on mid-eighteenth-century ethnic and geographical maps. Chinese translates Zhongguoren/Zhongguo zhi ren, the Qing court’s label for the people living within its border. On the equivalence of the terms Zhongguo and Zhongxia, see Ciyuan (1979: s.v. “Zhongxia”).
2.
2. China’s nationalism has recently been a hot topic among American scholars of Qing history, but they have paid little attention to the evolution of the concept of China. However, William C. Kirby’s (2004) insightful essay does focus on its changes in the twentieth century, and Edward Rhoads notices that the Qing court considered China to be a multiethnic entity at the turn of the twentieth century (Rhoads, 2000: 293, 294). In her new book The Clash of Empires, Lydia Liu (2004) places the rise of the Western terms for China in the context of nineteenth-century imperialism (my thanks to Hu Minghui for drawing my attention to this work). Many Chinese and Japanese scholars have discussed the origin and evolution of China (Wang Ermin, 1977: 441-80; Yu Zhengui, 1994; Kawashima Shin, 1997; Luo Zhitian, 1998: 1-91; Hu Axiang, 2000), but only one has investigated the official Qing concept, in a brief outline: Kawashima Shin (1997).
3.
3. The etymology of the word nikan is not clear; it may derive from the Mongol word khatai, which means “Han Chinese” (Chen Yinke, 1980: 91). On the meaning of nikan, see Huang Zhangjian (1967) and Li Yanji ([1756] 2001: 2.21a). Manchu archival documents show that the word was used to refer to the Han people. For example, Hong Taiji said in 1635 that he “treated the Jusen, Nikan, and Mongols equally” (Liu Housheng, 1993: 253). In addition, the Manchu archives used it to refer to the Ming state, emperors, and military. For example, the terms nikan i gurun (the Ming state), nikan han i gurun (the Ming emperor’s state), nikan i cooha (the Ming power), and nikan i jasei (the Ming border) frequently appear in discussions of the Manchu 1618 and 1636 events (Li Xuezhi, 1971: 57-63; Kyu Manshu to, 1975: 173, 196, 224, 266, 349, 360, 362).
4.
4. Hu Axiang thinks that the Chinese dynasties did not identify themselves with China until the Ming. But many official documents issued by the Northern Wei, Jin, and Yuan dynasties suggest that this identification began as early as the fourth and fifth centuries. For more details, see Wei Shou (1987: 497, 617, 1947-48), Tuo Tuo (1987: 1915, 2180), and Song Lian (1987: 1729, 3293, 3858).
5.
5. A survey of only the Ming shilu materials related to foreign relations yields many edicts and memorials equating Ming with China. See Li Guoxiang (1991: 91, 93, 102, 346, 348, 361, 386, 394, 395, 420, 914, 919).
6.
6. On the Jin and Yuan rulers’ defense of their own ethnic identity, see Langlois (1981), Chan (1984), and Endicott-West (1989).
7.
7. On the translation of China into the Manchu phrase Dulimbai gurun, see An Shuangcheng (1993: 713). On the Manchu translation of the term Huaxia, see San-e (1700: 3.26b). In the Qing period, Dulimbai gurun was also the equivalent of the Chinese word Hua. For example, in the Manchu version of An Illustration of Tributaries (Zhigong tu), the word Hua was translated Dulimbai gurun (Zhuang Jifa, 1989: 107). On the translation of Zhongyuan as Dulimbai gurun, see Elliott (2000: 638).
8.
8. I have not seen the original Manchu documents cited here. But Qu Liusheng, who recently helped to translate these materials into Chinese, told me in Beijing in 2002 that they do use the Manchu term Dulimbai gurun as the title of the Qing state.
9.
9. In 1936, these documents and their Manchu translations were collected into a book titled The Russian Archives in the Former Palace (Gugong bowuyuan, [1936] 1969). It is full of examples of Qing officials translating the titles of both the Qing state and its rulers into the Manchu terms Dulimbai gurun (China) and Dulimbai gurun amba enduringge han (the great Chinese khan).
10.
10. This figure is based on my survey of the archives collected in QD, which includes all the surviving official documents on Qing relations with Russia between 1653 and 1734.
11.
11. The Manchu court definitely and absolutely rejected the view of China as the Han state, but it by turns clung to and denied the notion that China was a Confucian community, depending on which ethnic community involved. In its dealings with non-Han groups in southwest China, the Qing court claimed that the groups were Chinese only to the extent that they accepted Confucian culture (Rowe, 1994). This standard was never applied to non-Han groups such as Tibetans and Mongolians, however; the court, though treating them as part of China, prohibited them from having much contact with Han culture (Zhang Yongjiang, 2001).
12.
12. The paucity of source materials makes it difficult to determine when the new translation was first used in the official documents, but it did appear in 1689: the Manchu version of the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk refers to the Qing state as Dulimbai gurun.
13.
13. I have modified Elliott’s (2001) translation.
14.
14. Benoist labeled the Qing state China (Zhongguo) on his map. He said that “in Asia... there are more than one hundred countries, of which the greatest is China” (qi dazhe shoutui Zhongguo) (Qin Guojing, 1997: 41).
15.
15. The authors of the imperially sponsored HC placed the geographical account of Inner Asia not in the “surrounding countries section” (siyi kao), which discussed tribute countries, but in the “geography section” (yudi kao) devoted to the Qing state.
16.
16. For the Qing court, the terms Zhongguo zhi ren and Zhongguoren were identical in meaning, and they therefore were rendered in the Manchu translations by a single phrase: Dulimbai gurun i niyalma. The word niyalma means “people” (An Shuangcheng, 1993: 255).
17.
17. For relevant documents, see, for example, Wang Tieya (1957). Wang’s book reproduces all the treaties entered into by the Qing court from 1689 to 1911.
18.
18. In 1760, the Qianlong emperor gave Urumchi the rather Confucian name Dihua. Many Xinjiang towns and cities, even city gates, were assigned similar Confucian names—Changji, Suilai, Fukang, Huifu, Fengqing, and so on (Xiyu tuzhi, 1965: 10: 1a, 2b). Shortly after the conquest, Qianlong superimposed on part of Xinjiang the governmental hierarchy of counties, departments, and prefectures found in China proper (Xiyu tuzhi, 1965: 10: 1a). Qianlong and his Manchu officials oversaw the compilation of Xiyu tuzhi, and its statements reflect the official view on Xinjiang.
19.
19. On the past and present scholarship on Chinese nationalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Levenson (1968), Townsend (1992), Duara (1995), Crossley (1999), Fitzgerald (1996), and Karl (2002). How the Qing imperial view of China affected its formation and development remains unstudied.
20.
20. Many scholars have noted that Sun Yat-sen—long a loyal advocate of the Han nationalism—turned to “greater Chinese nationalism” shortly after the 1911 Revolution. But Zhang Yong (2002) is among the first to observe that the wide influence of the “greater Chinese nationalism” forced Sun to switch camps.
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