Abstract
Mainstream parties of the left have been in a state of slow and uneven decline in Europe for the past forty years. If the reasons for this are well understood, then less well understood is how the parties have been reacting to their difficulties. With the EU itself seemingly occupying a high profile in campaigns for the 2019 EP elections, and with campaigns progressively polarised around the new cleavage dividing anti-system, anti-Euro ‘sovereigntist’ forces from traditional, pro-European, pro-Euro parties, the elections offered the mainstream left an opportunity to attempt a comeback by offering a radical agenda of European democratisation, or ‘critical Europeanism’. Such an agenda provides an answer to the question of what it means to be on the left in the early twenty-first century and has been given increasing urgency by the coronavirus outbreak. However, parties of the left face at least four obstacles in the way of the effective pursuit of such an agenda. These are, growing Euroscepticism in their own ranks; the national and protectionist outlooks of former supporters they need to win back; the limited capacities of the European institutions themselves to communicate in effective ways; the difficulties the parties face in cooperating and pooling sovereignty within the framework of the PES and the other transnational organisations of the left. Consequently, besides exploring the extent to which the mainstream left is pursuing an agenda of ‘critical Europeanism’ at all, we also wish to know how successfully the left is dealing with the obstacles in its way.
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Notes
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Manifesto of the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25). Available at https://diem25.org/manifesto-long/.
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Conflicts over rights, in turn, are conducted by reference to the principle of justice: to treat the same things in the same way and different things differently. For example, the arguments leading up to passage of the Cirinnà law in Italy in 2016, giving LGBT+ people some of the partnership rights already enjoyed by heterosexual couples (Ozzano 2020), revolved around the question of whether sexuality was a relevant criterion of difference in the conferral of partnership rights. For the Catholic Church it was; for the LGBT+ community it was not.
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Actually, racism and xenophobia have not emerged in recent years thanks to migrant crises and the rise of right-wing populism but predated them, being bound up with nation states and the controls on population movements they exert by means of the passport system. As Lavenex (2018: 1) points out, ‘[I]t is only because the world is organized into sovereign states that international migration becomes an issue that needs to be governed’.
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Ben Chu, Newsnight, BB2, 24 January 2020. https://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/m000dlbv/newsnight-24012020.
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Newell, J.L. (2021). Introduction. In: Newell, J.L. (eds) Europe and the Left. Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54541-3_1
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