Milos Jagodic

Based on unpublished archival sources, this paper deals with the position of Gypsies in Serbia in mid XIX century and with the institution of marriage. An extraordinary event, attempt of a Gypsy man marrying a Serb woman, is described and analyzed in detail. The groom's father, wealthy Negotin native Gypsy, intended to marry his son with a Serbian girl and thus improve his family's social status. The selected bride was a poor girl without a family, who accepted the proposal in order to escape from poverty. Obviously, it was the case of an arranged marriage. There were not any legal obstacles to the marriage and the church authorities gave their consent. However, the marriage was not socially acceptable for the part of Negotin community members. Therefore, they openly protested and forced the Timok archbishop to withdraw his permission for the marriage. Police did nothing to prevent demonstration and pressure on the high church dignitary. Thus, the marriage was thwarted. This...

This paper deals with the population of Aleksinac, a city in central
Serbia, from 1834 until 2011. It is based on official data presented in published censuses, conducted throughout the period. Population of Aleksinac
increased from 890 inhabitants in 1834 to 16685 inhabitants in 2011. The
population growth was quite fast during the 1834–1874 period (4,25 % annual growth rate) and 1948–1971 period (3,1 % annual growth rate), while
a decrease of population was recorded between 2002 and 2011 (– 0,31 %
annual growth rate). Estimated demographic losses during the wartime periods were: 1,3 % 1874–1884 (Serbian–Turkish wars 1876 and 1877–1878),
42,2 % 1910–1921 (First Balkan war 1912–1913, Second Balkan war 1913,
First World War 1914–1918) and 6,2 % 1991–2002 (Yugoslavia breakup
wars 1991–1995 and NATO aggression against FR Yugoslavia 1999). Demographic losses occurred as the consequences of the Second World War cannot
be estimated, for the lack of relevant data. One household averaged around
6 members from 1834 to 1910 and around 3 members from 1948 to 2011.
Male–female ratio shifted from approximately 1:0,9 during the 1834–1900
period to 1:1, 1 during the 1961–2011 period. Age structure of the population
has changed significantly over time. A half of Aleksinac inhabitants were under 20 years of age in 1890 and over 40 years of age in 2011. Percentage of
literacy increased from 20,9 % in 1866 to 98,2 in 2011. Around 90% of the
population was of Serb ethnicity throughout the whole period. A third of the
population supported itself by agriculture, crafts and aggregated trade, public
and personal services respectively in 1866. Structure of the population by
occupation was very similar in 1890 and 1971. Approximately 45% of the
active working population was engaged in aggregated industry, crafts, mining
and construction sectors and approximately 10 % in aggregated trade and inn
keeping businesses; on the other hand, the share of famers decreased from
14,4 % in 1890 to 10,9% 1971, while the percentage of employees in public
services increased from 16, 6 % to 24,7% during the same period. In 2002,
the share of farmers was reduced to 3,3 %, 32,4 % of the active working population was engaged in aggregated industry, crafts, mining and construction
sectors and 17,5% in aggregated trade and inn keeping businesses, while the
percentage of public services employees increased to 32,2%.

This paper deals with the life of Marko Avramović, a person related to the Serb uprising against the Ottoman rule in Old Serbia in 1840-1841 and the banditry in the Kosovo region in 1842. Years of his birth and death remain unknown. He originated from Bjelice tribe in Montenegro and gained education in the Serb school in Skadar. Avramović moved to Serbia in 1834, where was employed as customs guard at Raška outpost. After his dismissal in the following year, he moved to the Ottoman Empire and settled in the city of Vučitrn in Kosovo valley, where he remained for four years and worked as a teacher in an elementary school for Serb children. In 1839, he returned to Serbia and acquired his previous service as a customs guard again, at Vasilina česma outpost in 1840 and at Radujevac in 1841. After the Niš revolt in April 1841 was put down, Avramović left Serbia and went to the Ottoman Empire, but only to return in the autumn of the same year. When his plea for admittance to the same service was denied, he crossed the border into the Empire once again, where he became a priest in October of 1842. Little is known about his life until 1852, when he was appointed as a priest in the village of Stalać in the south of Serbia. He held this post until 1856. Since then, his name did not appear any more in the sources at our disposal.
Historical sources testifying about Avramović’s involvement with the preparation of the Serb uprising in 1840-1841, as well as with the banditry in the Kosovo region in 1842 are analyzed in detail. However, presented evidences remain inconclusive, so his role in the mentioned activities has yet to be confirmed or denied by new sources, should they appear. However, certain questions are raised and paths to future research are pointed to. Among these, a potential connection between Marko Avramović and Prince Nikola Vasojević deserves a special notice, for the latter is still a mysterious person, whose role in the Serb history might be more significant than suspected so far.

This paper deals with the citizenship of Principality of Serbia, while it was an autonomous province of
the Ottoman Empire. It examines the notion of Serbia's citizenship, as well as rules and regulations concerning it, with special focus on legal procedures and usual practice regarding naturalization. The paper also focuses on relation between Serbia's citizenship and Ottoman subjecthood. It is based predominantly on published and archival sources of Serbian origin.

This paper deals with international aspect of abolishing feudal agrarian relations in the new regions of Serbia, annexed in 1878. An Agrarian law was passed in 1880, which proclaimed the cultivators as the legal owners of the land. They were obliged to pay certain compensation to the former landowners in five annual installments. Dissatisfied with the stated provisions, holding them opposite to the Article 39 of the Berlin Treaty, the Ottoman Government put the question of agrarian relations in front of the European diplomacy. The diplomatic pressure applied by some of the Signatory Powers, mainly by the Great Britain, eventually bore fruits. Serbian Government bound herself in 1882 to make a loan abroad and immediately and completely compensate the former landowners. Thus, the agrarian issue, as far as diplomacy was concerned, was closed.

The paper deals with the preparations for the Vidin uprising, conducted mainly
in March and April of 1850. The background and role of Jovan Teodorović, organizer and
planner of the insurgency, are explained, as well as his arrest by the Serbian authorities.
Teodorović’s detailed war plan and list of his fellow conspirators are presented. It is shown
that preparations for the uprising continued after his removal, led by village chieftains from the
Vidin, Belogradčik and Lom kazas and monks of the Rakovica Monastery. Serbian policy towards
the insurgency is discussed and certain indications about possible Russian involvement
are stated. The paper is based on previously unused documents of Serbian origin.

This paper deals with a Bulgarian revolt against the Ottoman rule, which broke out in village Bojnica in the Vidin sanjak in April 1849. It was organized and led by certain Puja from the same village. The revolt was caused by unresolved agrarian issue, excessive taxation, oppression and generally deplorable living conditions Bulgarians were exposed to. Military assistance which neighboring Serbia provided for Serbs in South Hungary during the 1848/1849 revolution and presence of Russian troops in Wallachia might have led Bulgarians to believe that they too would receive certain help from Serbia and Russia in their struggle for liberation. Therefore, Puje went to Belgrade in the beginning of 1849 to make pleas for the Bulgarian cause to the Russian consul in Belgrade, Serbia’s prince and other high ranking officials. He accidently met another revolutionary in Serbia’s capital, Nikola Ilić Srndaković, a former leader of the Niš revolt of 1841. Since Srndaković also had similar ideas as Puja, they decided to act together. Their appeals to the Russian consul and Serbia’s authorities were flatly rejected. Puja and Srndaković were told to abandon their plan, for the time for Bulgarian liberation was not right. However, they proceeded with the conceived plan. Srndaković was supposed to recruit volunteers in Serbia, while Puja’s task was to provide money from certain wealthy Bulgarians. They intended to cross into Bulgaria from Zaječar, a town in East Serbia, and to start the revolt from there. By the end of March, Srndaković was arrested in Aleksinac by the local Serbian police in order to prevent him stirring up trouble in the Ottoman Empire. At that time, Puja was already in Zaječar, waiting. When he heard that his fellow conspirator was imprisoned, he crossed into Bulgaria and continued to act on his own.
Puja’s revolt broke out on April 19th 1849 in the Bojnica village. A small skirmish between Bulgarian peasants and few Ottoman guards occurred, which left two Bulgarians dead and three wounded. That was the only armed conflict during the revolt. Peasants from at least two neighboring villages also took up arms and went close to Vidin, apparently in order to seize it. The Ottoman authorities from Vidin were promptly informed about the event, but reacted wisely. A cavalry squadron was send first to the rebels to try to appease them and then into other villages to prevent the revolt from spreading. In fear from retaliation, few hundred refugees crossed into Serbia and settled beside the border fence. Head of the Serbia’s Crna Reka County Danilo Stefanović cooperated with the Ottomans in efforts to persuade the rebels to surrender peacefully and refugees to return, as instructed by his superior, Minister of interior Ilija Garašanin. Eventually, the revolt ended on April 27th, when a group of around two hundred partially armed Bulgarians faced the Ottoman squad beside the Serbian border, near the Veliki Izvor village. The rebels delivered Puja to the Ottomans and majority of them surrendered. Some fled to Serbia, but were extradited immediately.
The revolt was poorly organized and led, and therefore destined to fail. However, it clearly signified readiness of the Bulgarian people to rebel and fight for freedom. Therefore, Puja’s revolt should be considered as an indication of great 1850 revolt which erupted in the Vidin

During the second reign of Prince Mihailo Obrenović (1860-1868) six war plans aimed against the Ottoman Empire were written. Their authors were Atanasije Nikolić 1862, Antonije Orešković 1863, captain Ljubomir Ivanović 1866 and Russian colonels Frankini, Posteljnikov and Ler 1867. A close associate of Serbian foreign minister Ilija Garašanin, Nikolić made a plan on his request. The plan relied on the battle experiences from the 1807 and 1809 offensives, undertook by the Serbian insurgents. Its core idea was to capture Sjenica and thus cut the main road between Bosnia and the rest of the Ottoman Empire and then to join forces with the Montenegrins and Serbian rebels from the Vasojević region. Nikolić stood firmly against direct confrontation against the Turks along the road from Istanbul to Niš. Instead, he advocated indirect operation of isolating Niš by conquering the whole of the South Morava basin. Nikolić`s plan was most probably used by captain Ivanović, while his plan was consulted and mainly adopted by colonel Frankini. The other two Russian officers, Posteljnikov and Ler, did not digress much from the thoughts expressed previously by their compatriot. Thus, a sequence: Serbian insurgents-Nikolić-Ivanović-Frankini-Posteljnikov-Ler was established, which contained the same main idea how Serbia should wage a war against the Ottomans. Only the plan made by Antonije Orešković remained out that frame.

This paper contains census of priests and monks of the Raško-prizrenska аrchbishopry, conducted on December 20th 1913 by Serbian administration, as well as the statistical analysis of the census. There were 112 priests and 20 monks in total. Complete biographic data are available for majority of them. Results of the analysis show that the most of both priests and monks were of local origin and old between 21 and 50 years of age. Most of them became priests or monks up to 30 years of age. Slight majority of both priests and monks completed only elementary school. While priests tended to remain in the same parish their whole life, monks were more mobile and moved from one monastery to another.

У раду је објављен и статистички анализиран део епархијалника Рашко-призренске митрополије из 1913. под називом Списак парохија у Рашко-призренској епархији за 1913. годину. Списак садржи податке о броју православних домова у готово свим насељима на територији епархије. Указано је на неке могућности коришћења Списка као историјског извора и извршено је поређење података о броју православних домова у Призрену и околини из 1885, односно на Косову и околини око 1870. са подацима из 1913.

This paper presents estimated calculation of demographic losses of the Serb population between 1910 and 1921, i.e. during the wartime decade. It is predominantly based on official data provided by censuses conducted in Serbia (1910, 1913), Montenegro (1910, 1914), Austria-Hungary (1910), Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1921) and Hungary (1921). The estimate refers to the following territories: pre Balkan Wars Serbia, pre Balkan Wars Montenegro, regions annexed in 1913 to both Serbia and Montenegro north of the Šar mountain, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia-Slavonia, parts of Bačka, Banat and Baranja regions annexed to the Kingdom SHS, part of Dalmatia under Yugoslav administration in 1921 and parts of the former Habsburg Empire left to Hungary by the Trianon Treaty. The territories excluded from the estimate for the lack of reliable sources are: parts of the former Austria-Hungary annexed to Romania by the Trianon Treaty, part of Dalmatia under Italian occupation in 1921, part of the regions annexed to Serbia in 1913 south of the Šar mountain and the USA. Although the estimate is therefore incomplete, it still refers to approximately 96 % of the total Serb population recorded in 1910, apart from the Serbs in the USA.
‘’Demographic losses’’ caused by war(s) are defined as the sum of direct war losses (killed and deceased military personnel and civilians) and indirect war losses (decreased birth rate before, during and right after the war, deaths after the war caused by the war consequences like famine, diseases etc. and migrations caused by the war).  Estimated demographic losses of the Serbs 1910-1921 are equal to the difference between the real number of Serbs recorded by the 1921 censuses and the number of Serbs whom would have lived on the stated territories in 1921, had the war(s) not taken place. Projected 1921 Serb population is calculated for each country/province separately by the mathematical method of exponential extrapolation. The calculation is founded on the assumption that the monthly exponential growth rate of the Serb population from the 1900-1910 period would have continued into the following decade, had there been no wars. The monthly growth rate of the Serb population is calculated and applied separately for each country/province according to the 1900 and 1910 censuses data. For comparison purposes, the same was done for non-Serb population (‘’others’’), where possible and sensible. Final results of the paper are presented in English in the summary.

This paper contains previously unpublished note, made by Nikola Pašić, about a meeting of Serbia’s main officials, convened by the King and held on March 10th 1912 in Royal Court. Prime minister, Milovan Milovanović, informed on that occasion chief political and military figures about the final version of Treaty of Alliance with Bulgaria. Nikola Pašić expressed his disagreement with proposed delimitation in Macedonia, especially with ceding of Kratovo and Kriva Palanka to Bulgaria. Although unwillingly and with hope that these provisions could be changed in the future, Pašić voted for acceptance of the proposed text.

Slobodan Jovanovic, prominent and influential early 20th century historian, was the first researcher who used Nikola Krstic’s Diary as a source for his books about Serbia’s history. Since they were written mostly without bibliographical references, the aim of this paper is to establish exactly what did he write about Mihailo, Milan and Alexandra Obrenovic based upon Krstic’s Diary in books Second Reign of Milos and Mihailo, Reign of Milan Obrenovic and Reign of Alexandra Obrenovic.
Detailed comparative analysis has shown that Jovanovic used characteristic features about Serbia’s rulers’ personalities from Krstic’s Diary. Therefore they have become well known in Serbian history long before their original source was published. Majority of data that Jovanovic took from the Diary are about Milan Obrenovic; on the other hand, Krstic’s Diary was the least useful to the author for description of Alexandra Obrenovic. Jovanovic’s interpretations do not differ from the original source. Although usually indirect, pieces of information provided by Nikola Krstic are reliable, since they originate from primary sources. Therefore, Jovanovic’s writings about Obrenovic dynasty monarchs personalities based upon Krstic’s Diary remain trustworthy.

This paper deals with the number of Serbs from 1880 to 1910. It is mostly based on official statistical data. There were 1693337 Serbs in Kingdom of Serbia in 1884, or 89 % of its total population; that number increased to 2778706 in 1910, or 95. 4 % of country’s population. Yearly geometrical population growth rate of Serbs in Serbia 1884-1910 was 1. 92 %. In Hungary proper (i. e. excluding Croatia and Slavonia) there were 380707 Orthodox Serbs in 1880 (2.8 % of total population), and 454431 (2.5 %) in 1910. Their yearly geometrical population growth rate 1880-1910 was 0.59 %. Due to some inconsistencies in registering population according to mother language in Hungarian censuses of 1880, 1890, 1900 and 1910, described in detail in the paper, several thousands of other then orthodox Serbs are excluded from above stated figures. There were 497746 Serbs in Croatia and Slavonia in 1880 (26.3 % of total population) and 649453 in 1910 (24.9 % of total population). Their yearly geometrical population growth rate 1880-1910 was 0.89 %. In Dalmatia, there were 79584 Serbs in 1880 (16.7 % of total population) and 105335 in 1910 (16.3 % of total population). Their yearly geometrical population growth rate 1880-1910 was 0.94 %. In Bosnia and Herzegovina lived 496761 Serbs in 1879 (42.9 % of total population); their number increased to 825418 in 1910, comprising 43.5 % of total population. Yearly geometrical population growth rate of Serbs 1879-1910 in Bosnia and Herzegovina was 1.65 %. According to official Ottoman state census of 1881, there were 152944 Serbs in parts of Old Serbia north of Shar Mountain (sancaks Pljevlja, Novi Pazar/Sjenica, Prishtina, Prizren, Pech) or 30.5 % of total population; in regions south of Shar Mountain (sancak Skoplje, kazas Veles, Prilep, Kichevo, Debar) there were 18513 Serbs or 3.7 % of total population. Aggregate number of Serbs in Old Serbia in 1881 was 171457 or 17.7 % of total population. Since there are no other reliable state census data for whole Old Serbia after 1881, church censuses had to be used in order to estimate the number of Serbs; however, they lack data on other population. According to these sources, there were 208870 Serbs in parts of Old Serbia north of Shar Mountain in 1910, 71161 Serbs in regions south of Shar Mountain, i.e. 280031 Serbs in total. Yearly geometrical population growth rate of Serbs north of Shar Mountain 1881-1910 was 1.8 %; the same rate was 4.75 % in regions South of Shar Mountain. Such discrepancy can be explained by the fact that in regions south of Shar Mountain changes in numbers of one Christian nationality (Serb, Bulgar, Greek etc.) depended mainly on successes of respective national propagandas. For the general counting of population was not conducted in Montenegro before 1910, an estimate of its population given by a German traveler, Bernhard Schwarz, in approximately 1880 had to be used. According to that source, there were around 160000 inhabitants in Montenegro, and 93% of them (148800) were Serbs, as we have calculated. State census of 1910 showed that there were 206445 Serbs in Montenegro (93 % of total population). Yearly geometrical population growth rate of Serbs in Montenegro 1880-1910 was 1.1 %. Immigration of Serbs into USA and Canada became, so to speak, significant and thus officially recorded in the first decade of 20th century. However, official United States and Canada records do not contain exact figures of Serb immigrants, for they were registered together with other Balkan peoples (Croats, Slovenes or Bulgars). Number of Serbs in USA in 1910 can be estimated between 30075 and 60000; it is impossible to give any estimation for Canada, for the only reliable sources for that country are ship lists of immigrants, which show that 17809 Yugoslavs came in Canada 1900-1915. How many stayed in Canada or how many of them were Serbs cannot be said.
Having estimated the number of Serbs in referent years 1880, 1890, and 1900 in countries or provinces where censuses were not taken in these years, we were able to give estimates about total number of Serbs 1880-1910 and their distribution in all previously mentioned countries or regions, apart from USA and Canada. Total number of Serbs was estimated to 3323035 (46.3 % in Kingdom of Serbia) in 1880 and 5299819 (52.4 % in Kingdom of Serbia) in 1910. Yearly geometrical population growth rate of Serbs 1880-1910 was 1.57 %.
Paper also contains number and distribution of Serbs in major administrative districts in all countries or provinces in years 1880, 1890, 1900 and 1910.

The paper deals with life and education of several students from Serbia in Paris in mid 1860's. Most of them had state scholarships (Jovan Avakumović, Grgur Milovanović, Milan Damjanović, Jovan Maksimović, Milan Kujundžić, Milan Bogićević, Dragomir Rajović, Dimitrije Jovanović), while two students, Milutin Garašanin and Djordje Simić, funded schooling by themselves. Everyday life, entertainment and education of these students are described in detail, as well as their liberal ideas. Some of them played prominent role in Serbia's political history later on, while the others made successful careers in the judiciary.

The State Audit Institution in Serbia was founded in 1843 and it was named ‘’The Main Control’’. It was a part of the State Council and it was put under Council’s supervision. Control’s task was to inspect yearly accounts of all state and public institutions. Its activity proved to be quite beneficiary for the state and its finances. However, the Control was inefficient. It kept lacking behind with inspecting accounts year after year, so they were piling up. Such development was caused by the insufficient number of employees and certain drawbacks of the Law on Main Control. Eventually, the new Law was passed in 1858, which considerably broadened Control’s authorities and thus provided an excellent foundation for its future work.

Апстракт: У раду је анализирано становништво Крагујевца у дру-гој половини 19. века према броју, полу, писмености и занимању. Приказа-не су цене основних пољопривредних производа и промет на панађурима. Написан је на основу званичних статистика.

This paper deals with plans on Serbia’s policy towards Old Serbia and
Macedonia during the period between the Congress of Berlin 1878 and
outbreak of Serbian-Bulgarian war in 1885. Due to the wars against Ottoman Empire 1876-1878, Serbia’s activities among Serb population in Kosovo, Bitolj and Thessaloniki vilayets came to a halt. Several plans on their reactivation were made and presented to Government’s officials during the period 1878- 1885. These plans were mostly written by prominent participants in previous cross border activities, like Despot Badžović, Sava Dečanac, Miloš Milojević and others. Following measures were mainly proposed: 1) obtaining some sort of ecclesiastical autonomy for Serbs in the Ottoman Empire; 2) signing a consular convention between Serbia and Ottoman Empire and appointing Serbia’s consuls in Prizren, Priština, Mitrovica, Skoplje, Bitolj and Thessaloniki; 3) providing material aid to Serb ecclesiastical communities, schools, churches and monasteries in Turkey; 4) funding education of Serb youth from Old Serbia and Macedonia in Serbia. However, only archimandrite Sava Dečanac in 1882 and Milutin Garašanin in 1885 expressed an opinion that it was Serbian Government who should conduct these measures. This feature was an important novelty, since policy towards Old Serbia and Macedonia had been previously attended by informal committees. Significance of ideas stated in these plans lies in fact that they were mostly implemented in period between 1886 and 1912.

Апстракт: Рад описује настојања српске дипломатије да од османских власти издејствује званично признање српске нације у Турској. У њему су изложе-не све фазе преговора који су о овом, тзв. нуфуском питању вођени у периоду од 1894. до 1910. године. Написан је претежно на основу необјављене архивске грађе српске провинијенције. Становништво Османског царства се званично није делило по на-ционалности него по вери, тј. по милетима. Православни хришћани у европским вилајетима Турске су крајем 19. века били сврставани у два ми-лета: Бугар-милет (верници бугарске Егзархије) и Урум милет (верници Цариградске патријаршије). Српски милет није постојао, јер Срби нису имали своју националну цркву. Отуда српски народ у турским пописима није био евидентиран као посебан ентитет, што је отварало могућност за злонамерне интерпретације да Срба у Турској није ни било. Из тог разлога је дипломатија Краљевине Србије настојала да се у Цариграду избори за званично признавање српског милета. Циљ ове расправе је да покаже како су ти напори текли и како су се завршили. У Турској је 1881. године започет попис становништва, први по модерним правилима државне статистике. Приликом пописивања, власти су издавале својим поданицима једну врсту идентификационог документа – нуфус тескеру. У њему су стајали лични подаци о свакој особи, између осталог и припадност одређеном милету. Без нуфус тескере никоме није било могуће да обави било какав посао са властима, на пример да наследи, * Рад настао као резултат истраживања на пројекту Министарства за науку и тех-нолошки развој Друштвене институције српског народа од 16. до 20. века: континуитет и дисконтинуитет (Ев. бр. 147015).

This paper deals with the Albanian incursions in south Serb borderline
regions in 1879. It explains their causes and different modalities
of performance. Exact data about damages inflicted by the incursions on
state and private property are given. However, the main issue analyzed in
this paper is diplomatic repercussion, which occurred as the result of Albanian
incursions. It is described in detail how the Ottoman Porte has,
under the influence of Great Britain, requested from the Serb government
to allow repatriation of all Albanian refugees, who emigrated from the
Toplica and Vranje regions during the 1877/78 war. It is stated that the
Serb authorities had been eventually compelled to accept such request,
but the repatriation did not take place after all. The paper is based on mainly unused documents from Archive of Serbia.

Based on unpublished archival sources, this paper deals with the position of Gypsies in Serbia in mid XIX century and with the institution of marriage. An extraordinary event, attempt of a Gypsy man marrying a Serb woman, is described and analyzed in detail. The groom's father, wealthy Negotin native Gypsy, intended to marry his son with a Serbian girl and thus improve his family's social status. The selected bride was a poor girl without a family, who accepted the proposal in order to escape from poverty. Obviously, it was the case of an arranged marriage. There were not any legal obstacles to the marriage and the church authorities gave their consent. However, the marriage was not socially acceptable for the part of Negotin community members. Therefore, they openly protested and forced the Timok archbishop to withdraw his permission for the marriage. Police did nothing to prevent demonstration and pressure on the high church dignitary. Thus, the marriage was thwarted. This unusual example shows the existence of segregation of Gypsies and their de facto inferior social position, as well as hesitation of church and civil authorities to enforce the law in matters of marriage, when it collided with deeply rooted social norms.

The paper presents a report written by Vasilije Đorđević, merchant from Priština and Serbia’s confidential agent, on July 10th/22nd 1854. The report contains valuable data about various problems that Serbs in Old Serbia had confronted with at the time. The most numerous refer to islamization of girls and women as well as to disgraceful behavior of certain members of the Orthodox clergy. Careful reading, however, enables a deep insight into the functioning of the Tanzimat in the covered region.

The article presents nine letters written by Micko Krstević, a famous Serb chetnik voivoda, to Serbia’s consul in Bitolj, Milojko Veselinović. They contain important data about Micko’s life before imprisonment in 1882 and about his misfortunes within prison walls. The letters are particularly significant for studying relations between Christian nationalities in Southern Old Serbia and Macedonia at the end of 19th century.

The article presents a report written by Serbia’s consul in Priština Branislav Nušić, a famous writer, on his official journey from Priština to Skadar in August 1894. The report was written and sent to Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade in October the same year. Nušić traveled through western part of Kosovo Vilayet (Sanjak of Prizren) and Skadar Vilayet. His report contains important observations about problems concerning Serbia’s interests in the region, as well as suggestions on further steps that, in his opinion, Serbia should take in order to improve impact of Her foreign policy in Turkey. He proposed opening of three new consulates, in Prizren, Skadar and Serez and transferring consulate from Priština to Mitrovica. Furthermore, Nušić emphasized importance of establishing some kind of cooperation between Serbia and Albanian chieftains, predicting that the Albanians will become an important Balkan nation under protection of major European Powers in not so distant future, who will then change political map of the peninsula.

Апстракт: У раду су представљена два критички приређена извештаја Арутура Еванса о Старој Србији из 1883, упућена Министарству спољних послова Велике Британије. У њима су, на основу непосредног увида, описане политичке, друштвене и привредне прилике у Скопском санџаку и делу Старе Србије северно од Шар планине. Посебно су значајни као извор за познавање постојећих односа између различитих верских и националних заједница на том простору.

Апстракт: Рад, у виду детаљног табеларног прегледа по селима, доноси податке о броју становника седам пограничних округа Кнежевине Србије који су претрпели штету за време српско-турског рата 1876, као и о броју спаљених кућа и зграда. Оснива се на до сада непознатом извештају владине Комисије за помоћ ратним страдалницима из марта 1881.

This paper deals with Serbian chetas (small paramilitary companies) which have operated in Macedonia, contrary to current belief, since 1897 and not since 1903. They were composed of up to ten persons, originating mainly from Northwest parts of Bitolj (Monastir) Vilayet, i. e. from Kičevo kaza and Poreče nahya. Organized and sent to Macedonia by Belgrade’s city chief of police Rista Bademlić, they had material and other support from the highest Serbia’s officials, like Vladan Djordjević, prime minister 1897-1900. Aim of the chetas was to protect inhabitants of Serbian villages mostly in regions around Kičevo and Debar in Bitolj Vilayet from Albanian bands and pro-bulgarian Macedonian revolutionary organization (VOMRO). Names and origin of almost all of the chentniks involved are stated in the paper and their action in the field is described in detail. Government change in Serbia in 1901 caused a brief pause in chetas activities; they were resumed in 1903, although with different organization.

This paper represents a detailed statistical analysis of Christian immigrants in Skoplje according to an income tax census (defter) made in 1845. There were 317 adult male Christian immigrants, all craftsmen, divided into 18 guilds. Tailors, bakers (bread and bagel makers) and innkeepers were the most numerous. Majority of the immigrants were peasants who came from four nearby kazas (Tetovo, Skoplje, Kumanovo and Kičevo). Fifty seven percent of the immigrants moved to Skoplje within six years period, from 1839 to 1845, i.e. after the Gulhanne Hatisherif and during the counter Tanzimat rebellions of local Albanian Muslim chieftains. Besides the immigrants, there were 759 native Christian households in Skoplje in 1845. Since the majority of them were engaged in different crafts, the immigrants represented a significant competition.

This paper presents the content of the library fund (a list of books, periodicals and manuscripts) of the library of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Principality of Serbia in 1846. The fund was quantitatively analyzed according to the languages in which the works were written. The paper also explains when, how and why some titles were acquired for the library. The paper was written on the basis of relevant literature and published and unpublished archival materials of Serbian origin.

The article shows and analyzes activities of the Serbian secret organization in eastern Bosnia from 1849 to 1855. It is demonstrated that the goals of the organization by 1851 included the preparation of an uprising against the Turkish rule, but from that point on it served as an intelligence agency with a task to gather information on the circumstances in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The most important features of the organization structure are underlined and certain activities as well as its weaknesses are pointed out. The article is based mostly upon the unpublished archival material of Serbian origin. n 1844 the Serbian Principality Minister of Interior, Ilija Garašanin, along with his associates made a strategic plan regarding the national and foreign policy called the Načertanije. The aim was the restoration of the Serbian Empire based on the historical law which would, as a balancing element between the European countries, replace Turkey in Europe as its fall was deemed inevitable. 1 The implementation of the Načertanije meant the collaboration of Serbia with Christians in the Balkans. Therefore, in 1849 a Serbian secret organization was formed and its network of agents covered several European provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Historiography holds texts about the organization, but more as a general overview than in detail. 2 The aim of this article is to show and analyze the organization activities in eastern Bosnia based on reports of an agent stationed in Užice. Dušan Berić used the same reports, but mostly as sources about the background of an

Th is paper shows and analyses preparations for Serb uprising against Ottoman rule in 1840 and 1841. It explains Niš rebellion of 1841 was just a part of uprising planned for much wider area, but accomplished only in Th e sancak of Niš. Th e role of prince Nikola Vasojević in uprising preparations was indicated. How the uprising was fi nanced and what was the role of prince Miloš Obrenović remain unanswered questions. Th e paper is mostly based on Serbian, Russian, British, French and Austrian sources.