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Die Struktur des Parteienwettbewerbs im Vereinigten Königreich

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Zusammenfassung

Ausgehend von der oft problematischen Anwendung und theoretischen Unterentwicklung des Parteienwettbewerbskonzepts wird die Verwendung des Konzepts in dieser Studie durch eine vergleichende Diskussion seiner umstrittenen Aspekte skizziert. Durch diese Diskussion wird Bartolinis mehrdimensionales Verständnis von Wettbewerb als der umfassendste Ansatz identifiziert, um die komplexe Natur der strategischen und taktischen Interaktionen von Parteien zu erfassen. Darüber hinaus konzentriert sich das Kapitel auf die Untersuchung der strukturellen Grenzen des Wettbewerbs im Vereinigten Königreich, die sich aus der Wechselwirkung zwischen der territorialen Verteilung der Wählerunterstützung und dem relativen Mehrheitswahlsystem ergeben. Dies gipfelt in der entscheidenden Diskussion, warum das Vereinigte Königreich theoretisch ein Gemeinwesen sein sollte, das einen geringen Grad an Territorialisierung bei der Wählerunterstützung und somit geringe strukturelle Beschränkungen aufweist, während empirisch zunehmend das Gegenteil der Fall ist.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Das offensichtlichste Problem ist die Datenverfügbarkeit (Caramani 2004, S. 39). Fragen zur Wahrscheinlichkeit der Stimmabgabe werden in Wahlumfragen erst seit den 1980er-Jahren gestellt, sodass es technisch unmöglich ist, diesen Faktor für frühere Wahlen zu analysieren. Und selbst wenn diese Daten im Überfluss zur Verfügung stünden, sind Daten, die nur auf nationaler Ebene oder entlang nationaler soziodemografischer Merkmale erhoben werden für eine aussagekräftige Analyse des Parteienwettbewerbs in relativen Mehrheitswahlsystemen weitgehend unbrauchbar, da der Wettbewerb hier naturgemäß einen regionalen Charakter aufweist.

  2. 2.

    Downs (1957b, S. 142) schließt zwar die Notwendigkeit einer gewissen „Produktdifferenzierung“ ein, äußert sich aber nicht explizit zum Verhältnis zwischen Differenzierung und programmatischer Konvergenz um den Medianwähler.

  3. 3.

    Es ist wichtig zu beachten, dass dies die Einbeziehung von Wahlkreisen erfordert, in denen die Partei nicht antritt. Betrachtet man nur die Wahlkreise, in denen die Partei antritt, sollten die geografischen Unterschiede nur mittelmäßig bis gering sein (siehe die entsprechende Diskussion für Spanien und die Schweiz, Caramani 2004, S. 112–117).

  4. 4.

    Zur Rolle lokaler Verbundenheit und Identität siehe die entsprechenden Erörterungen von Cox und Jeffery (2014) und Wyn Jones et al. (2012) und zur mehrdeutigen Rolle der unterschiedlichen wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung siehe auch Johnston et al. (2005) und Butler und Stokes (1970, S. 135–150).

  5. 5.

    Grofman (2004, S. 26–27) weist darauf hin, dass Downs Annahmen mindestens 15 Bedingungen voraussetzen, um reibungslos zu funktionieren. An dieser Stelle konzentriere ich mich auf die beiden Voraussetzungen, die für meine Argumentation unbedingt erforderlich sind.

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Niendorf, T. (2022). Die Struktur des Parteienwettbewerbs im Vereinigten Königreich. In: Das Devolutionsgambit. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17315-8_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17315-8_3

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  • Publisher Name: Springer, Cham

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  • Online ISBN: 978-3-031-17315-8

  • eBook Packages: Social Science and Law (German Language)

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