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Populism and/or Developmentalism: Past and Present Experiences

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The Political Economy of Emerging Markets and Alternative Development Paths

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Abstract

Thirty years ago, the concept of “economic populism” was an original approach to understand the failed development trajectories of Latin America. At the heart of that research programme was the analytical description of the boom-and-bust cycles and the main elements of the adopted economic policy package that favoured income redistribution along with structural changes in the economy.

Contemporary populism has become a worldwide phenomenon. By now, however, populist policies can hardly be judged as irresponsible; yet, certain distinct characteristics can still be identified. One field where populists have been rather active is developmentalism. Whereas scholarly work has been vigorously studying the demand side of populism, no such determined interest can be experienced with regard to the supply side, i.e., what populists actually do in power. The chapter addresses this challenge by comparing the most recent experiences of populists in power to the original elements of the populist developmental package.

A study prepared in the research project “From developmental states to new protectionism: changing repertoire of state interventions to promote development in an unfolding new world order” (NKFI FK_124573).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The classical era of populism thrived in Latin America between the 1930s and the 1960/1970s, started by Cardenas in Mexico (1934–1940), followed by Vargas (1930–1945) in Brazil and especially Peron in Argentina (1946–1949) and Velasco (1968–1975) in Peru.

  2. 2.

    The literature on dependency was burgeoning that time. Reflecting upon the division of labour between developed and developing countries in the nineteenth century, Bairoch (1998: 11) argued that “the industrialisation of the former led to the de-industrialisation of the latter.” From the 1950s onwards, structuralist explanations for the underdeveloped status of Latin America was at its peak, a typical claim being that “North and South are in a structural relationship one to another; that is that both areas are part of a structure that determines the pattern of relationships that emerges” (Brown, 2001: 197). For the world-systems theorists, capitalism was “a historical social system” Wallerstein (1983: 13). Accordingly, underdevelopment (i.e., a persistent lack of economic growth and development along with impoverishment and even malnutrition) was not the initial stage of a historical and evolutionary uni-linear development process (as predicted by Rostow, 1960), but a consequence of colonialism and imperialism.

  3. 3.

    Yet, as opposed to Dornbusch and Edwards (1990), Sachs (1989) did not try to develop a new definition or a new paradigm on economic populism; he simply portrayed it as a mode of macroeconomic (mis)management.

  4. 4.

    The combination of a fixed exchange rate regime and the massive wage increases triggered substantial appreciation of the real exchange rate both in phases 1 and 2. In turn, export declined and the access to hard currency became problematic too.

  5. 5.

    Drake (1982) warned that such a vision on socialism was the case only in Chile under Allende, where seemingly Keynesian recipes went well beyond the intent of making the capitalist system to function better. Drake emphasises that Allande’s government should not perhaps be labelled as populist as it was rather socialist-communist with a Marxist-Leninist ideology showing no willingness for compromise with the wealthy elite. The latest wave of Latin American populism does show similar tendencies, especially in Venezuela under the late Chavez and Maduro (de la Torre 2017).

  6. 6.

    There are two different forms of personalistic leadership: in case of ideocracy, ideology is a determining factor, whereas in case of populism, personalistic leadership is interpreted flexibly and in an opportunistic way (Weyland, 2001).

  7. 7.

    See also Drake (2012: 71).

  8. 8.

    Based on Filc (2010), Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser (2013) distinguishes three dimensions of exclusiveness/inclusiveness: material, political, and symbolic.

  9. 9.

    According to Bresser-Pereira (2015), the term “new developmentalism” was his own invention back in 2003. The term was supposed to refer to both a historical-deductive theory and an existing form of capitalism. As a theory, it was deducted from the successful experiences of East Asian economies. As a real-case form of capitalism, it can have different forms, including both authoritarian and democratic versions.

  10. 10.

    Orenstein and Bugaric (2020) underlined that the turn away from the neoliberal agenda implied also a shift in interest towards Eastern authoritarian states with the explicit aim of changeling external sources from these illiberal economies to Hungary and Poland.

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Benczes, I. (2023). Populism and/or Developmentalism: Past and Present Experiences. In: Ricz, J., Gerőcs, T. (eds) The Political Economy of Emerging Markets and Alternative Development Paths. International Political Economy Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20702-0_4

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