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Migrant Women and Homelessness

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Women’s Homelessness in Europe

Abstract

Chapter 10 discusses homelessness among migrant women across Europe. To date, there is very little empirical research dedicated to, or inclusive of, the experiences of migrant homeless women. In an effort to open up the debate, the authors critically examine potential areas of intersection in the research literature on homelessness, migration and gender. In doing so, the discussion attempts to identify the multiple, interrelated processes and factors which propel migrant women into homelessness or housing instability. In light of the scarce evidence available on this group, the chapter also posits possible reasons behind why a perceived ‘gender blindness’ exists across the homelessness and migration literature, in particular. The chapter proposes intersectionality as a useful theoretical tool to expand knowledge of migrant women experiencing homelessness.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Until 1 January 2014 Romanian and Bulgarian nationals faced restrictions relating to the freedom of movement for workers within many European countries. Similar restrictions still apply to Croatian citizens, who joined the EU in 2013.

  2. 2.

    ETHOS refers to the European Typology of Homelessness and Housing Exclusion developed by the European Observatory of Homelessness (see FEANTSA 2005). It defines homelessness as those who are roofless; houseless; living in insecure housing and also those living in extremely inadequate housing (see Chaps. 3 and 5 for a detailed account of ETHOS).

  3. 3.

    While the concept of social exclusion is not necessarily fixed, it broadly refers to individuals and locales that demonstrate limited opportunity for employment, poor education, poor health, limited access to social services, poor quality housing and high rates of crime—all of which can contribute to homelessness (Pleace 1998).

  4. 4.

    Of the total number of 3.8 million migrants, nearly 2 million people were recorded as being intra-EU migrants (that is, those migrating within the EU); with 1.8 million people originally from outside the EU (Eurostat 2011).

  5. 5.

    Due to structural factors that can result in lower educational attainment, poor employment history and discrimination, ‘motherhood penalty’ refers to the wage and employability gap between women and men due to the childcare burden, which disproportionately affects women with children. Men are less likely to experience a ‘fatherhood penalty’.

  6. 6.

    Barka Foundation, a Polish NGO, operates an outreach programme for destitute and homeless migrants from Eastern Europe. The aim of this organization is to send these migrants back to their families and communities, and/or to encourage them to participate in rehabilitation in one of Barka’s support centres in Poland. The programme was initiated in 2007, with the cooperation of several services in London and surrounding areas. Since then, it has also opened in Ireland and the Netherlands.

  7. 7.

    However, migrant women do not feature strongly in rough sleeper counts (Homeless Agency 2006; Homeless Link 2008). For instance, in low-threshold services in London, 10 per cent of A8 nationals accessing those services were women (Homeless Link 2006).

  8. 8.

    The case studies presented here are based on two life history interviews that are part of the Mayock and Sheridan (2012) study.

  9. 9.

    See also Crenshaw (1991) on the lack of data on domestic violence in the districts of Los Angeles. The release of data was blocked by anti-domestic violence activists in order not to permit opponents to dismiss domestic violence as a minority problem and not to perpetuate racial stereotypes about some groups being more violent.

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Mostowska, M., Sheridan, S. (2016). Migrant Women and Homelessness. In: Mayock, P., Bretherton, J. (eds) Women’s Homelessness in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54516-9_10

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