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1 The Austrian Freedom Party: Organizational Development and Leadership Change

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Understanding Populist Party Organisation

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology ((PSEPS))

Abstract

This chapter is devoted to the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) and its organizational dimension, which, as this analysis will show, played an important role in sustaining the party during a period of fragmentation and significant external challenges.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This author wishes to gratefully acknowledge the contribution and especially the research assistance of Lukas Kollnberger of the University of Salzburg.

  2. 2.

    The VdU was also known as WdU, Wahlpartei der Unabhängigen [Electoral Party of Independents].

  3. 3.

    For example, a challenge from neo-Nazi extremists, who subsequently left the party and founded the rightwing extremist National Democratic Party (NDP) (Luther 1995: 438).

  4. 4.

    In 1997 the so-called ‘Contract with Austria’ was formally adopted as the new programme. It no longer emphasized Austria’s allegiance to the German nation and cultural sphere but rather endorsed an explicit ‘Österreichpatriotismus’ [Austrian Patriotism] and devoted extensive consideration to Christianity and its defense. It also called for more influence for citizen juries and ‘lay judges’ to obtain stricter punishments, especially for ‘sexual offenders and deviants’ (Kotanko 1999).

  5. 5.

    It consists of the federal party executive committee along with the delegates from the state party chapters (one delegate per 1000 members, elected for 3 years) and all members holding executive government office (national, state, city, district) or serving as elected representatives in a legislative body (European Parliament, national parliament, and state legislatures).

  6. 6.

    It consists of the federal party presidium, the caucus leaders from state and national legislative bodies, the representatives from recognized party-affiliated organizations, along with four members elected by the Party Congress.

  7. 7.

    It consists of the party leader himself, the deputy leader, the managing party leader, all leaders of the national and state party caucuses along with all the other most senior officials in the party and in elected office such as the (deputy) speaker(s) of the national parliament, the party treasurer, the party executive manager, the general secretaries, the state party leaders, FPÖ state governors, and all honorary party leaders.

  8. 8.

    This is because the lion’s share of public funding is disbursed through the state governments to the state party organizations based on the latter’s electoral representation.

  9. 9.

    Not to be confused with an earlier action programme of the same name.

  10. 10.

    A new programme was launched in 2011, which departed in several ways from that developed in the Haider era. The new text is shorter and still emphasizes an ‘Austria First Agenda’, but explicitly recognizes Austria as ‘part of the German cultural nation’ (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs 2011).

  11. 11.

    This was included also in a pre-election televised debate when Chancellor Faymann accused Strache of merely repeating what ‘Kickl had written down’ without knowing what he was saying. See also Böhmer (2012).

  12. 12.

    Basta 6 June 1991: 33.

  13. 13.

    For details see Bailer-Galanda and Neugebauer (1997: 36–37) and Zöchling (1999: 187).

  14. 14.

    Moreover, functionaries and officials ‘agreed to donate any income earned for their services above the equivalent of €5500 per month to a local welfare organization and to surrender the right to any income from public money other than the salary for their office’ (Riedlsperger 1998: 31).

  15. 15.

    For details see Zöchling (1999: 183).

  16. 16.

    Following the separation by the Carinthian FPÖ, the Freedom Party of Vorarlberg (around party leader Egger) also severed its ties from the national party in 2005 and appeared initially lost to the FPÖ. However, in response, a parallel FPÖ chapter (around Klaus Bilgari) was founded, which sought (re)admission to the national party. Following legal disputes the two groups reunified and reintegrated into the national Freedom Party in 2006. Also the Upper Austrian FPÖ declared itself independent. After the resignation of the regional party leader Günter Steinkellner, the state party negotiated its readmission and rejoined in 2006. The Freedom Party in Tyrol faced the problem that its two members in the state government had switched to BZÖ, then formed a rival party called The Free Party of Tyrol but eventually withdrew their candidacy from state elections.

  17. 17.

    The Strache-FPÖ reinserted a clause into the FPÖ’s programme explicitly claiming Austria to be part of the German cultural nation. By comparison, Haider referred to his party as an ‘Austria–party’ and saw to it that the far-right fraternities were gradually pushed out of leadership positions.

  18. 18.

    The renegade group around former FPÖ state-party Chairman, Karl Schnell, created their own formation but were blocked by the courts from continuing under the name Freedom Party.

  19. 19.

    The Ring Freiheitlicher Studenten—a right-wing student organization—from where members of the party elite have traditionally been recruited.

  20. 20.

    Nonetheless, a clause in the party statute requiring that there had to be at least one female delegate on the party executive committee was removed in 1992.

  21. 21.

    Own calculations based on parliamentary records, see http://www.parlament.gv.at/WWER/

  22. 22.

    For details on legislative cohesion see Müller et al. (2001: 250, 252).

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Heinisch, R. (2016). 1 The Austrian Freedom Party: Organizational Development and Leadership Change. In: Heinisch, R., Mazzoleni, O. (eds) Understanding Populist Party Organisation. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58197-6_2

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58197-6_2

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