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First published online June 19, 2009

Rethinking Factionalism: Typologies, Intra-Party Dynamics and Three Faces of Factionalism

Françoise BoucekView all authors and affiliations
Volume 15, Issue 4
https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068809334553

Abstract

It is time to think again about the conceptualization of factionalism in political science. Following a brief review of scholarly contributions in the field, I argue that the analytical approach based on typologies and categories of subparty groups is not very useful in explaining intra-party behaviour and the process of change because, by their nature, these are static tools. Building on previous contributions to the study of factions, notably Sartori, I suggest focusing on intra-party dynamics instead of on organizational forms of faction. Factionalism should be viewed in non-exclusive terms, i.e. as a dynamic process of subgroup partitioning. It is a multifaceted phenomenon that can transform itself over time in response to incentives. Based on conclusions from case study research of factionalized parties in established democracies, I identify three main faces of factionalism: cooperative, competitive and degenerative. I suggest that the process of change may occur in a cycle that contributes to party disintegration, as illustrated by the case of the Christian Democratic Party in Italy (DC), which imploded in the mid-1990s under the centrifugal pulls of its factions.

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1.
I thank the London School of Economics William Robson Memorial Prize referees for their award and assistance in facilitating the publication of this article and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable suggestions.
2.
1 In Chapter 2, Raphael Zariski presents a summary of empirical studies of party factions during the 1960s.
3.
2 I thank Simon Hix for confirming the validity of this idea in an informal conversation.
4.
3 Hume claimed that the people may regard factions as ‘factions of principle whereas for the priests who are the prime movers, they are really factions of interest’, hence self-regarding. In contrast, factions from affection are ‘those which are founded on the different attachments of men towards particular families and persons, whom they desire to rule over them’, hence more akin to contemporary clans, networks, fiefdoms and machine politics.
5.
4 These groups included elements of Christian socialism and Catholic integralism, intellectuals from the Milan Guelfo Movimento, leaders from the Popolari party of the pre-fascist era (whose last leader had been de Gasperi), various Catholic student and trade union associations, and networks of parish priests, academics and former members of the Resistance (Leonardi and Wertman, 1989; particularly chapter 2).
6.
5 De Gasperi’s consensual style of politics also helped create a cross-party coalition government to prop up the new Italian republic in 1946.
7.
6 This cleavage remains salient in national and sub-national politics in Canada as well as inside the Liberals, as demonstrated by the enduring strength of the separatist movement in Quebec since the 1970s and the electoral success of the provincial Parti Québécois and federal Bloc Québécois and, as demonstrated by the Liberals’ fiercely contested leadership election convention in November to December 2006, when one contender, Michael Ignatieff, tried to differentiate himself from his rivals by endorsing the concept of Quebec as a nation. He was eventually installed as Liberal leader in December 2008.
8.
7 In Canada, non-majoritarian mechanisms neutralize intra-party conflict. Federalism, strong regional parties, traditional alternation of prime ministers between Canada’s two linguistic communities, a cabinet portfolio allocation system sensitive to regional interests all contribute to mediating conflict between Canada’s regions and separate communities of interest. Other contributing factors include the strong Liberal grip on Canada’s extensive patronage system and its confederal structure and intra-party arrangements which grant considerable autonomy to local associations.
9.
8 MPs had to be re-elected at least six times to be promoted to cabinet and four times to obtain a non-cabinet post (Khono, 1997: 92—6).
10.
9 Maor argues that inasmuch as factions represent semi-autonomous decentralized units of authority, they can offer bargaining advantages to senior politicians because they provide mechanisms for the diffusion of dissent (Maor, 1998). Laver and Shepsle (1996, 1999) argue, assuming parties care about policy and that factions constitute distinct groups of politicians with distinct tastes and preferences, that factions can provide parties with strategic advantages in coalition-bargaining when governments are being formed or dissolved. Then, so long as political competition is not unidimensional according to the portfolio allocation model, senior politicians within parties containing two or three factions have more flexibility (than those in less diverse parties) because they can significantly change the party’s overall policy profile by nominating different politicians as spokespersons for particular areas (Laver and Shepsle, 1996: 249).
11.
10 This self-serving calculus explains why Fanfani and Andreotti shifted positions on the issue of the governing formula during the 1970s. Fanfani shifted from left to right, while Andreotti shifted from right to left.
12.
11 DC-led governments broke up on average every nine months, often because of DC internal politics, factional defections and jockeying by faction leaders such as Fanfani and Andreotti (who was Prime Minister in no less than seven different governments).
13.
12 Segments of motorway were personally associated with individual faction leaders. The Arezzo section of the Rome—Florence autostrada was associated with Fanfani, one section near Avellino with de Mita, one highway south of Rome with Andreotti, and the autostrada from Rome to L’Aquila with Lorenzo Natali. The partially constructed autostrada in the North was named ‘PiRuBi’, based on the names of its factional sponsors Piccoli, Rumor and Bisaglia.
14.
13 The most useful reservoir of patronage was the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI), Italy’s biggest state-holding company set up under Mussolini in 1933, which had 600 holding companies covering iron and steel, shipbuilding, telecommunications and electronics, engineering, road and motorway construction, city planning, the national airline Alitalia, national broadcasting and most of the shares in Italy’s three largest banks.

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Volume 15, Issue 4
Pages: 455 - 485
Article first published online: June 19, 2009
Issue published: July 2009

Keywords

  1. factionalism
  2. intra-party politics
  3. Italy’s Christian Democrats (DC)
  4. Japan’s Liberal Democrats (LDP)
  5. Sartori

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Françoise Boucek
Queen Mary University of London, [email protected]
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