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First published August 2006

Multiple Inequalities, Intersectionality and the European Union

Mieke VerlooView all authors and affiliations
Volume 13, Issue 3
https://doi.org/10.1177/1350506806065753

Abstract

The European Union (EU), a pioneer in gender equality policies, is moving from predominantly attending to gender inequality, towards policies that address multiple inequalities. This article argues that there are tendencies at EU level to assume an unquestioned similarity of inequalities, to fail to address the structural level and to fuel the political competition between inequalities. Based upon a comparison of specific sets of inequalities (class, race/ethnicity, sexual orientation and gender), this article explores where and how structural and political intersectionality might be relevant. It argues that a ‘one size fits all’ approach to addressing multiple discrimination is based on an incorrect assumption of sameness or equivalence of the social categories connected to inequalities and of the mechanisms and processes that constitute them. Focusing on similarities ignores the differentiated character and dynamics of inequalities. It also overlooks the political dimension of equality goals. Moreover, it has become clear that attention to structural mechanisms and to the role of the state and the private sphere in reproducing inequalities is much needed. The final part of the article presents constructive ideas for a more comprehensive way of addressing multiple inequalities.

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This article resulted from a lecture in the NODE Workshop, Differentiated Equality: Theory and Politics of Antidiscrimination, CES (European Centre for Social Welfare Policy and Research), Vienna. I am extremely grateful to Dilek Cinar, Sabine Strasser, Hakan Gürses and Cornelia Klinger for very valuable comments to an earlier draft.
1. Avtar Brah and Ann Phoenix (2004) rightly point out that there has been earlier attention to the interlocking of major systems of oppression (e.g. the Combahee River Collective, 1977).
2. I take the distinction between structural and political intersectionality to be a practical distinction, especially when thinking about policy-making or the development of political (counter-) strategies. In general, I would agree with Chantal Mouffe (2000) that ‘the identity of the people must be seen as the result of the political process of hegemonic articulation’. In a conceptualization that broadens the scope to identities instead of experiences only, the distinction is less relevant.
3. Even if McCrudden warns that attempting to achieve consistency might have its own dangers.
4. In the rest of the article, I deal with race and ethnicity together since these categories, while being analytically different, often overlap in policymaking and political practice.
5. It is not that clear whether it would make sense to add the middle classes to the two distinctive positions that constitute this category. To some extent, the middle classes seem to escape class, in another way they occupy a middle position.
6. It is important not to forget that in the 19th century class differences were still seen as natural; the perception of class as a social construct is the result of the workers' movements.
7. The distinction between the three structures of labour, citizenship and intimacy is taken from the conceptual framework of the Dutch Gender Impact Assessment that investigates the various locations of the problem of gender inequality (Verloo and Roggeband, 1996).
8. See Squires (1999) for this typology. See Verloo and Pantelidou Maloutas (2005) for comparative papers on differences in the framing of gender inequality as a policy problem in Europe.
9. In fact, one could say that addressing political inequality (to paraphrase Crenshaw) as differentiated from structural inequality is what distinguishes gender mainstreaming from other strategies such as equal treatment and positive action.
10. In Table 2 I have highlighted that there are many possible positions as to the ‘right' strategy for achieving gender equality. I do not intend this to be understood as different interests connected to different identities, but as political positions that may or may not coincide with identities. In this sense, identity politics obscures political differences with categories of people sharing an identity.
11. For a conceptualization of such organized struggles, see Schmidt-Gleim and Verloo (2003).

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Published In

Volume 13, Issue 3
Pages: 211 - 228
Article first published: August 2006
Issue published: August 2006

Keywords

  1. class
  2. diversity mainstreaming
  3. ethnicity
  4. European Union
  5. gender
  6. gender mainstreaming
  7. intersectionality
  8. race
  9. sexual orientation

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Mieke Verloo
Radboud University, Nijmegen
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