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First published November 2004

Political Parties as Public Utilities

Ingrid van BiezenView all authors and affiliations
Volume 10, Issue 6
https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068804046914

Abstract

The exceptional relevance of the state in party finance in contemporary European democracies is not only of particular importance for the way in which parties organize, but also has a bearing on the normative connotations associated with the place of political parties in modern democracy. The contention of this article is that the increasingly prominent role of the state in the funding of parties should be understood in the context of, and has been legitimized by, an ideational transformation by which parties have gradually come to be seen as necessary and desirable institutions for democracy. Moreover, the direct involvement of the state in internal party affairs has contributed to a transformation of parties from the traditionally voluntary private associations towards parties as public utilities. A comparison of the practice of public funding and public control on party finance in the older liberal democracies with more recent cases of democratization shows that the newer European democracies in particular provide unequivocal testimony of such a new conception of parties and democracy.

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In addition to the two anonymous referees, I would like to thank Todd Eisenstadt, Justin Fisher, Jonathan Hopkin, Jeremy Jennings and Peter Mair for their very helpful comments on an earlier draft of this article. The usual disclaimer applies.
1 See, for example, its legislative resolution A5–0167/2001 on the proposal for a Council regulation on the statute and financing of European political parties (COM [2000] 898 – C5 – 0081/2001–2001/0011 [CNS]).
2 See, for example, the report adopted by its Commission for Democracy through Law (the Venice Commission; report CDC-INF[2001]008) or Recommendation Rec (2003[4]) of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, both containing guidelines on the financing of political parties.
3 See www.idea.int/publications/funding_parties/fpp_book.htm.
4 Amongst others, Transparency International compiles subjective corruption scores by country, published in the annual Index of Corruption Perception. See www.transparency.org/surveys/index.html#cpi.
5 Financial Times, 12 February 2003.
6 For a breakdown and more detailed analysis, see van Biezen, 2003: Ch. 8.
7 For Portugal it should be noted that the figures only cover election campaigns. The dependence of parties on public money for the financing of their party organizations is, with the exception of the Communist Party, on a similar level to that of their Spanish counterparts. Furthermore, even for the financing of elections the role of the state appears to be growing. A comparison of the 1995 and 2002 elections clearly shows an increase in importance of state subventions (from 10 to 46.1 percent) while contributions from private or voluntary fundraising declined from 50.1 to 26.4 percent.
8 Unless indicated otherwise, the comparative figures in this section are drawn from the findings of the Multidisciplinary Group on Corruption (GMC)/Working Group on the Funding of Political Parties (GMCF) of the Council of Europe, Report GMC (99) 23 Rev2, 9 June 2000. This includes an analysis of the legal frameworks of political finance in 35 of its member states and 2 observer countries, with information drawn from responses to a questionnaire. The focus of the analysis presented here is on 30 European countries, of which 13 are old democracies (Austria, Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK) and the remaining 17 are newer political regimes, including a number of so-called illiberal democracies (Albania, Croatia, Estonia, Georgia, Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Spain).
9 Table 2 only addresses the existence of limits on the amount of money that can legally be spent on party and campaign activities and excludes legal provisions regulating expenditures on certain types of activities. In the Netherlands, for example, parties are not allowed to use state funding for election campaigns but there are no limits on the amounts of party or campaign expenditure (Gidlund and Koole, 2001: 128).

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Published In

Volume 10, Issue 6
Pages: 701 - 722
Article first published: November 2004
Issue published: November 2004

Keywords

  1. democratic theory
  2. party finance
  3. party organization
  4. public funding
  5. state regulation

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Ingrid van Biezen
Department of Political Science & International Studies, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham B15 2TT, UK[email protected]
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